Pakistanis scaled the political Mount Everest on May 11, when they came out in large numbers to vote for the next federal and provincial governments in the first-ever constitutional transition of power from one elected government to another. According to the unofficial results, Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N) has a clear lead in the National Assembly by winning more than 130 seats just short of 136 seats required for attaining a majority. The PML-N is going to easily attain the majority in the remainder of the few seats whose results have yet to be announced.
The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) has fared quite well and with 36 National Assembly seats has emerged as the second largest political party of the country. The Pakistan People's Party (PPP), the outgoing ruling party of the country, has been routed and could manage only 32 seats, mostly from Sindh. However, it is also important to note that the PML-N has almost its entire mandate from the Punjab.
Insofar as the impact of the 2013 general elections is concerned, it is unprecedented in many respects. First, the turnout in the elections was by far the biggest in the country's electoral history. This means many things. On the one hand it shows the confidence of the people in the country's democratic institutions and political process and think of them as a panacea to the multifarious problems they are facing. This is a healthy development, as the solution to all problems lies in strong political institutions.
On the other hand, people also voted in such a large number on May 11, because they had become fed up of the numerous and unending problems like the economic meltdown, terrorism, energy crisis and so on. In this context, their confidence in the electoral and political process could be transient. Thus, if this time too, the political system and the political parties, particularly the ruling ones, fail to address the nagging problems and grievances, the people would have left with no other option but to overthrow the entire system. An important aspect of these elections is that most of the people unexpectedly have voted for the PML-N, not out of the appeal of the party leadership comprising of the Sharif brothers or appeal of the party manifesto. Instead, the people have given a majority to the PML-N so that the party could immediately solve their problems. The people did not vote largely for the PTI as expected, as in their view, the PML-N leadership has more capacity to solve their and the country's issues which have made their lives unliveable and has posed existential threat to the very survival of the state. This would keep a very strong pressure on the PML-N and its leadership to deliver, as otherwise it will have to face political oblivion very much as is the situation faced by the PPP and its ally, the Awami National Party (ANP).
Another very important feature of the May 11 elections was that for the first time a large number of members of the urban and educated class come to the polling stations and took part in the government election process. This could be ascertained by visiting polling stations and talking with the voters waiting in queues to cast their ballots. The participation of the urban and educated people in a sizable number in the electoral process has increased the credibility of the process manifold. Because previously the elections in Pakistan, had been the preserve of the rural and illiterate class, whose members had been casting votes virtually en bloc on the dictates of their feudal lords or direction of the local notables or influentials without the former knowing the significance and impact of their voting.
Additionally, for the first time, a large number of youths between the ages of 18-40, the age-group which also formed the largest chunk of the eligible voters, came to the polling stations to vote. The credit for the participation of a large number of urban, educated and young voters goes, undoubtedly, to the PTI and its chairman Imran Khan. Khan's extremely attractive slogan of 'New Pakistan' as well as the demonstrable qualities and ability of delivering on promises, pulled this class to the polling stations. However, they could not translate their vote into a victory for the PTI nationally. This is largely because the dynamics of the traditional Pakistani electoral landscape remains widely intact, although there were some modifications. But the PTI programme really worked in KP, where the PTI virtually swept the heartland of the province, that is the Peshawar valley, the cluster of several important administrative districts.
For the PTI to emerge as the second largest party, both in terms of National Assembly seats it has won and the number of votes it got, is a huge achievement. It will have wholesome effects not only on the PTI as a real political force to reckon with, but on the entire political culture of the country. The entrance of a new political actor in the corridors of power, and political institutions collectively, would put pressure on the ruling party, which in this case would be the PML-N. The PML-N, on its part, despite the loopholes and flaws in our political system and culture, would try its utmost to deliver and in this way the problems of the people and the issues of the state would get solved. Consequently, the people's confidence in the political system, particularly political parties, would get reinforced.
It is important to note that the May 11 elections took place in an environment of extreme fear and insecurity as there were threats of large-scale terrorist attacks on the voters and the process from the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Fortunately, the group could not launch many attacks on the polling day; still, around 50 people lost their lives in the election-related violence. The TTP had threatened to attack the outgoing ruling parties particularly the ANP, as well as the PPP and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM). These parties also came under repeated attacks from the TTP and lost several of their members. However, the excuse the ANP and the PPP are making that their electoral rout has been due to denial of a 'level-playing field', is a lame excuse. Because these parties had been claiming that they had performed 'exceptionally' and they would contest the May 11 elections on the basis of that performance. Thus, they did not need any electoral campaign at all save some media exercise to inform the public about their performance.
A very striking feature of the mandate which the PML-N has got, and alluded to earlier, is that it is almost entirely from the Punjab. Thus, if the PML-N forms the government without help from any other party, this would be questioned. There are also substantial allegations from different contesting parties and candidates of electoral fraud. Nevertheless, elections were a most important development in Pakistan, and hopefully, they will be for a genuine and irreversible democracy.

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