LG challenge
IN the main, local governments are in existence in Pakistan for two reasons. One, the elected political class as a whole inserted a clause in the Constitution via the 18th Amendment requiring that LG systems be established in the provinces and calling for the devolution of “political, administrative and financial responsibility and authority to the elected representatives of the local governments” (Article 140A).
Two, the Supreme Court indefatigably pursued the matter of the provinces holding LG elections. The ambivalence of the major political parties to hold LG polls and meaningfully transfer power to LGs can be gauged from the relatively scant treatment of the subject in the 2013 manifestos.
The PPP and PML-N essentially glossed over the subject of LGs, while the PTI, which did go on to transfer significant responsibilities and powers to LGs in KP, pledged to hold LG elections within 100 days, a promise that was not kept.
In 2018, the challenges on the LG front remain significant.
Complicating the matter, though allowing for comparisons among the major political parties, is that the current LG systems were brought into existence by four different political governments in the four provinces.
If there is a transfer of power at the provincial level to a different political party or coalition following the 2018 general election, the future of local government in that province will depend on the provincial governing party’s commitment to the democratic project.
Certainly, the PTI has demonstrated that it is head and shoulders above the other major parties in its commitment to meaningful reforms at the local level.
In KP, the LG system is, on paper and in practice so far, forward-thinking and innovative. The extension of franchise to the village and neighbourhood level, including the funnelling of significant powers and monies to village councils and neighbourhood councils, is unprecedented. Mandating that at least 30pc of the provincial development government be transferred to LGs is historic.
The execution of LGs in KP has not been without its problems. Monitoring the functioning of village and neighbourhood councils has proved difficult in practice; a relative lack of expertise and capacity at the local level has limited utilisation of LG powers and duties; and the provincial financial commission and LG commission have not been as active as they ought to be.
Yet, the problems pale in comparison to Punjab and Sindh, where LGs have arguably been structured to fail or certainly remain wholly dependent on the provincial set-ups.
Remarkably, lacunae in the Punjab and Sindh LG systems allow for Punjab to dissolve LGs by notification before the expiry of its term while the Sindh law does not automatically require the holding of the next LG polls after the completion of the current term.
Meanwhile, Balochistan may have been the first provincial government to hold a round of LG elections, but with overall governance structures in the province in a shambles and a security environment that is virtually inimical to civilian administration, there is little welcome news from there.
More positively, the very fact that LGs exist in all four provinces and each of the major political parties has experience with drafting and implementing LG systems suggests the general election could be an opportunity for the major political parties to put forward improvements to the LG systems and for voters at the provincial level to demand improvements at the LG level.
The PTI is perhaps best positioned to carry the debate forward on LG; the positive LG example the party has set may encourage other parties to follow suit.
Mosques’ closure
ACROSS Europe, over the past several years far-right governments have either taken power in a number of states, or are knocking at the gates. Though rightist forces are on the march in many parts of the world, and not just Europe, there are numerous factors fuelling this trend on the continent. These include the flood of refugees making a beeline for Europe, as well as militant attacks. These factors have heightened fear of the ‘other’, particularly the Muslim ‘other’, and Islamophobia has been rapidly gaining ground in such an environment. One example of state-backed efforts to counter ‘radical’ Islam emerged recently when Austria’s right-wing government announced it was shutting down seven mosques and expelling a number of imams for links with “political Islam”. In an ominous sign, the Austrian vice chancellor has said “this is just the beginning”. Turkey, which supports many mosques in Austria, has termed the move “Islamophobic, racist and discriminatory”.
Indeed in Europe and other mainly non-Muslim regions, radical elements have used mosques to spread extremist ideas. However, sweeping moves against places of worship without solid evidence are unacceptable. If European or other Western states have concrete evidence that a certain mosque is being used by extremist elements, they should proceed as per the law. But witch hunts against those peacefully practising their religion are not acceptable, especially given Europe’s recent history and its flirtation with fascism. It is a fact that many in the far right have a problem with the Islamic faith itself, and not with radicalism. If Europe claims to respect diversity and fundamental rights, then it must stand up to such parochial moves against a certain faith or community. It is also true that the followers of all faiths are free to live as they wish in Europe. These values must be preserved while the rightist march must be checked.
Women’s Fiction Prize
WINNING accolades at home and globally, Pakistani women’s contribution to the arts, technology, science and sport, among other areas should be a matter of pride for the country. Last week, author Kamila Shamsie clinched the prestigious Women’s Prize for Fiction, open to female writers from around the world, for her seventh novel, Home Fire. Acclaimed by judges for its mastery over theme and form, the novel tells “the story of our times”, which is of a British Muslim family’s connection to the militant Islamic State group. Ms Shamsie has ambitiously worked with themes such as identity, politics, loyalty and love in this novel. Moreover, as a London-based émigré writer, Ms Shamsie is well aware of what it means to be British (she has written about the travails of obtaining citizenship), especially at a time when the debate around identity and multiculturalism are overwhelming European politicians. The novel is a winner because it delves into such contemporary concerns with sympathy and understanding to humanise a political story.
While as a nation we should be swelling with pride at the achievements of our women, this important literary win reminds us that we often defer to patriarchy’s damaging whims and accept as true ludicrous controversies to take a jab at successful women. Although feted abroad as the country’s ambassadors, Oscar-winning filmmaker Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy and Nobel Peace Prize winner and education activist Malala Yousafzai, for instance, are targeted viciously at home by certain right-wing elements. Surely, celebrating their strengths as cultural and education activists, and appreciating the many other women artists and writers documenting important stories of our times would motivate aspiring young people to follow their dreams.
Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn, June 11th, 2018