Provincial rights

THE MQM’s constitution amendment bill filed with the National Assembly Secretariat on Monday has zeroed in on a critical area of the constitution: the balance of power between the centre and the provinces. If there is agreement among politicians of all stripes on anything, it is that the centre controls too much and the provinces too little, but 36 years since the constitution was enacted in April 1973 the issue has yet to be resolved to the satisfaction of the provinces. Most contentious is the Concurrent Legislative List in the Fourth Schedule of the constitution which detractors claim was meant to be abolished 10 years after the constitution was enacted and the legislative powers contained therein handed over exclusively to the provinces. The Zia coup ended any hope of that happening, given the preference of dictators to bypass the provinces, but neither were the civilian governments of the ’90s able to move forward on the issue. At present, every major party in parliament — the PPP, PML-N, PML-Q, MQM and ANP — has promised in its election manifesto to enhance provincial rights. In his very first speech from the floor of the National Assembly Prime Minister Gilani announced his government’s intention to abolish the Concurrent List.

Yet, the abolition of a list alone will not end the provinces’ unhappiness with the status quo. Some parties, such as the MQM and ANP, appear to want a bare-bones centre, while others, such as the PML-Q, would want the centre to retain more than defence, foreign affairs and currency. Meanwhile, Sindh may emphasise provincial control over revenue generated in each province while Balochistan may emphasise control over mineral reserves and land. Squaring all these party and provincial differences will not be easy, and will require more than depositing rival bills in parliament. A meaningful way forward would be to convene a broad-based inter-provincial committee that could thoroughly debate the issue and make recommendations to parliament. And it must be acknowledged that it is not the constitution that is deficient in every way, but its implementation in certain aspects. The Council of Common Interests, a constitutional body, has the potential to address some centre-province issues but it is dormant body that governments vow to activate but somehow never do.

To belabour a point frequently made in these columns, many of Pakistan’s problems stem from a lack of an institutional approach to governance. Setting the rules and then ensuring that the organs of the state comply with them is a two-stage process. First, the rules themselves must be thoroughly debated, an agreement developed and then framed clearly and coherently. Second, the implementation of the rules must be pursued vigorously and uniformly. Constitutional arrangements throw up vexing problems the world over, but an unsystematic approach to them guarantees never-ending unhappiness.


EMOTIONS are running high but irrational acts need not be countered by gestures of the same ilk. The rabidly right-wing Maharashtra Navnirman Sena led by Raj Thackeray may have imposed a ‘ban’ in Mumbai on books written by Pakistani authors. It may have burnt CDs featuring Pakistani musicians and warned film producers to not cast actors from the other side of Wagah. The administration of Mumbai’s Taj Mahal Palace and Trident hotels may have announced to the world that their establishments will no longer accommodate Pakistani guests. The Indian home minister, P. Chidambaram, may have threatened to isolate us globally by snapping business, transport and tourism links with Pakistan. The good cop, bad cop game being played out by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on the conciliatory end of things and the likes of Chidambaram and External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee on the other may also be in poor taste. Be that as it may, there is no reason for Pakistan to react in like manner for it can serve no constructive purpose.

A case in point is Monday’s proposal by the Senate Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting that Indian television channels be banned in Pakistan. To what end? Citizens of Pakistan don’t buy into the Indian propaganda anyway, so how will such a ban check the spread of misinformation? Then there are other factors to be considered. Indian channels that are geared towards entertainment generally provide just that — entertainment — and are watched by people here who find that sort of fare enjoyable. The Indian news channels may be biased in their presentation of the facts but what is wrong about us being able to access substandard reporting? There is no harm in a quarrel, however serious, to lend an ear to the other side’s point of view, however flawed it might be. And for those who take a hard-line view on relations with India, a case can be made that knowing your ‘enemy’ can only be beneficial.

Media-related, cultural, sporting and other people-to-people contacts must not be sacrificed at the altar of nationalistic fervour. True, the blame for the rapid deterioration of relations on the apolitical level rests largely with India. But the people of the subcontinent have everything to lose if they stop speaking to and listening to each other and travelling across the border. Only with regular people-to-people contact will Pakistanis and Indians come to appreciate once again that they have much in common, including the shared enemy that is terrorism.


THE fate of Thatta’s historical Makli necropolis, a World Heritage Site as listed by Unesco, reportedly hangs in the balance once again as the high and mighty of the neighbourhood stand accused of digging through its precincts. The alleged violation came to light three months ago, and the archaeology department was able to persuade the Thatta district authorities to conduct a new demarcation survey to delineate the necropolis protected under the Antiquities Act, 1975. A fresh media report now indicates that strings may have been pulled and the survey thwarted. As irony would have it, the alleged violator is none other than the family of the Sindh culture and tourism minister, Ms Sassui Palijo. While the minister has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing, the claim has yet to be vindicated by a government survey.

The state of neglect of tourism and of the so-called protected historical sites across the country does not paint a flattering picture. Even the ace monuments not located in the backwaters, for instance those that give the city of Lahore its historical charm, are not much in a shape to write home about. The Buddhist remains at Taxila are badly off in terms of their upkeep; those in the Swat Valley are faring far worse. The local Taliban engaged in militancy in the valley blew up a historical Buddha statue carved out of a rock by the scenic roadside along the river to all but oblivion two years ago. The fate of the remains at Butkarra near Mingora, dating back to the 2nd century BC and the two rather well-stocked museums with Buddhist-era relics at Saidu Sharif and Chakdara is unknown. Back in Sindh, Moenjodaro, too, is a victim of complete apathy on the part of the authorities concerned. Given the state of affairs, if it were not for the faithful many historical mosques might have also met with similar official disregard. While many other Muslim countries embrace and jealously guard the relics of their past, Islamic or pre-Islamic, Pakistan unfortunately lags far behind in this respect.


BICKERING about the economy has resumed, with opposition party DISY accusing the government of doing very little to tackle the looming crisis and making a mess of its forecasts. The government’s response was that it had contingency plans … if and when the need arose.

Finance Minister Charilos Stavrakis on Friday said scare-mongering was making the situation worse at a time when business confidence was low. He said we need positive talk that will boost confidence and encourage businesses to invest in new enterprises. Under the circumstances it was incredibly naïve to claim that Cyprus would not be affected by the global crisis…. Late last year, Stavrakis boasted that our economy was going against the tide…. He modified this view a few weeks later, conceding that it could be mildly affected by the economic downturn, but this did not stop him from preparing a 2009 budget based on the assumption that the economy would perform as well as the previous year and that the rate of growth would be 3.5 per cent.

It is just not enough for the finance minister to declare that he is optimistic about this year’s prospects…. As the world financial system was on the verge of total collapse, Stavrakis was declaring that Cyprus could emerge unscathed, only later admitting the blatantly obvious. His budget for 2009 indicated that he was in denial about the looming recession…. When he was challenged about his ultra-optimistic approach, he responded that ways would be found to finance the ‘social welfare’ spending…. As nothing has changed drastically since September, how did the government get its figures so wrong? Was it cooking the figures in order to justify President Christofias’ increased welfare spending which under the circumstances was abjectly irresponsible? How would this largesse be funded when … all tax revenues will be down this year — tourism arrivals will be significantly down, consumption will drop (lower VAT receipts) and property sales are set to stagnate. Add to this the exorbitant interest rates being charged by the banks….

All this suggests that the government is at a loss…. Every few weeks it seems to be changing its plans and forecasts…. At a time of economic uncertainty and looming recession, it is not ministerial wishful thinking that will reassure the business community, but the belief that the government is in control of things…. The government has failed conclusively in this respect.… it is not learning from its mistakes, as the decision to spend more than 100 million euros on army tanks this year shows.... — (Jan 11)


AT a time when we pursue ‘connectivity’ with vigour and single-mindedness, it is amazing to see how grandparents live almost beyond the range of communication in most nuclear families.

The few short hours spent with them as a Sunday ritual or even an odd annual Eid for those who live in different towns or countries has transformed this link between generations into a mere exchange of pleasantries. Within just a few decades Pakistan’s rapidly urbanising society has begun to lose the vital threads that bind generations, dialogue and family memories being among them.

The term ‘generation gap’ that explains the chasms created by time and the identity of family members with different educational and social experiences in the 21st century has to take into account the physical distance between family members located in cities in several continents. This distance that is exacerbated by the priorities of other cultures stretches beyond the miles of separation. It has left us poorer in many ways.

As a teenager in the late 1960s I once read a story that caused surprise and dismay among those my age and older. It was about how old people’s homes were gaining popularity among couples in the UK as they were no longer able to accommodate or support their elderly parents. Living separately, the grandparents often needed permission to visit grandchildren and their presents and affection were indulgences not readily permitted in a society undergoing a generational disconnect.

Almost five decades later, Pakistan too has its version of the nuclear family in which grandchildren are often deprived of a feeling of emotional and familial connectedness that only grandparents have the capacity and patience to impart. Many grandparents feel this rupture is widened by the technology-driven change that divides the 21st century human race between users of computer/cell-phone/ipod and ‘the rest’.

The 80-plus generation is often bewildered by the speed of technological change while the computer kids have no time to reflect on how ‘the rest’ have contributed to the history of inventions leading up to this digital age. So for this ‘gap’ to disappear we must wait for technology to be viewed for what it really is, a mere tool to access knowledge, before the focus can shift to the generators of knowledge, whose unfamiliarity with the digital means of knowledge-dissemination has not in any way hampered their intellectual robustness.

Ageism too has bred attitudes leading to social exclusion. While senior citizens may be given retirement privileges in developed countries they also tend to get ghettoised in special homes and geriatric wards. An obsession with de-aging drugs and surgical procedures has created a society that perceives old age as a disease to be cured and not a stage of life that should be allowed to come full circle with dignity.

The recognition of contribution and continuity lies at the centre of vitalising multiple generations within a society. Starting from the smallest social unit of a community — the family — grandparents can be valued for their unique position as the keepers of family culture and civilisational wisdom.

Ali Shariati, the Iranian thinker/scholar, in an article on the Martyrs of Karbala explains how ‘martyrdom’ leaves behind two vital legacies, blood and message. Both the symbolic and factual message and sacrifice that created Pakistan has been lost in the agenda of political compromise for six decades. This makes the personal experiences and motivation of the ‘independence’ generation even more critical. Needless to say this should go beyond the token coverage on television and the print media of national events.

In Pakistan, a country born out of resistance to oppressive colonialism and violent partition, these largely unheard narratives of the life-changing trauma of displacement and the generosity of those who received the newcomers in their new homeland were incorporated in textbooks and archives. The truth of this enriched collective memory can be a catalyst for understanding why millions of people from villagers to nawabs, intellectuals to artisans were so committed to freedom and historical change at the risk of losing material wealth and ancestral links.

While watching Obama’s victory speech and the spark of hope it lit in a nation’s eyes, one thought of the fervor that Jinnah’s words inspired. Surely the people must have felt the same palpable optimism in their future as a free people.

The texturally rich diversity of Pakistan’s culture faces the danger of conforming to urbanisation, although grandmothers as the cultural activists of every family have traditionally shouldered the responsibility of keeping knowledge alive in the consciousness of every generation. Reinforced through language, rituals and cuisine, continuity had been zealously maintained by them.

A part of this cultural memory are the writings of dissident women icons of previous generations like Ismat Chughtai and Quratulain Hyder who introduced their own brand of indigenous literature that critiqued retrogressive tradition while strengthening the essence of civilisation. Iqbal’s cathartic Shikwa and Jawab-i-Shikwa, too, need the closer attention of the generation of this new century that seeks social and religious direction. These creative interventions are important to emphasise the non-linearity of history which is not enslaved by tradition but can respond freely to issues.

For as long as we seek wisdom, which is defined as the combination of experience and knowledge with the power to apply it critically and with sagacity, it can never be ‘the end of history’ for us in Pakistan. The strands of the past continue to touch our lives through their potency and relevance. Every civilisation articulates itself through a partnership of generations committed to recognising the best in humanity and nurturing it with renewed energy.

asnaclay06@yahoo.com


CRITICISM that Britain is not doing enough to halt the violence in Gaza grows in volume the longer that the fighting continues. Anti-war activists and others demand “unequivocal condemnation” of Israel, an arms embargo and swingeing sanctions. British Jews demonstrate for and against Israel’s actions. And British Muslims warn that the government’s perceived insouciance over Palestinian deaths is enabling extremists “to spread their message”.

On the face of it, all this is a bit over-cooked. Britain no longer holds a mandate to govern the historical territory of Palestine. It cannot enforce a ceasefire or impose a settlement. If any single country now wields that sort of power, it is the US.

Defenders of Britain’s approach claim the government is doing all it can. It backed an immediate ceasefire on the day Operation Cast Lead was launched in December, they say, and has regularly repeated that demand. Through the EU, Britain also condemned Israel’s “disproportionate” use of force. Britain has been engaged throughout, at the UN and elsewhere. What is more, its clear and consistent position has been recognised as such by the Palestinian leadership and by Arab states.

There are two problems with this defence. One is that the spectre of a cornered civilian population torn to bits by modern army ordnance constitutes a deep assault on people’s moral senses, whatever the stated reason for it. From this viewpoint, government has an overriding moral duty to intercede to stop the daily slaughter.

The second is more political. A series of apparently tough, resolute statements by the British prime minister, Gordon Brown, his foreign secretary, David Miliband, and others has given the impression, perhaps accidently, that Britain has more leverage than is actually the case.

On December 29, two days into the Israeli assault, Brown said he was “deeply concerned”, told Hamas to stop firing rockets, and urged Israel to meet its “humanitarian obligations”. His exhortations were totally ignored.

On January 4, Brown said the crisis had reached a “dangerous moment” and for the first time personally called for an “immediate ceasefire”. On January 6, Brown’s dangerous moment became the “darkest moment”; Gaza was facing a “humanitarian crisis”, he said. On January 9, he urged the world to build on the UN’s ceasefire resolution. But each intervention was greeted with more gunfire and rockets — the Gaza equivalent of a giant raspberry.

In a speech last year, seen as defining his tenure, Miliband warned Britain must be cautious about its capacity to change the world. “But while we have less influence than we might hope, we have more than we might fear,” he said.

As the blood flows and the outrage grows, critics say Britain is not only not doing enough — but has failed to use the not inconsiderable levers of powers that, by its own estimation, it still retains. Post-imperial decline does not fully explain this omission. And nor is it all the government’s fault. It may have more to do with a collective failure of national confidence to act.

— The Guardian, London

__________________
Regards,
P.R.