Pak-India dialogue
IN the midst of jingoism and false bravado, it can be difficult to remain restrained, sensible — and diplomatic.
But despite New Delhi’s excessive brinkmanship and emotional calls within Pakistan to respond in the same manner, the Foreign Office continues to hew to a measured and dialogue-driven approach towards India.
So not only is the prime minister’s adviser on foreign affairs, Sartaj Aziz, set to visit Amritsar next week for a Heart of Asia conference, but Pakistan’s high commissioner to India Abdul Basit has let it be known that the foreign adviser’s schedule is flexible and that if bilateral talks are made a possibility, Mr Aziz could extend his daylong trip if necessary.
In continuing to keep the door to dialogue open in the face of blatant rejection by India and somewhat strong opposition at home, the government is doing the politically difficult but diplomatically necessary thing.
What remains to be seen is how India reacts. The signs are not good at the moment, but the possibility of a surprise change in attitude should not be ruled out.
Unhappily, India seems to be more in a mood to test Pakistan’s resolve and to try and find chinks in its diplomatic armour internationally.
After Prime Minister Narendra Modi declined to attend a heads of government Saarc summit in Islamabad, the Indian diplomatic machine went into overdrive to play up other withdrawals from the summit and suggest that Pakistan is isolated regionally.
But that is not the case and perhaps India should consider that it has drifted further away from its original goals.
Indeed, given India’s long-standing demand for a completion of the 2008 Mumbai attacks-related investigation and trials in Pakistan and the progress that was made on the Pathankot probe earlier this year, it ought to be apparent that slamming the door shut on dialogue will see little progress even in areas where both sides have long pledged to cooperate.
The Heart of Asia conference would be a welcome forum in which to pick up the threads of bilateral dialogue because security, economic and political cooperation in the region are at its core objectives, while Afghanistan is a country that Pakistan and India need to have an open dialogue about.
While Mr Modi has shown alacrity in trying to whip up domestic support for electoral purposes, he has proven himself to be an unexpectedly positive risk-taker externally. After all, it was last Christmas that the Indian prime minister briefly stopped in Lahore on his way back to New Delhi from Kabul.
A handshake with a visiting senior Pakistani official should not be impossible a mere 11 months later.
Arguably, given Mr Modi’s own hawkish bent, now is the time for another opening: if Mr Modi believes the Pakistani military dictates India policy, then why not see what a new chief has in mind first?
Consensus on economy
THE Pakistan Business Council has issued a call for a national consensus on economic matters which merit detailed attention from the political leadership. As the government celebrates its achievements on the economic front, more and more voices are pointing out that the real work on the economy needs to begin now. The PBC points out that neglect of the domestic industry must be addressed, and capacity building and reforms at the FBR are necessary for a more meaningful revival of growth and a robust revenue effort that will broaden the tax base rather than burden compliant taxpayers further. Appeals for a consensus on a core set of economic reforms have been sounded in the past as well, such as the famous effort to have a charter of economy. The PBC’s call for a consensus is much less ambitious than that, and for that reason perhaps more practical.
Some of the demands of the business community are impossible to meet, such as one window through which business can interact with government. But other demands are far more practical, such as the simplification of tax returns and the rationalisation of tax policy so that the growing burden being placed on compliant businesses can be mitigated. The super tax, for instance, has been pointed out by numerous business leaders as an arbitrary and ad hoc measure that ought to have been eliminated this July, but was instead renewed for another year, with all indications that it will now become a permanent feature. Arbitrary and ad hoc revenue policy of this sort, in the face of growing expenditure requirements, whether for security or infrastructure, dampen the growth engine and defeat the purpose of massive public investments that are designed to kick-start growth. Future growth cannot be built on large public-spending programmes alone, especially in the face of falling exports and the neglect of domestic industry serving the national market. The government needs to use its remaining time in power to focus on domestic industry and exports and embark upon a reform path forward. On top of that, it needs to utilise its political reflexes to build a consensus around a core set of economic policies, including reform of the power sector, public-sector entities, and the tax machinery, so that the changes that are needed do not fall victim to politics. Instead of celebrating macroeconomic stability, this would be better utilisation of its energies.
Edhi’s imperilled legacy
IT is no secret that much in Pakistan is driven by personalities and patronage politics. There are not really that many instances where a concerted attempt has been made to strengthen institutions, so that their functioning remains independent of those who happen to occupy the seats of power. As such, it is tragic that an absolutely crucial institution is in danger of falling victim to the personality phenomenon. The Edhi Foundation has for decades taken up the challenge that an unresponsive, inefficient state has no interest in tackling, or lacks the capacity to do so. It has earned worldwide renown for the role it plays in serving the poorest, most vulnerable and most abused sections of society, and for building up its vast network solely on donations and with admirable transparency. And yet, with the passing of its founder Abdul Sattar Edhi in July, things seem to have changed. At a conference organised by the Pakistan Islamic Medical Association in Karachi on Saturday, Faisal Edhi — on whose shoulders the mantle of leadership has fallen — said that donations have decreased steeply since his father’s death, which is obviously causing great hurdles in the humanitarian work being undertaken.
The fact is that while the elder Edhi may have been the most widely recognised face of the foundation, the work that was and is being done has involved the efforts of thousands of selfless individuals moved by compassion, and inspired by their leader. It is nothing short of unfair to assume that with Edhi gone, things will no longer be the same at his foundation. Faisal Edhi has, in fact, demonstrated the will and capacity to take both his parents’ work forward, putting in long man-hours on the ground at grim scenes during his father’s lifetime and afterwards. The foundation still has large numbers of people to serve; it would be a shame indeed if the death of Edhi marked a downward turning point for it.
Published in Dawn, November 30th, 2016