02.07.2013 Realisation dawns: PTI’s call for anti-terrorism plan
AS the sprawling militancy and terrorism complex continues to rain down violence across Pakistan, a slight shift in political perceptions was witnessed on Sunday when PTI chief Imran Khan called for a joint civil-military strategy to fight terrorism. Until now, Mr Khan has talked more about drones and talks with the TTP than about the threat that militancy poses to the stability and security of Pakistan. But with the PTI’s government in KP rocked by a series of attacks in the province and violence in other parts of the country continuing unabated — in addition to Peshawar, Quetta and North Waziristan also suffered serious attacks on Sunday — there is perhaps the beginnings of a realisation within the PTI that the internal threat is real and serious and can only be countered by a firm resolve and coherent plan. So while Mr Khan did repeat on Sunday his standard trope of a ‘political settlement’, he appeared to acknowledge, by seeking the input of the army chief via the prime minister, that a military response is also part of the overall solution.
Perhaps in seeking the input of the army chief, Mr Khan and the other politicians who seem to discount the threat of militancy will be able to get a clearer picture on the scope and magnitude of the danger. While the right-wing political parties may prefer to focus on conspiracies and exaggerated external threats because of expediency or perhaps even out of sympathy for the militants’ explicit goal of overthrowing the state and replacing it with a severe so-called Islamic model, there is a sense that mainstream centrist and right-of-centre politicians do so largely because they are ignorant of the facts. After all, until returning to power in Islamabad last month, the PML-N leadership had been out of the national security loop for more than a decade — in which much has changed on the security front. And Mr Khan had been a fringe, or non-existent, parliamentary figure until the recent elections — meaning his knowledge of the threat that militancy poses will have been accumulated almost entirely outside official channels. An authoritative briefing by the leader of the institution on the frontline in the fight against militancy could do a world of good for the present political leadership of the country.
Drones and the possibility of talks eventually with elements of the TTP can be part of the overall, long-term strategy to fight militancy — but first, clarity is needed on what the threat of militancy means for Pakistan.
Economic revival: Cameron’s offer
THE main focus of British Prime Minister David Cameron’s visit to Islamabad was on encouraging Pakistan’s new political leadership to cooperate with Afghanistan to facilitate the Doha initiative. Mr Cameron correctly observed that “a stable, prosperous, peaceful, democratic Afghanistan is in Pakistan’s interests, just as a strong, stable, peaceful, prosperous, and democratic Pakistan is in Afghanistan’s interests”. Mr Cameron also used his visit, the first by any foreign head of government since the PML-N took over last month, to remind the Pakistani leadership that the battle against terrorism “requires a tough and uncompromising security response”. It should, however, be appreciated that he also realised that several other measures were needed to boost the efforts against militancy. These included “countering extremism and radicalisation, investing in education, tackling poverty, dealing in all the issues that can fuel extremism and radicalisation”.
Mr Cameron was eager to provide technical support to Islamabad to shore up its security response to terrorism and he pledged his government’s willingness to help it in the revival of its economy; without the latter terrorism cannot be effectively combated. He vowed to revise upward the bilateral trade target from £2.5bn to £3bn by 2015 and support Pakistan’s quest for greater, duty-free market access for its goods to the European Union. Importantly, the second annual Pakistan-UK trade conference is to be held later in London where among other areas, the energy sector must get the much-needed emphasis. Pakistan’s efforts in the war against militancy cannot be overstated. Thousands of Pakistani lives have been lost and the country’s economy has been badly affected. They may not be the only factors, but a deteriorating economy and rising poverty are major contributors to the increase in radicalisation in the country. Extremism cannot be curbed through the use of force alone. The effort needs to be diversified with improvements in sectors such as education and health and with the provision of jobs. The world should realise that a stable Afghanistan needs a stable Pakistan. Mr Cameron is well-placed to drive the message home.
After the revolution: Anti-Morsi demonstrations
DISILLUSIONMENT with revolution is a universal phenomenon, so is the jealousy with which every revolution guards itself. That the hopes of the Egyptians have not been realised since Hosni Mubarak’s ouster goes without saying. President Mohammed Morsi’s government has failed to address any of the problems that had led to the Tahrir Square uprising. Mr Morsi has accumulated more powers than he should, the economy is in tatters — tourism has especially been hit — and he has behaved in a way that has often aroused judicial wrath and annoyed the media. But Egypt is not the only Arab country where the fall of dictators has been followed by restlessness among large segments of the masses who feel they have been denied the fruits of revolution. This restlessness may be justified, but it must be seen against the backdrop of the legacy of decades of authoritarian rule.
Whether it was Ben Ali, Muammar Qadhafi, Ali Abdullah Saleh or Hosni Mubarak, the strongmen had lent phony stability to their states by crushing all opposition and silencing the media. While the liberals went into hibernation, Islamist parties used the time to organise themselves, spread their message and extend relief services to the deprived. This helped them both during the agitation for democratic reforms and at the polls. As elections results show, Islamist parties have become a major force in electoral politics in these countries. President Morsi’s mistakes are many, and he has yet to indicate he accepts pluralism. Nevertheless, the dissidents must realise that he is a democratically elected ruler. While protest is their right, they have no moral authority to seek his ouster through violent means, such as yesterday’s attack on the Muslim Brotherhood headquarters in Cairo, and create conditions that may tempt the army to abort Egypt’s nascent democracy.