• 1950, India received nuclear equipment, fuel and material from US under Atom for Peace program

• 1968, India refused to sign NPT saying it is biased

• 1974, India tests its first nuclear bomb

INTRODUCTION

• Oct 1st 2008, US congress final approval of agreement

• July 2005, Bush Manmohan press conference saying US uplift 3 decade nuclear moratorium

TERMS OF DEAL

1. India agrees to allow IAEA inspectors to inspect, promised to bring 14 out of 22 nuclear plants under IAEA safeguard

2. Commit to sign additional protocol with IAEA for non proliferation

3. Commit for strengthening nuclear security

4. Continue moratorium on nuclear weapon testing (later on US senate rejected this term)

5. Negotiating about Fissil Material Control Treaty (FMCT) with US banning production of fissile material for weapon

6. India will allow US companies to build nuclear plants

TECHNOLOGY

• India will receive dual use technology including material, equipment that can be used creating enriched uranium
PROPONENTS

• Open new erra of US INDO relations, IAEA inspections, Nuclear Safety

OPPONENTS

• Open new erra of nuclear rivalry on South Asia, does not restrict number of weapons, providing fuel for making weapons

WHO APPROVED THE AGREEMENT

• IAEA, Indian Parliament, Congress, Nuclear Supplier Group

AGREEMENT IMPACT ON NPT, CHINA, PAKISTAN

• India did not sign NPT, other countries will sell their nuclear technology as well, US wanted counterbalance to China, Pakistan will go elsewhere.

Revealed in a speaking at cadets school west bank in Nov 2009, announcing 30,000 ($ 30 billion cost a year) more personnel and withdrawal from mid 2011, Strategy to “Disrupt, dismantle and defeat Al Qaeda” contains three points

1. Military efforts for making US transition and Afghan Security to capable counter terrorism
2. Civilian efforts for negotiation and political stability
3. Strategic partnership with Pakistan

Obama argues the opponents as:

1. Afghan is another Vietnam: now more then 42 nations altogether, afghan people want to get rid of Al Qaeda
2. Same troops level should be kept: troops for making transition easy and training Afghan security
3. Providing deadline: forces, afghan Gov’t and allies would know


NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) took control from ISAF (international Security Assistance Force) in 2003. Has more then 30,000 troops in Afghanistan and USA’s troops are 67,000. USA announced more 30,000 in Nov 2009

1. NATO insufficiency of troops
• Germany and France is told by NATO Sec. Gen to increase number of troops

2. Inability in security reforms and reconstruction project
• Under Bonn Peace Agreement in 2001, Afghan National Army and Afghan National Police created. Number of each 70,000 each and would be 134,000 by 2011
• Italy has the responsibility for judiciary reforms
• Japan has to work on demilitarization

3. Crises of Leadership in Afghanistan
• Huge corruption under Karzai Government
• Karzai control is limited to west and north Afghanistan only
• Lack of ethnical participation in Karzai government; especially Pakhtuns

4. NATO finds it difficult to combat Al Qaeda’s new tactics like Suicide bombings
• Prevention from Suicide bombing is very difficult task.
• Taliban playing Guerilla war

5. Insurgency is being financed by drug money
• Afghanistan produces 90% of heroin
• British is given responsibility to combat with drug problem
• Karzai government banned drug cultivation but failed, without alternate strategy for poor formers.

6. Pakistan’s tribal region as safe heavens for terrorist
• Back and Forth insurgency
• Migrants from Afghanistan makes it difficult to stop extremists coming from Afghanistan
• Karzai government did not help in setting up check post on both sides of Durand Line as it thinks it would be like recognizing the Durand line

7. Insurgency in Pakistan’s tribal areas
• Drone attacks
• Red Mosque Operation

8. How NATO is perceived by people in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran and political concerns of China, Russia and India• Pakistani people perceive the operation as US led operation for getting control of Muslim country
• Afghan always resisted foreign intervention


• Political resolution of the conflict
• Expanding and training Afghan security forces
• Deployment of troops from neutral Muslim Countries

ECONOMIC INDICATORS

Annual 2008/09
Foreign Debt $50.1bn
Per Cap Income $1046
GDP Growth 2.0%
Average CPI 20.77%

Monthly December
Trade Balance $-1.33 bln
Exports $1.58 bln
Imports $2.91 bln

Weekly January 18, 2010
Reserves $15.203 bln

@Hats of Rose

Hey keep on doing this......I m really finding them very helpful yar.....
Thanx body
If u dont mind, wud u kindly tell me what is the Source? any book or so??? so that if i cud get it to do it speedily.....can u

I use following three sources for Current Affairs

1. Contemporary Affairs by Imtiaz Shahid (Bi Monthly)
2. Journal of Strategic Studies (Semi annually)
3. Daily Dawn

The difficult economic and financial outlook globally
suggests for continued forceful action both on the
financial and macroeconomic policy fronts to create the
conditions for a return to sustained growth. IMF views
“greater international cooperation essential to avoid
exacerbating cross-border strains. Building on the
positive momentum created by the April G20 summit in
London, coordination and collaboration is particularly
important with respect to financial policies to avoid
adverse international spillovers from national actions.
Given the extent of the downturn and the limits to
monetary policy action, fiscal policy must play a crucial
part in providing short-term support to the global
economy. Governments have acted to provide substantial
stimulus in 2009, but it is now apparent that the effort
will need to be at least sustained, if not increased, in
2010, and countries with fiscal room should stand ready
to introduce new stimulus measures as needed to
support the recovery. Growth is projected to reemerge in
2010, but at 1.9 percent it would be sluggish relative to
past recoveries. These projections are based on an
assessment that financial market stabilization will take
longer than previously envisaged, even with strong
efforts by policymakers. Thus, financial
conditions in the mature markets are projected to
improve only slowly, as insolvency concerns are
diminished by greater clarity over losses on bad assets
2 and injections of public capital, and counterparty risks
and market volatility are reduced.”
Source: World Economic Outlook April 2009

2. Given this global economic and financial outlook,
macroeconomic outlook for Pakistan for FY2010 based on
(i) declining inflation and fiscal deficit (ii) improving
current account balance (iii) stabilizing security situation
(iv) clarity in economic and social framework as
enunciated in Nine Points Agenda of the government
seems positive conditioned on mobilizing tax revenue,
fixing the power sector and improving governance. It is
anticipated that:

�� Real GDP will grow by 3.3% to be contributed by
sectoral growth rates of agriculture (3.8%),
manufacturing (1.8%) and services (3.9%) against
2.0% in FY2009

�� Nominal Growth is expected to be 13.2%

�� Prospects of economic growth in 2009-10 hinges
crucially on the revival of the manufacturing sector,
competitiveness of exports pursuing an appropriate
interest and exchange rate policies and investment
in skill development

�� Inflation would be contained at 9.5% which will
facilitate in adjusting the discount rate downward
stimulating private sector borrowing and investment

�� Economy has started showing some signs of
recovery in the latter half of 2008-09. The lesson
learnt is that fiscal adjustment should not be at the
expense of development expenditure but through
additional resource mobilization

�� Overall Fiscal Deficit (OFD) for the year 2009-10 has
been projected at Rs.722.6 billion or 4.9% of GDP. It
includes Rs.50 billion (0.3% of GDP) on account of
provision for relief, rehabilitation, reconstruction and
3 security of IDPs which would be financed through
external grants. The comparable level of OFD for
2009-10 would therefore be at the level of 4.6% of
GDP

�� Net external financing (loans and grants) for the year
2008-09 were estimated at Rs.165.2 billion. For
2009-10 it is projected at Rs.312.3 billion which
includes Tokyo Pledges of US $ 2 billion

�� Non-bank Financing for the year 2009-10 is
estimated at Rs.246.3 billion. The main components
of non bank financing are National Saving Schemes,
receipts on account of Prize Bonds, Pakistan
Investment Bonds and Sukuk Bonds receipts

�� Bank Financing for 2009-10 has been budgeted at
Rs.144.6 billion

�� Privatization Proceeds for 2009-10 is expected at
Rs.19.4 billion as the global capital markets recover
from downturn

�� FBR Tax Receipts during FY2010 are at Rs.1377.5
billion i.e. an increase of 16.8% over the revised
estimates 2008-09. This comprises direct taxes of
Rs.557.3 billion and indirect taxes of Rs.820.2 billion
to attain 10.2% tax-to GDP ratio

�� Total federal expenditure (current and development)
for 2009-10 is estimated at Rs.2482.3 billion

�� Total debt servicing for 2009-10 is estimated to be
Rs.779.6 billion

�� Defence expenditure for 2009-10 is Rs.342.9 billion,
indicating an increase of 9.5% over revised estimates
2008-09

�� Total development expenditure for the year 2009-10
has been budgeted at Rs.783.1 billion or 4.4% of
GDP against Rs.516.6 billion budgeted and Rs.437.8
4 billion in the budget and revised estimates 2008-09
respectively. This show an increase of 79.0% over RE
2008-09 and more than 51.6% over BE 2008-09

�� Allocation for KANA and FATA has also been
increased from Rs.16 billion to Rs.25.5 billion for
KANA and from Rs.8.7 billion to Rs.12.9 billion for
FATA, an increase of 59.4% and 48.3% respectively

�� PSDP allocation for Balochistan has been increased
from Rs.42 billion to Rs.50 billion.

�� Other development expenditure of the federal
government is enhanced to Rs.157.1 billion (an
increase of 102%). The allocation for 2009-10 is
tabled below:

Other Development Expenditure

Rs. Billion
Benazir Income Support Program 70
Internally Displaced Persons 50
Export Investment Support Fund 10
Venture Capital Fund 2.5
SME Development Support Fund 2.5

A research Research Report on

The Indo-US Strategic Relationship and Pakistan's
Security

Please follow the link to download

Transmission of the culture of corruption —Dr Mahjabeen Islam


Corruption has permeated Pakistani society like a termite that need hide no more. A time existed when it was devious and under-the-table. It is now a badge of honour, a kind of recognition, a rite of passage

Repeatedly shocked at the height and extent of corruption among Pakistanis, I have wondered whether it has become genetic in some way. With the concept of ‘memes’ (pronounced like dreams), my ruminations may well be founded in emerging sociological theory.

In his 1976 book, The Selfish Gene, British scientist Richard Dawkins coined the term meme as a unit of cultural ideas, symbols or practices that can be transmitted from one mind to another through writing, speech, gestures or other imitable phenomena. The origin of the word meme is from the Greek word mimema, which means something imitated. Supporters of the concept of memes regard them as the cultural analogues of genes, in that they self-replicate and respond to selective pressures.

Dawkins coined the word meme as a concept for the discussion of evolutionary principles to explain the spread of ideas and cultural phenomena. Simply stated, he considered a meme as a unit of cultural transmission. Examples of memes in the book are melodies, catchphrases, beliefs (especially religious beliefs) and fashion. Detractors do not believe that culture can be understood in such discrete units.

Gene replication causes information transmission vertically from parent to child. Virus replication does this horizontally. But memes are able to transmit information horizontally and vertically; perhaps this is why the corruption meme of Pakistanis is now so entrenched.

Tales of corruption by Pakistanis both within the country and the expatriate community are numerous, long and sordid. A recent one that takes the cake is, of course, the corrupt betrayal of the Pakistan cricket team and the incredible videos of the money-filled briefcases.

Nepotism knows no bounds in the case of the appointment of Adnan Khawaja as the new Oil and Gas Development Company Ltd (OGDCL) chief. Inexperience, lack of education and jail-time were not enough to outweigh the most important qualifier: being a crony of the ruling leadership.

Another deeply embarrassing tale is that of the antics of the officers of the New York Consulate General when the New York Stock Exchange, touched by the enormity of the floods in Pakistan, donated the Times Square screen for one hour for an appeal for the flood victims. Five to 10 million dollars could have been raised with ease if an appeal for flood aid had been made. But Consul General Babar Hashmi and Commercial Counselor Muhammad Amer portrayed “welcome to New York” and photos of themselves and the Pakistani flag instead. Watching a video of this travesty makes it even more incomprehensible. Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi has promised an investigation, but the prognosis for stemming corruption in Pakistan remains guarded at best.

And why would it not be? It has permeated Pakistani society like a termite that need hide no more. A time existed when it was devious and under-the-table. It is now a badge of honour, a kind of recognition, a rite of passage. There was a time when people whispered about and avoided the corrupt and sneered at their ways. I remember my father, God bless his soul, alternately laugh and complain about corruption within the civil service with stories of “donoan haathoan sey khaya hai” (they have eaten with both hands). But now it is a given.

In the expatriate Pakistani world, more than money, it is power and its hunger that corrupt absolutely. And that is where the meme theory applies to Pakistanis: in the corruption meme. Some of it is the imitation aspect of the meme theory and some of it is survival — “if you can’t beat ‘em join ‘em”, like the Americans say. Some of it is the role models our society offers. In the highly visible tripartite branches of government, the executive, the legislature and the judiciary, corruption rules. Feudal politicians that hold Pakistan in the vice of abuse and essential slavery outdo each other in their nauseating antics of corruption.

In 2009, Transparency International reported the Corruption Perception Index (CPI), which measures the perceived level of public corruption in 180 countries. The scale is 0 (perceived to be highly corrupt) to 10 (perceived to have low levels of corruption). New Zealand was least corrupt with a CPI of 9.4. The most corrupt was Somalia at 1.1 and Pakistan hit spot number 139 with a CPI of 2.4.

“Stemming corruption requires strong oversight by parliaments, a well performing judiciary, independent and properly resourced audit and anti-corruption agencies, vigorous law enforcement, transparency in public budgets, revenue and aid flows, as well as space for independent media and a vibrant civil society,” said Huguette Labelle, Chair Transparency International. This, in current day Pakistan, seems like wanting the stars and the moon.

So, is all hope lost and are we all helplessly addicted to corruption? If one considers the meme theory, again it appears that meme evolution follows the laws of natural selection. Dawkins notes that as various ideas pass from generation to generation, they either enhance or reduce the survival of the host or influence the survival of the ideas themselves. So it seems that all of us have not been hit by the meme of Pakistani corruption. Will it take a few good people to buoy a drowning nation?

We are a fickle nation and tire of rulers quickly. Although it seems to be a meme to be disciplined by the army, when it rules, we fatigue with dictatorship. Civilian rule is subverted by corruption labels, forgetting that the army is no sufi bunch. For really, the corruption meme appears to be an equal opportunity employer in Pakistan.

Like there is no coercion in religion (Quran 2: 256), there can be no use of force in eliminating the evil of corruption. We need to change the Pakistani corruption meme and make absolute, invincible honesty its fashionable replacement.

My addiction patients are only successful in recovery when they have hit rock bottom and the desire for sobriety comes from within. Pakistanis have to feel that we have hit rock bottom; we have to want to erase corruption at the personal level so it extrapolates to the national level.

Allama Iqbal paraphrased the Quranic verse (13:11) beautifully: “Khuda ney aaj tak us qaum ki halat nahin badli/Na ho jis ko shuoor khud apni halat key badalney ka” (God never changed the situation of a nation/Which did not care to change itself).

Mahjabeen Islam is a columnist, family physician and addictionist. She can be reached at mahjabeen.islam@gmail.com

Source: Daily Times, Friday 17 September, 2010
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default...7-9-2010_pg3_3

__________________
WHAT YOU SEEK IS SEEKING YOU
-----RUMI-----

I, ME,MY,MINE,YOU,YOURS-----a riddle to solve.
-------Imran-131-------

Higher education

September 28th by Dr Ashfaque H Khan.
Recent Posts


The world is witnessing the emergence of a knowledge-based economy where the role of knowledge is recognised as critical input to economic growth and development. Higher education indeed is critical for acquiring knowledge and joining the league of a knowledge-based economy.
Education in general and higher education in particular is of special significance for Pakistan to live as a civilised society in the comity of nations. At the time of independence in 1947, Pakistan’s population was 32.5 million. By 2009-10, the population is estimated to have reached 166.5 million. Thus, in roughly 63 years, or in two generations, Pakistan’s population has increased by 134 million or has grown at an average rate of 2.6 per cent per annum.
Pakistan today has more mouths to feed, more families to house, more children to educate and more people looking for gainful employment with millions migrating from the countryside to major cities in search for jobs. The large population on the other hand also provides an opportunity for Pakistan to fuel its economic growth for the next fifty years by reaping demographic dividends.
Pakistan is witnessing changes in the age structure of its population, with the proportion of working-age population (15-59 years) increasing and offering a window of opportunity to turn this demographic transition into a demographic dividend. As a result of a decline in the total fertility rate down to 3.6 per cent from as high as 6.3 in the 1970s, the share of working-age population has increased, while the share of young (0-14 years) population has witnessed a decline.
Pakistan is a young country with a median age of around 20 years. It is estimated that there are approximately 104 million people below the age of 30 years; 90 million below the age of 19 years; and an approximate population of 40 million between the ages 10 and 19 ready to enter universities in a few years time. This 90-million young population in general and the 40 million youth in particular are of critical importance for Pakistan’s future as a civilised society by actively participating in the knowledge-based global economy.
How to convert demographic transition into demographic dividend is the real challenge for a Pakistan going forward. This transition to dividend will not be automatic. Massive investment in people — health, education, vocational training will be vital for achieving the dividend. East Asia successfully converted demographic transition into demographic dividend by investing in people in the 1970s.
For Pakistan, this is a time-specific window of opportunity. This opportunity is not going to last forever. Pakistan has no option but to grab this opportunity by investing in its people. If we fail to transform the 90 million young people in general and the 40 million youth in particular into productive citizens by investing in them, the future of Pakistan would be bleak. Could we afford that?
It is in this perspective that investment in education and health is important. Unfortunately, whenever the country faced budget constraints, spendings on education and health became victims of financial indiscipline. The recent stalemate between the misguided finance team and the respected vice-chancellors is a classic example. It is the university which, by imparting quality education not only produces high-quality manpower but good-quality graduates to teach school- and college-level students. Hence, the quality of teaching would depend on quality of graduates graduating from universities which, in turn, would depend on the resources made available to the universities by the government.
The importance accorded to higher education in Pakistan is still at the age of infancy. Pakistani universities have always been starved of resources until the establishment of the HEC in September 2002 by the previous government. Substantial resources were provided to the universities and as a result both the quality and quantity of university graduates increased tremendously. The enrollment to higher education more than tripled in just eight years; the number of universities more than doubled; the number of PhDs produced by Pakistani universities almost quadrupled; nearly 4000 students were sent abroad to complete their PhDs and almost an equal number are completing their doctorates in Pakistani universities. Most importantly, teaching in universities has emerged as a prestigious and prized profession in Pakistan.
Instead of further enhancing the quality and quantity of university graduates by allocating more resources to them, the present government began to cut their budgets even before the adverse effects of the floods. If we do not invest sufficiently in education, higher education, health and training, we will not be able to transform the millions of youth into a productive and responsible citizens of this country. Failure to invest is not an option. Pakistani universities desperately need financial support from the government.
What is required from the misguided economic managers is to re-prioritise their expenditures. Before lecturing the vice-chancellors r on the need for them to prioritise their expenditures, they should first set an example themselves. After all, charity begins at home.

__________________
" O ALLAH,let your blessings come upon Muhammad PBUH and the family of Muhammad PBUH, as you have blessed Ibrahim AS and his family.
Truly,you are praiseworthy and glorious.

Kashmir’s dialogue of the deaf
Welcome as it was, the Kashmir visit by the all-party, 39-leader Indian delegation wasn’t expected to accomplish much politically beyond acquainting the country’s political class with the ground situation, especially in the Valley. And it didn’t. The delegation’s handicap was that it hadn’t reached, and couldn’t convey, a broad national political consensus to the Kashmiri people.
The team was led by Indian Home Minister P Chidambaram, responsible for the official Kashmir strategy since June, which has caused enormous human suffering and more than 100 civilian deaths. As expected, the delegation failed to enlist the Hurriyat leaders’ help to normalise the situation. Hardline separatist Syed Ali Shah Geelani curtly refused such help. And Hurriyat moderates said the visit “represents only an effort at short-term crisis management … [with] no clear commitment … towards … addressing the aspirations … of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.” Although the delegation visited a hospital and expressed solidarity and empathy with the Valley’s people, it didn’t give the sense that the Indian political class is sufficiently sensitive towards their political disenfranchisement and suffering. The Centre’s offer of a dialogue convinces nobody in the Valley given their past experience. In fact, such offers are counter-productive within the present context, defined by the ascendancy of a new-generation leadership which is giving a specifically Islamist hue to Kashmiri identity. This ascendancy is attributable to many factors.
New Delhi for years rigged elections and imposed its puppets on Kashmir. When the azaadi movement started in 1989, the Centre launched a programme of savage repression, deploying over 4 lac troops against a population of 60 lacs. This weakened Kashmir’s political forces, especially the once-formidable National Conference, and created space for militancy and the Hurriyat Conference. The Centre failed to seize the opportunity offered by the 60-per cent turnout in the 2008 assembly elections, considered largely free and fair. The Hurriyat got split and marginalised. The new protest movement – non-violent and independent of Pakistan – has arisen within this vacuum. Its appeal has grown because of the Centre’s mindless repression of peaceful protest, which provokes yet more protest. In today’s charged situation, any issue – including mere rumours of the burning of the Holy Koran in the US – can inflame protesters crying for azaadi, which is interpreted variously.
The protesters’ leaders and Indian security forces are playing a complex cat-and-mouse game. The leaders deliberately provoke the paramilitary and police, which use lethal means of crowd-control, killing innocent non-combatants. This strengthens the protesters’ determination to fight the Indian state. Chief Minister Omar Abdullah recently tried to pacify public anger by proposing to dilute or lift in key districts the draconian and unjust Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which grants immunity to any officer who fires at a person suspected of the intention to commit an illegal act. Yet, almost all of the post-June 11 deaths were caused by the police and paramilitary, not the army. Many observers believe Abdullah made the AFSPA proposal to divert attention from his own government’s dismal performance. Abdullah has earned enormous ill-will by refusing to apologise to the victims’ families for police-paramilitary excesses, and for throwing teenage stone-pelters into the same jails as seasoned criminals and convicted terrorists. Abdullah is considered more indifferent to resolving the Kashmir problem through dialogue than his father. His removal might be welcomed if it’s seen as the first step by the Centre to reform its Kashmir-policy. The option was indeed considered, but was abandoned because Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi backed Abdullah.
Meanwhile, the army and air force chiefs have spoken out of turn on the AFSPA. Gen VK Singh blamed the Kashmir situation on the civilian government’s failure “to build up on gains” (the 2008 elections), and said: “All those who ask for AFSPA’s dilution probably do so for narrow political gains.” Air Chief Marshal PV Naik said that “a soldier involved in performing his duty deserves all the legal protection that he can get.” These are intensely political remarks, and pertain to policy; a no-go area in a democracy for Services’ personnel, whose job is to implement policies the civilian leadership makes.
India has recently seen some erosion of this valuable convention. Services’ officials have remarked on the possible deployment of troops and helicopters in anti-Maoist operations. In 2006, Army Chief JJ Singh did his best to torpedo an agreement on Siachen in which India and Pakistan have sacrifised hundreds of soldiers up for frostbite in pursuit of a meaningless contest over “prestige”. He had journalists flown to Siachen, who reported the army’s refusal to withdraw from the killing heights – unless its positions were recorded so that Pakistan could not claim them in the future. These are dangerous portents, nearly paralleling Pakistan. In fact, there’s a strong case for withdrawing not just the AFSPA, but the army itself from Kashmir’s civilian areas altogether. It shouldn’t have been deployed there in the first place. The Kashmiris’ protest against government callousness, rampant corruption and unemployment, and their identity-related azaadi-demand should be treated legitimately, as in other states, and taken as an indication of the need to improve governance – not as an insurgency with diabolical designs.
An important precondition for a solution to the Kashmir problem lies in the army’s withdrawal, leaving civic unrest to be handled by the civilian police which has been sidelined by the CRPF, Border Security Force, and other paramilitary troops. Their bunkers must go if civilians are to feel they live in a half-way free society where they aren’t suspects by virtue of being Kashmiris. Unless the Indian state stops treating Kashmiris as suspects, insurgents and actual or potential criminals, it won’t find a political solution to the Kashmir issue. People from both sides of the border crave one. The best of opinion polls, including a survey published in May for the British think-tank Chatham House with a 3,700-strong sample, say that an overwhelming majority of Kashmiris want a political solution with autonomy and “soft borders”. Only 2 per cent of the people in Indian J&K want to join Pakistan. In six districts of the state, nobody supports this view. Knowledgeable, mature, political assessments confirm this. Most Kashmiris don’t want a plebiscite. But they don’t want the status quo either.
What the Kashmiris are fighting is what they (or at least many) see as the Valley’s occupation by Indian security forces and oppressive conditions of daily life in which they are compelled to carry identity cards (or a curfew pass) to be able to move about in their own homeland. What the stone-pelters demand is respect for Kashmir’s special identity. The meaning of azaadi varies from person to person, ranging from freedom from oppression, sense of dignity, autonomy within the Indian Union, an identity separate from both India and Pakistan, to self-determination and sovereign independence. The challenge for the Indian state is how to launch a sincere, result-oriented dialogue for a moderate and pluralistic definition of azaadi compatible with a “soft borders-solution” negotiated with Pakistan, in which the entire former state of J&K gets exceptional autonomy and local self-rule, guaranteed by India and Pakistan.
That challenge cannot be met by using the armed might of the Indian state to suppress the Kashmiri aspiration for a change in the status quo.