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Old Tuesday, March 23, 2010
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Obama’s Asia policy


Islamabad should pay heed to significant changes in the way Asia is being looked at by Washington.


By Shahid Javed Burki
Tuesday, 23 Mar, 2010


NO two American presidents could be as different in their view of the world as George W. Bush and Barack Obama. That the latter succeeded the former makes this change all the more interesting to watch.
One of the major differences is the way the two view Asia. China is at the centre of the difference between these two heads of the American state.

There is now a consensus among Asia watchers that the 21st century is shaping up to be Asia’s century. Sometime in 2010, China will overtake Japan as the second largest economy in the world. It has already overtaken Germany as the world’s largest exporting nation. President Bush and his advisors saw this coming but were fearful of China’s rise.

In the summer of 2002 as the Americans were preparing to observe the first anniversary of the terrorist attacks of Sept 11, 2001, the Bush White House issued an extraordinary policy statement. It stated openly that Washington would not be prepared to share with any nation its status as the world’s premier economic and military power.

In case it was challenged, it would be prepared to take whatever action was required to preserve its pre-eminent position. It was clear that the statement was primarily aimed at China, a country that was rising fast both economically and militarily. The Bush administration quickly translated this policy into action by vigorously courting India as a country that could provide balance to China’s rapidly increasing strength. It proposed an agreement with India that would give the latter the status of a nuclear power in return for some minimal safeguards.

When Pakistan asked for something similar, Islamabad was told bluntly that it was not quite ready to be given that status. Under any other leader, the Indians may not have been that eager to sign off on the deal. But in Prime Minister Manmohan Singh they had a person with a strong western bias. He used all the political capital he had to get the Indian parliament’s approval for the US offer even though the opposition opposed it bitterly.

The Bush approach was a throwback to an earlier period. In the 1950s, Washington signed a series of defence pacts to create a ring around the Soviet Union and China. Pakistan was wooed then as a partner in that particular enterprise. This time it was India that had to be recruited as a supporter.

President Obama with a strong Asian background came to office with a very different world view. This was articulated clearly and eloquently during his first official visit to Asia in November last year. In a major address delivered in Tokyo, he said that he would seek to work with China to create a global order that would bring peace and prosperity.

Unlike his predecessor, he had no problem in sharing the world stage with another great power, especially China. He chose to give this message in the Japanese capital in order to emphasise that the previous American approach towards Asia that centred on a deep relationship with Tokyo had served its purpose. It was now time to move on to another phase in which Beijing would be a serious US partner.

This fundamental shift in approach troubled several constituencies in the United States. The powerful India lobby was highly agitated as it saw a troubling shift in Washington’s attention. The American right that had so thoroughly dominated policymaking during the Bush period was also concerned. It continued to believe that America should not so easily surrender its position as the apex power in the international order. It favoured not only India as a more acceptable partner, it also began to put forward Indonesia as a country that would serve the American purpose.

Jakarta was the most important stop for President Obama on his second visit to Asia originally scheduled for March 18 but now postponed to June. There was plenty of advice given to the American leader by the think tanks on the right of the political spectrum. “Mr Obama’s trip should lay to rest questions about his goals in Asia,” wrote Michael Auslin of the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) in The Wall Street Journal. The AEI had provided several policymakers to the Bush administration and had accommodated them once there was a change of government in Washington. The conservative agenda is clear. Also clear is the way the conservatives believe Washington should conduct itself in Asia. They don’t agree with the Obama position that the time has come for the United States to have China become a coequal. Instead they would like the United States to recruit a number of Asian countries as members of its team.

Containment of China is not mentioned as the main purpose of this strategy but that is what it amounts to. Obama should “signal a new commitment to supporting liberal regimes and maintaining America’s crucial role in the Pacific. Mr Obama should not seek to maintain the status quo but should unveil a bold agenda in Indonesia and Australia to use American resources to work with Asian nations to enhance maritime security, spread best standards in business and industry, reduce corruption and strengthen human rights and civil society. He should announce a new strategic relationship with Indonesia, whose goal is to overcome its reluctance to work more closely with Washington”, Auslin continued in his article.

At the same time the overtures made to India by President Bush should not be allowed to go to waste. It is proposed that Washington should convene a “liberty and prosperity roundtable” to be held annually. “For Washington this would be a way to reinvigorate America’s half-century alliance with Japan, to encourage South Korea to play a regional role commensurate with its economic standing and to further cement ties with India and its neighbours.”Islamabad is perhaps too preoccupied with the war against terrorism to take note of these significant changes in the way Asia is being looked at by Washington. It needs to pay heed.
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