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Default Jinnah’s commitment to principles

Jinnah’s commitment to principles
By Prof Sharif al Mujahid
Dawn,2005

DURING his long political career, spanning some forty-four years (1904-48), Jinnah donned several roles. But whatever the mantle he donned, Jinnah stood steadfast by certain well-defined principles. Since these principles are inspired by an element of universal truth, transcending both time and place, they are relevant to contemporary Pakistan as well, and may well serve as a beacon to guide us to the destiny envisaged by the founder.

What, then, are the core principles he believed in and stood for? First, he stood for clean, honest and untainted politics. In his day, politics had not become “the last refuge of a scoundrel”, nor the scourge of the masses, nor a metaphor for corruption galore. Unlike latter day politicians, Jinnah considered politics as a means of serving the community and the country, and not as a means of amassing wealth.

This reminds one of an anecdote narrated by Khasa Subba Roo, former editor of the Indian Express. About the turn of the century, when Jinnah had established himself at the bar, he was asked why he had not entered politics as was the wont with successful lawyers at the time. His reply was characteristic of the man who would later be acknowledged as the most incorruptible politician in the country. He said that he was awaiting the day when he had saved enough — and he named a figure, considered enormous at the time — to afford to involve himself in politics with a clean conscience since he did not want to live off, nor make a profession of, politics. And all through his life, he spent his own personal funds to finance his political activities (including travel, boarding and lodging).

It was again characteristic of Jinnah and his sense of self-respect that when the Muslim League was blamed for the failure of the Shimla Conference in 1945, he refused the hospitality of the Government of India, not only for himself but for the entire Muslim League Working Committee (which had met for consultations and stayed at Hotel Cecil, Shimla) and got the entire expenses paid by the members themselves. Again, as Governor-General, he cancelled the orders for a Lincoln limousine and for an aircraft because he felt that Pakistan could not afford to pay for them. (But today, even chief ministers, despite their provinces’ financial insolvency, are purchasing aircraft for their use out of public money, with impunity).

Second, he believed in democratic ideals, in a democratic approach, in a democratic dispensation. He stood for political toleration, for an honest difference of opinion, and for observing the rules of the game. At the Allahabad session (1942), for instance, he allowed the Working Committee and Council members to speak out their minds, even if it be against him. And Maulana Hasrat Mohani exercised that right to the hilt.

Third, Jinnah stood for consensual politics and for participation of the masses. Although the Lahore Resolution was passed on March 23, 1940, he did not make the goal set out in it as the supreme objective of the Muslim League until he found that it represented the will of the Indian Muslims. Again about Muslim India’s yearning and aspirations, even in the height of the struggle for Pakistan, he would say: “We want the verdict of the electorate, such as it is constituted, of Muslims, whether they want Pakistan or whether they want to live here as an abject minority under the Hindu Raj...” A week earlier he had declared, “... if the Muslim verdict is against Pakistan. I will stand down” (Quetta, October 10, 1945).

Fourth, Jinnah believed that the battle for freedom should be fought on the floor of the assembly rather than on streets. He also felt that the government should practise democratic norms, observe rules of the game, and should abstain from taking recourse to draconian measures which may push the opposition to the wall. That is why he resigned from the Imperial Council on the adoption of the Rowlatt Bill (1919).

Fifth, Jinnah believed that the legislature, the judiciary and the press, along with the executive, constitute the four pillars of the state. He believed in the autonomy of the legislature, the judiciary and of the press. He considered the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan to be a completely “sovereign body” (by the same token, the National Assembly in present-day Pakistan should be the supreme legislative body). In 1948 a provincial government wanted Jinnah’s consent for an ordinance a few days before the legislature was due to meet. He refused, saying that it would tantamount to bypassing the legislature.

Sixth, Jinnah believed in the sanctity of the vote, and always exhorted his audience to exercise their right of vote the way they liked, but with caution and on the basis of principles they believed in. During the critical elections of 1945-46, he said, “Your votes in favour of the Muslim League candidates are not for... individuals but... for Pakistan.”

But even in those elections he spurned with disdain offers of opponents to withdraw for a consideration. When, for instance, Abdur Rahman Siddiqui brought in an offer from Hasan Ispahani’s opponent in Calcutta to withdraw on payment (merely) of his deposit money of Rs250, Jinnah said. “Pay money? Indirectly bribe a candidate to withdraw? No, never. Tell him at once that his offer is rejected. Hasan will fight him.”

Likewise, during the crucial Sindh elections in December 1946, when he was approached for sanctioning a further sum of Rs50,000 for the campaign, Jinnah told G. Allana “in a firm tone”: “But remember one thing. I don’t want you to pay a single rupee to any voter as bribe to vote for us... I prefer defeat to winning election by adopting dishonest and corrupt means.” (the present day politicians who swear by him, perhaps, as a routine exercise, would do well to remember the Quaid’s obiter dicta on the purchase of legislators, candidates and voters).

All through his life Jinnah stood for the freedom of the Press. On many an occasion in the Indian central legislature he pleaded the cause of press freedom. Thus, on September 19, 1918, he called upon the government to “protect those journalists who are doing their duty and are serving both the public and the government by criticizing the government freely, independently, honestly — which is an education for any government.” During the Pakistan struggle he had often called for counsel, advice, even criticism: “If I go wrong or, for that matter, the League goes wrong in any direction or in its policy or programme, I want you to criticize it openly as its friends...” This means that he believed in freedom with responsibility.

Jinnah believed in the supremacy of the law and condemned the abridgement of constitutional and civic rights. In raising his voice against such abridgement, he made no difference between friend and foe, between one community and another. For instance, he protested against the interment of Annie Basant (1917), the Ali Brothers (1914), the detention without trial of Sarat Chandra Bose (1935) and Vithablbhai Patel (1931), and the promulgation of Rowlatt Bill (1919). He believed that “no man should lose his liberty or be deprived of his liberty without a judicial trial in accordance with the accepted rules of evidence and procedure”; he stood for extending powers to the judiciary instead of to the administration, and for a separation between these two pillars of the state.

Though he was the founder and head of the state, Jinnah refused to forestall the shape of the Pakistan constitution. He was, however, confident that “it will be of a democratic type, embodying the essential principles of Islam.”

As the discussion above clearly indicates, Jinnah’s principles and pronouncements are extremely relevant to today’s Pakistan. In present-day conditions, the mere fact that the masses have, by and large, stood by them over the decades seems to matter little. What does really matter, however, is what those at the apex of the social and political pyramid do. After all, if charity should begin at home, reform must necessarily begin at the top.
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