1. What is vertical proliferation?

Vertical proliferation is when nuclear-weapons states either increase the size of their nuclear arsenals or enhance their nuclear capabilities (NTI). Vertical proliferation could include the expansion of warhead stockpiles, the diversification of delivery systems, and related phenomena. The U.S.-Soviet arms race during is an example of vertical proliferation.

2. What is horizontal proliferation?

Horizontal proliferation is the spread of nuclear weapons to new states (NTI). North Korea’s development of nuclear weapons is an example of horizontal proliferation.

3. According to Jeffrey Lewis, what is the “grand bargain” of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT)?

Jeffrey Lewis describes the grand bargain as an agreement that the acknowledged nuclear-weapon states (NWS) under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)—the United States, Russia, United Kingdom, France, and China—will pursue disarmament in exchange for the non-nuclear-weapons states (NNWS) agreeing not to acquire nuclear weapons. An additional aspect of the grand bargain is the right of all parties, including NNWS, to access nuclear technology for peaceful purposes.

4. According to Michael Krepon and Jayita Sarkar, why did India back out of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) negotiations at the last minute?

India contested several aspects of the CTBT’s final text. The entry-into-force provision required that 44 states ratify the treaty, making its entry into force contingent upon Indian accession (Tellis, 202). India viewed this as an attempt to undermine its sovereignty. It further contended that the treaty fell short in terms of global nuclear disarmament, as the CTBT allowed for the maintenance and enhancement of existing arsenals (Ibid, 280). New Delhi also condemned the treaty as discriminatory because the Indian program needed to conduct further tests while countries such as the United States and Soviet Union no longer needed to test to ensure the reliability of their arsenals (Ibid, 201).

5. According to Zamir Akram and Pervez Hoodbhoy, which of the following is NOT an explanation as to why Pakistan is blocking Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT) negotiations?

Pakistan is blocking FMCT negotiations at the Conference of Disarmament in Geneva (Dalton and Krepon, 9). Zamir Akram argues that this is because the FMCT only restricts future production and fails to address existing stockpiles, namely India’s. Pervez Hoodbhoy argues that Pakistan is blocking negotiations due to its pursuit of more tactical nuclear weapons, which calls for an expanded fissile material stockpile. India has, in fact, agreed to commence FMCT negotiations (Ibid, 14).


6. According to Dan Markey (Lesson 4.8), what was the United States’ main strategic rationale for negotiating the Indo-U.S. nuclear deal?

Dan Markey argues that Washington’s key strategic rationale for negotiating the Indo-U.S. nuclear deal was to pursue broad geopolitical objectives. Washington viewed New Delhi as a crucial partner in “balancing” Beijing’s rising influence in the region (Bajoria and Pan), which the accord’s supporters distinguished from the unrealistic goal of “containing” China (Tellis). The Bush Administration concluded that India’s nuclearization was an irreversible fact. Therefore, nonproliferation concerns should no longer prevent the relationship from advancing. Normalizing civilian nuclear trade was considered the best way to recognize India’s potential as a strategic partner without offsetting the military balance between India and Pakistan.

On the Indian side, skeptics were concerned that the deal drew India into a subordinate relationship with the United States (Chari, 60). Proponents of the deal countered that negotiating a nuclear deal with the United States would remove the accumulated distrust from the relationship, facilitate international recognition of India as a responsible nuclear power, and provide the means for normalized civilian nuclear trade (Mohan, 219-22).

7. According to Zamir Akram, membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) should follow a ______ approach.

Zamir Akram argues that a criteria-based approach should be used to determine which states are granted membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG). Akram maintains that when certain criteria are not met – including those already identified by the NSG (NSG) – a country should not be granted membership. Many, particularly in Pakistan, have argued that a criteria-based approach is superior because it is nondiscriminatory (Mustafa, 51). This would arguably eliminate the possibility of states receiving special treatment based on global power politics (Khan, 17). Advocates of this approach argue that it would advance global nonproliferation objectives by encouraging states to conform to nonproliferation norms rather than isolating them (Ibid). Some contend that this model would enhance nuclear security by integrating Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) outliers that possess nuclear weapons into the nonproliferation regime (Ibid). Akram maintains that if an exception is made for one country, namely India, the same exception should be made for all other countries in that same category, including Pakistan.

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“What we need in this country today is more courage and more belief in the things that we have.”- Thomas J. Watson