13-07-2013


Hard questions National: security policy

AS optics and perceptions go, it was a significant gesture. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif himself making the short trip across Islamabad to the headquarters of the organisation, the ISI, that nominally reports to him underscored Mr Sharif’s intention to try and improve in both substance and form the historically fraught civil-military relationship. Now that the prime minister has decided to turn his attention from the energy crisis to the security crisis, the real challenge has begun. In essence, the problem is two-fold. One, the state must methodically bring to an end the era of non-state actors systematically operating from and controlling pockets of Pakistani soil. Two, civilian supremacy over the armed forces and its intelligence apparatus must be established, and, flowing from that, national security and foreign policy must be turned into a civilian-led domain.

To begin that long process, Mr Sharif has embarked on a round of consultations that will in all likelihood lead to a multi-party summit on national security and counterterrorism policy. If that sounds reasonable enough in theory, the problem is that the path that has to be walked has been known for a long time. Will the prime minister have the political will to set definite goals and then task his subordinates to do what it takes to achieve them? And, for all the army’s protestations that it genuinely wants to work together with the civilian leadership, what level of subordination will it be willing to accept in which policy areas? Sensibly, though, the prime minister and his circle of advisers appear to have honed in on two areas for immediate reforms: the police and intelligence coordination. Both are significant to securing the cities and rooting out shadowy terrorist networks that may plan their attacks in remote parts of the country but focus on the urban centres for maximal publicity of their cause and psychological damage.

Nevertheless, at the core of the state contradiction is a civil-military imbalance that must — yes, must — be righted. Anything less and the country is unlikely to get the security-centric policy it actually needs and arguably deserves. Mr Sharif has the mandate and does appear to take the issue of national security seriously. But consultations and summits and meetings cannot be a substitute for meaningful policy. That must come from Mr Sharif’s office, and relatively soon. And to truly deal with militancy, terrorism and extremism, the prime minister cannot keep his home province, Punjab, out of bounds. A national policy must touch all parts of the country.


Post-devolution challenge: CCI’s importance

WHILE the Council of Common Interests did hold fairly regular meetings during the last government’s tenure, the forum recently constituted by the new government must continue to meet frequently considering the gamut of subjects confronting it as the process of devolution continues. In the post-devolution era, the importance of the CCI, a constitutionally mandated body tasked with formulating and regulating policies on subjects in the second part of the Federal Legislative List, has increased. After the passage of the 18th Amendment several grey areas remain regarding which subjects are purely federal matters, which fall under the provincial domain and which require a collaborative approach between the centre and the federating units.

With the rise of terrorism — arguably the nation’s biggest problem — increased coordination is needed between the provinces and Islamabad. Apart from terrorism, many key issues require uniformity in state policy. For example, water, more specifically the judicious sharing of it, especially between Sindh and Punjab, has the potential to become a major cause of provincial disharmony. Similarly, while Thar coal may fall under Sindh’s jurisdiction, the electricity that will potentially be produced from it will be added to the national grid. Power and gas distribution are also areas that can cause critical disagreements among provinces unless a clear consensus over their fair usage exists, while gas exploration also needs to be speeded up. Then there is health; while it is a provincial subject, greater coordination is essential when it comes to national-level programmes such as the anti-polio drive and the control of infectious diseases. There was considerable acrimony between Sindh and the federal government after the recent measles epidemic, with both sides accusing each other of mismanagement. In short, any subject that will have an impact beyond provincial borders can come under the CCI’s purview. The council’s scope can be expanded to include counterterrorism and the CCI can be used to coordinate national-level policies and mediate disputes that crop up between the centre and the provinces, or between provinces.


Unlawful behaviour: FIR registration

ISLAMABAD is riveted by a court case involving the head honchos of the KP and Islamabad police. In May, a woman died in Peshawar while visiting her parents. The same day, her estranged husband’s father Bani Amin, the inspector general of police in Islamabad, had a case registered in the capital. But after some weeks of silence, the deceased’s mother approached the Supreme Court, accusing her own husband and son of killing her daughter. The court took the Islamabad police to task for registering a case in Islamabad when the death happened in Peshawar, forcing Mr Amin to argue that he had been left with no choice as the Peshawar police had refused to register the case — ostensibly under pressure from the deceased’s family. Now thanks to the Supreme Court’s intervention an FIR has been registered in Peshawar and the victim’s brother and sister-in-law have been arrested.

The high-profile case has once again highlighted the state of the police in Pakistan. Politicisation, corruption and nepotism are now so intrinsically linked to the law-enforcement personnel that hardly an eyebrow was raised on the inappropriate and illegal behaviour of the police in Peshawar and Islamabad. The discussion focused on the unnatural death and the motives behind it. It has brought home once again the problems ordinary citizens face simply getting FIRs and complaints registered with a force that only springs into action to do the bidding of the rich and the powerful. It no longer functions as an institution established to uphold the law and serve the people. How can a society function properly and develop respect for the law when people have to approach the highest court in the country to get an FIR registered — let alone ensure that the investigations will be carried out?