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  #1  
Old Thursday, January 14, 2010
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Default I need notes on some topics

Dear members!
i need a complete topic help on BALOCHISTAN crises with historical background. anyone here can help me plz?
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Old Friday, January 29, 2010
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u shuld 1st read the hisory of Baluchistan crisis.Baluchistan z largest province of pak in terms of area,comprising 42% of the total land of pak...7% poulation z living in ths mountainous region...weather z of extrem typ,hot in summer and immensly cold during winter...Baluchistan plethora of complaints including lack or violation of provincial autonomy,economic or social neglect,and the extraction of its wealth 4 the benfits of"others",while leaving the ppl of Baluchistan deprived of any share in wealth z very long standing...rape of Dr Shazia by an Army officer in 2006,aggreviated the already simmering sitution..Baluch nationlist cnsidered it as the insult of the whole Baluch community,and started protesting against the Musharraf govt.Musharrf took action against thse violations.Nawab Akbar Bugti ws killed by PaK army during army action...now present govt hs announced a pakage 4 Baluchistan namely"Aghaaz.e-Haqooq-e-Baluchistan"in which it promised to adress all problems of the province.
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Old Friday, January 29, 2010
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Baluchistan Insurgency

Southern Pakistan's Baluchistan region is one of the most rugged and remote lands in the world. Pashtunistan and Baluchistan have long complicated Afghanistan's relations with Pakistan. Controversies involving these areas date back to the establishment of the Durand Line in 1893 dividing Pashtun and Baluch tribes living in Afghanistan from those living in what later became Pakistan. Afghanistan vigorously protested the inclusion of Pashtun and Baluch areas within Pakistan without providing the inhabitants with an opportunity for self-determination.
Since 1947, this problem has led to incidents along the border, with extensive disruption of normal trade patterns. The most serious crisis lasted from September 1961 to June 1963, when diplomatic, trade, transit, and consular relations between the countries were suspended.

Divided in the nineteenth century among Iran, Afghanistan, and British India, the Baloch found their aspirations and traditional nomadic life frustrated by the presence of national boundaries and the extension of central administration over their lands. Moreover, many of the most militant Baloch nationalists were also vaguely Marxist-Leninist and willing to risk Soviet protection for an autonomous Balochistan.

A long-dormant crisis erupted in Balochistan in 1973 into an insurgency that lasted four years and became increasingly bitter. The insurgency was put down by the Pakistan Army, which employed brutal methods and equipment, including Huey-Cobra helicopter gunships, provided by Iran and flown by Iranian pilots. The deep-seated Baloch nationalism based on tribal identity had international as well as domestic aspects. As the insurgency wore on, the influence of a relatively small but disciplined liberation front seemed to increase.

Bhutto was able to mobilize domestic support for his drive against the Baloch. Punjab's support was most tangibly represented in the use of the army to put down the insurgency. One of the main Baloch grievances was the influx of Punjabi settlers, miners, and traders into their resource-rich but sparsely populated lands. Bhutto could also invoke the idea of national integration with effect in the aftermath of Bengali secession.

External assistance to Bhutto was generously given by the shah of Iran, who feared a spread of the insurrection among the Iranian Baloch. Some foreign governments feared that an independent or autonomous Balochistan might allow the Soviet Union to develop and use the port at Gwadar, and no outside power was willing to assist the Baloch openly or to sponsor the cause of Baloch autonomy.

By early 1974, an armed revolt was underway in Baluchistan, the southwestern region of Pakistan bordering on Afghanistan and Iran. In northwest Pakistan, populated mainly by ethnic Afghan-Pashtuns, insurrectionist sabotage was a common occurrence. The extent of the Daoud regime's involvement in these insurrections has been a matter of some debate, but he clearly was allowing Baluch resistance fighters to set up bases in Afghanistan, and was providing sanctuary to Pashtun dissidents who were under warrant of arrest in Pakistan.

To retaliate against Afghanistan's actions, Pakistan provided funds, material and weapons to Islamic fundamentalist organizations and other anti-Daoud Afghan extremists conducting raids and sabotage inside Afghanistan. A former member of Pakistan's government at the time has insisted that these operations were not intended to overthrow Daoud but to force him to negotiate. This could explain why Iran, at the same time it was offering economic aid to Daoud and pressing him to resolve theconflict with Pakistan, was also supplying US weapons and equipment to the insurgent groups in Afghanistan. Some of this material went through Pakistani channels and some passed directly to groups operating in western Afghanistan. Iran, because of its own sizable Baluch community, had its own motives for seeing the armed revolt in Baluchistan quelled, and provided Pakistan with US helicopters for use in this effort.

During the mid-1970s, Afghanistan was preoccupied with its own internal problems and seemingly anxious to normalize relations with Pakistan. India was fearful of further balkanization of the subcontinent after Bangladesh, and the Soviet Union did not wish to jeopardize the leverage it was gaining with Pakistan. However, during the Bhutto regime hostilities in Balochistan were protracted. The succeeding Zia ul-Haq government took a more moderate approach, relying more on economic development to placate the Baloch.
Following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, there were about 600,000 Afghan refugees in Pakistan by the summer 1980; 500,000 (largely Pushtuns) in the Northwest Frontier Province and another 100,000 in Baluchistan. By late 1980 the number was closer to one million.

The province of Baluchistan, which borders both Iran and Afghanistan, remains notorious for cross-border smuggling and has more recently been infiltrated by former members of the Taliban and Al Qaida operatives. Armed battles between clans are frequent. Because the provincial police presence is limited, travelers wishing to visit the interior of Baluchistan should consult with the province’s Home Secretary. Advance permission from provincial authorities is required for travel into some areas. Local authorities have detained travelers who lack permission.

Quetta, the provincial capital, has experienced serious ethnic violence that has led to gun battles in the streets and the imposition of curfews.
The North West Frontier and Baluchistan remain feudal holdouts. President Pervez Musharraf has had to undertake delicate balancing to carry out operations against al-Qaeda in these areas. There has been talk of rising secessionist feelings in Baluchistan.

By 2004 Baluchistan was up in arms against the federal government, with the Baluchistan Liberation Army, Baluchistan Liberation Front, and People's Liberation Army conducting operations. Rocket attacks and bomb blasts have been a regular feature in the provincial capital, particularly its cantonment areas, Kohlu and Sui town, since 2000, and had claimed over 25 lives by mid-2004.

The Gwadar Port project employed close to 500 Chinese nationals by 2004. On 03 May 2004, the BLA killed three Chinese engineers working on the Port. Gwadar airport was attacked by rockets at midnight on 21 May 2004. On 09 October 2004, two Chinese engineers were kidnapped in South Waziristan in the northwest of Pakistan, one of whom was killed later on October 14 in a botched rescue operation.

Pakistan blamed India and Iran for fanning insurgency in Baluchistan.
Violence reached a crescendo in March of 2005 when the Pakistani government attempting to target Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, a seventy year old Sardar (tribal leader) who had fought against the government for decades, shelled the town of Dera Bugti. The fighting that erupted between the tribal militia and government soldiers resulted in the deaths of 67 people.
Although tensions remained high, there were attempts within the Pakistani government to ameliorate the situation through more peaceful means. Chaudhry Shujuat Hussain, leader of President Musharaf’s Pakistani Muslim League issued a set of 32 recommendations on how to address Baluchistan’s rebel grievances. The three main recommendations were that first, the province inhabitants be given a greater share of the gas profits (the region contains 40% of Pakistan’s natural gas reserves) and more jobs in the exploitation of gas resources. Second, pay the Baluchistan province arrears of $100 million. Third, give the province a bigger part in the construction of a new deep water port on the province’s coastline. However, as of July, 2006 none of these initiatives had been employed and the violence sparked by the bombardment of Dera Bugti had continued without abatement.


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  #4  
Old Friday, February 12, 2010
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Default info is needed

i need info on trade balance between pak-iran.. pak-america..
pak-india.. pak-saudia- pak-china.. and also need notes on balochistan package.. gilgit-baltistan elections.. local govt system.. education policy.. kindlyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyy do help me..
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Default National Education Policy 1998-2010

@aneeqa

Salient Features of National Education Policy 1998-2010
Aims and objectives of Education and Islamic Education
Literacy and non-formal Education
Elementary Education
Secondary Education
Teacher Education
Technical and Vocational Education
Higher Education
Information Technology
Library and Documentation Services
Private sector in Education
Innovative Programs
Implementation Monitoring and Evaluation

Aims and objectives of Education and Islamic Education
Education and training should enable the citizens of Pakistan to lead their lives according to the teachings of Islam as laid down in the Qur'an and Sunnah and to educate and train them as a true practicing Muslim. To evolve an integrated system of national education by bringing Deeni Madaris and modern schools closer to each stream in curriculum and the contents of education. Nazira Qur'an will be introduced as a compulsory component from grade I-VIII while at secondary level translation of the selected verses from the Holy Qur'an will be offered.
Literacy and Non-Formal Education
Eradication of illiteracy through formal and informal means for expansion of basic education through involvement of community. The current literacy rate of about 39% will be raised to 55% during the first five years of the policy and 70% by the year 2010 Functional literacy and income generation skills will be provided to rural women of 15 to 25 age group and basic educational facilities will be provided to working children. Functional literacy will be imparted to adolescents (10-14) who missed out the chance of primary education. The existing disparities in basic education will be reduced to half by year 2010.

Elementary Education
About 90% of the children in the age group (5-9) will be enrolled in schools by year 2002-03. Gross enrolment ratio at primary level will be increased to 105% by year 2010 and Compulsory Primary Education Act will be promulgated and enforced in a phased manner. Full utilization of existing capacity at the basic level has been ensured by providing for introduction of double shift in existing school of basics education. Quality of primary education will be improved through revising curricula, imparting in-service training to the teachers, raising entry qualifications for teachers from matriculation to intermediate, revising teacher training curricula, improving management and supervision system and reforming the existing examination and assessment system.

Integration of primary and middle level education in to elementary education (I-VIII). Increasing participation rate from 46% to 65% by 2002-3 and 85% 2010 at middle level. At the elementary level, a system of continuous evaluation will be adopted to ensure attainment of minimum learning competencies for improving quality of education.

Secondary Education
One model secondary school will be set up at each district level. A definite vocation or a career will be introduced at secondary level. It would be ensured that all the boys and girls, desirous of entering secondary education, become enrolled in secondary schools. Curriculum for secondary and higher secondary will be revised and multiple textbooks will be introduced. The participation rate will be increased from 31% to 48% by 2002-03. The base for technical and vocational education shall be broadened through introduction of a stream of matriculation (Technical) on pilot basis and establishment of vocational high schools. Multiple textbooks shall be introduced at secondary school level.

Teacher Education
To increase the effectiveness of the system by institutionalizing in-service training of teachers, teacher trainers and educational administrators through school clustering and other techniques. To upgrade the quality of pre-service teacher training programmes by introducing parallel programmes of longer duration at post-secondary and post-degree levels i.e. introduction of programs of FA/FSc education and BA/BSc education . The contents and methodology parts of teacher education curricula will be revised. Both formal and non-formal means shall be used to provide increased opportunities of in-service training to the working teachers, preferably at least once in five years. A special package of incentives package shall be provided to rural females to join the teaching profession. A new cadre of teacher educators shall be created.
Technical and Vocational Education
To develop opportunities for technical and vocational education in the country for producing trained manpower, commensurate with the needs of industry and economic development goals. To improve the quality of technical education so as to enhance the chances of employment of Technical and vocational Education (TVE) graduates by moving from a static, supply-based system to a demand-driven system. Revision and updating of curricula shall be made a continuing activity to keep pace with changing needs of the job market and for accommodating the new developments. Development of technical competence, communication skills, safety and health measures and entrepreneurial skills etc. shall be reflected in the curricula. Institution-industry linkages shall be strengthened to enhance the relevance of training to the requirements of the job market. Emerging technologies e.g. telecommunication, computer, electronics, automation, petroleum, garments, food preservation, printing and graphics, textile, mining, sugar technology, etc. greatly in demand in the job market shall be introduced in selected polytechnics. A National Council for Technical Education shall be established to regulate technical education.

Higher Education
Access to higher education shall be expanded to at least 5% of the age group 17-23 by the year 2010. Merit shall be the only criterion for entry into higher education. Access to higher education, therefore, shall be based on entrance tests. Reputed degree colleges shall be given autonomy and degree awarding status. Degree colleges shall have the option to affiliate with any recognized Pakistani university or degree awarding institution for examination and award of degrees. To attract highly talented qualified teachers, the university staff will be paid at higher rates than usual grades. Local M.Phil. and Ph.D programs shall be launched and laboratory and library facilities will be strengthened. Split Ph.D programs shall be launched in collaboration with reputed foreign universities and at the minimum, 100 scholars shall be annually trained under this arrangement. All quota/reserve seats shall be eliminated. Students from backward areas, who clear entry tests, would compete amongst themselves. In order to eliminate violence, all political activities on the campus shall be banned.
Information Technology
Computers shall be introduced in secondary schools in a phased manner. School curricula shall be revised to include recent developments in information technology, such as software development, the Information Super Highway designing Web Pages, etc
Library and Documentation Services
School, college and university libraries shall be equipped with the latest reading materials/services. Internet connection with computer shall be given to each library. Mobile library services for semi-urban and remote rural areas shall be introduced.
Private Sector in Education
Encouraging private investment in education. There shall be regulatory bodies at the national and provincial levels to regulate activities and smooth functioning of privately-managed schools and institutions of higher education through proper rules and regulations. A reasonable tax rebate shall be granted on the expenditure incurred on the setting-up of educational facilities by the private sector. Matching grants shall be provided for establishing educational institutions by the private sector in the rural areas or poor urban areas through Education Foundations. Existing institutions of higher learning shall be allowed to negotiate for financial assistance with donor agencies in collaboration with the Ministry of Education. Educational institutions to be set up in the private sector shall be provided (a) plots in residential schemes on reserve prices, and (b) rebate on income tax, like industry. Schools running on non-profit basis shall be exempted from all taxes. Curricula of private institutions must conform to the principles laid down in the Federal Supervision of curricula, Textbooks and Maintenance of Standards of Education Act, 1976. The fee structure of the privately managed educational institutions shall be developed in consultation with the government.
Innovative Programes
The National Education Testing Service will be established to design and administer standardized tests for admission to professional institutions. Qualifying these tests will become a compulsory requirement for entry to professional education. This mechanism is expected to check the incidence of malpractice in examinations. Likewise, standardized tests shall be introduced for admission to general education in universities.
Implementation Monitoring And Evaluation
A comprehensive monitoring and evaluation system has been envisaged from grass-roots to the highest level. The District Education Authority will be established in each district to ensure public participation in monitoring and implementation. The education Ministers at the Federal and Provincial levels will oversee monitoring committees, responsible for implementation at their levels. The Prime Minister and Provincial Chief Ministers will be the Chief of National and Provincial Education Councils respectively which will ensure achievements of targets. Existing EMIS at Federal and Provincial levels shall be strengthened to make them responsive to the need of Monitoring and Evaluation System (MES).The Academy of Educational Planning and Management (AEPAM) shall be strengthened and tuned up to meet the emerging demands of MES and its obligations at national and provincial levels. Data collected through Provincial EMISs and collated by AEPAM through National Education Management Information System (NEMIS) shall be recognized as one source for planning, management, monitoring, and evaluation purposes to avoid disparities and confusion. Databases of critical indicators on qualitative aspects of educational growth shall be developed and maintained by AEPAM for developing sustainable indicators of progress, based on more reliable and valid data to facilitate planning, implementation and follow-up. A School Census Day shall be fixed for collecting data from all over the country.
The total expenditure of the government on education will be raised from its present level of 2.2% to 4% of GNP by the year 2002-03 (p.132).


Reference:http://www.moe.gov.pk

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Default Local government system

@aneeqa

Local government system termed best possible option to achieve MDGs

ISLAMABAD (April 30 2007): The local government system is the best possible option to effectively deliver services and the donors' programme and projects, which are aimed at achieving millennium development goals (MDGs) would be more effective if they remained within the parameters of the LG system, said Daniyal Aziz, chairman, National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB) here on Sunday.

Talking to reporters after the conclusion of a two-day 'International Conference on Governing for MDGs', he said the amended Local Government Ordinance (LGO) envisages an ideal and compatible system of governance at the local level. "But vested interests, including overwhelming majority of officials in the bureaucracy want to keep power in their hands instead of devolving them to the people at the grassroots level," he noted.

"All the stakeholders are of the opinion the LG system is perfect and ideally workable, but the non-implementation of local laws in letter and spirit has led many to think that system is not workable," he said, while responding to a question.

He said the ordinance for installing local government in Islamabad and in cantonments has been promulgated by its enforcement would be notified by the cabinet division. Similarly, administrative organs, which have not become functional are pending because of the ill intention of bureaucracy and other vested interest, he said without explaining.

He said over 32,000 citizen community boards have been set up, which are ensuring direct participation of 56 million people in the local development in their respective areas. Similarly, 25 percent of the development budget has been allocated for CCBs which has also ensured the local progress and will give an impetus to the ongoing efforts to achieving the MDGs by 2015.

To a question on the non-creation of the office of district ombudsmen, he said the legislation is there, financial allocation has been made, but again vested interests have foiled the plan by denying local people's prompt access to justice at the local level.

Daniyal said the international conference has also recommended immediate creation of district service cadre under section 140(A) of the LG Ordinance and also stressed the need for notification of efficiency and disciplinary powers of the Nazims and Naib Nazims to empower the Nazims with regard to transfers and postings of the district officer.

The conference recommended that there is a need for treating the transaction cost sector like revenue, police, judiciary and audit and accounts as special sector.

It also recommended that donor programmes and projects would be more effective if they remain within the parameters of local laws and the existing projects must be restructured and aligned to the devolved structures for meeting the MDGs target.

The conference also recommended that all financing of local government functions under the law must be through the Provincial Finance Commission (PFC) and the donors need to make efforts towards harmonising their support through the PFC Award. Only conditional grants may be used only to resolve a specific problem.

The conference called for expediting the provincial restructuring in accordance with section 133-A of the LG Ordinance to make them compatible with the local governments. The conference also ruled that a direct election at district and tehsil level would strengthen the local government system. It was also recommended to introduce the subject of governance in the curricula of graduate and post-graduate levels.

Seven different sessions on different key topics relating to good governance at the local level were held in which the experts discussed the issues in achieving the set MDGs, including poverty eradication, universal primary education, gender equality, reduction in child mortality, maternal health, combating diseases, environment sustainability, and developing a global partnership for development. Scholars, experts and researchers from US, India, Singapore and China attended the conference along with national stakeholders, including ministers, officers, and public representatives.

Addressing the conference, Balochistan local Government Minister Maulana Hussain Shrodi said he personally feels that the LG system had failed to deliver according to the expectations of the people. By and large, the LGs are falling far behind the development targets in Balochistan, he added. He called for an end to the confrontation among various stakeholders and government machinery to make the LG system more responsive to address the problem of the masses.

Reference: http://www.brecorder.com/index.php?i...term=&supDate=

hope it helps...........
also trying to find valuable material on ur desired topics

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Default Balochistan Package

@ aneeqa

Balochistan package, healing of wounds

Thursday, December 03, 2009
By Mahmood Zaman

Balochistan, the largest province in area, acceded to Pakistan in April 1948 under an agreement of accession with the Khan of Kalat, whose state formed 23 per cent of the total Balochistan territory, recognizing its autonomy and sovereignty. However, both houses of the Kalat Parliament later asserted independence a few months later, the Khan rejected accession and started leading a separatist movement.

Later, Nawab Nowroz Khan followed the suit in 1968. But the most serious insurgency was led by the Marri and Mengal tribes between 1973 and 1977. They took to arms for the cause of a “Greater Balochistan” as an independent state comprising the historical regions in Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan. In 2005 there was another struggle to achieve these aims and within one year Nawab Akbar Bugti and many more nationalist leaders, including Balach Marri, were killed and hundreds went missing.

Provincial autonomy and the use of provincial resources for the people is the most fundamental grievance of Baloch people. Tribal leaders add to their misery because they do not want any development in their areas. Successive governments have also distributed resources among tribal chiefs (Sardars) and people hardly benefited from them. Gas from Sui is not supplied to them but huge royalties are paid to Bugti tribe chief. Gwadar has been in the clutches of a land-grab mafia; the federal government earns billions from gas, but gives only a fraction back to Balochistan for development. Provincial autonomy promised in the 1973 constitution has yet to be realised.

Poor handling of Balochistan issue by the past governments has led to alienation of the Baloch youth. Nationalist leaders insist that they are not opposed to development but are against the exploitation of natural resources that do not benefit local communities. They also insist that the province, not the Sardars or the centre, should benefit from Balochistan’s resources.

Balochistan package: It is in this background that the government introduced November 24 at a joint session of Parliament a ‘Balochistan package’ in the name ‘Aghaze Huqooq-e-Balochistan’ that promises autonomy. Besides, the package promises initiating of judicial inquiry into the killings of Nawab Akbar Bugti and other Baloch leaders, establishing no more cantonments, replacement of army by the Frontier Corps, tracing missing persons, payment of Rs120 billion in gas royalty and an end to all operations except anti-terror actions, are some other bold features of the five-tier package.

As is evident from the title, it is just a beginning of redressing grievances of the people of Balochistan who have been wronged in the past, more by military regimes than other governments. The package is a comprehensive and multi-dimensional package that combines political, administrative and economic initiatives finalized by a seven-member parliamentary committee, headed by PPP Senator Mian Raza Rabbani, after consultation with other political parties in Parliament and the Baloch leadership.

The package envisages the Frontier Corps will replace army at Sui. It also undertakes the release of all political workers and withdrawal of cases against those who have no charges. As for missing persons, it requires bringing them before courts for trial within seven days.

Presenting the details of the package, Senator Raza Rabbani said necessary constitutional amendments would be made to strengthen provincial autonomy as demanded by Balochistan and other smaller provinces. On the economic side, the package envisions that the federal government will pay royalty to the province Rs120 billion on the Gas Development Surcharge from 1954 to 1991 in 12 years.

Constitutional reforms relate to abolition of the Concurrent List of the Constitution, end to the Police Order and the Balochistan Local Government Ordinance 2001 from the 6th Schedule and effective implementation of the Article 153 concerning the Council of Common Interests. This also assures effective implementation of articles 154 to 159 and 170 of the Constitution. This means that Balochistan will enjoy priority over the use of its gas and construct dams and hydro and thermal electricity generation units (Article 157), formulates plans for financial, commercial and socio-economic development under the National Economic Council (Article 156) in addition to empowering the province to establish broadcasting and telecasting facilities (Article 159).

All these provisions relate to provincial autonomy and it appears that the package has more or less conferred such rights on Balochistan.

Gwadar: The package promises a judicial inquiry into the allotment of land in Gwadar to accommodate the local population. Besides, a free economic zone will be established in this port city and all jobs will be offered to the local population.

The chief minister will be the ex-officio chairperson of the seven-member Gwadar Development Authority that alone will decide future development in the area. There will be a special development package for the Sui area where 5,000 additional provincial cadre jobs will be created.

The province will be able to purchase up to 20 per cent of the shares of the PPL, the OGDCL and the Sui Southern when offered in the open market. The federal government will transfer 20 of its 30 per cent shares in the Saindak project to Balochistan and on completion, the project would be exclusively handed over to the province.

Similarly, Rs1 billion will be spent on the rehabilitation of IDPs from Dera Bugti.

Guarantee: Parliament will stand guarantee to the implementation of the package, as its committee on national security will monitor the implementation of the package in the light of a monthly report by the federal and provincial governments. They will also present a quarterly report before both the houses of Parliament for discussion.

The Balochistan Package, as unfolded in a joint session of Parliament, is major political move to appease the long-standing dissent in the troubled province. Successive military regimes preferred military means over political dialogue, the first major initiative of a civilian leader in Balochistan was made by Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Shaheed in 1970s whose forward policy abolished the Sardari system besides using military force.

At present, another PPP government has initiated appeasement as is evident from an apology offered by President Zardari to the people of Balochistan for wrong doings of the past even before being elected to the office. The package was placed before Parliament as “a historic step forward that would go a long way in redressing the grievances and removing the sense of deprivation among the people of Balochistan”, according to Premier Gilani.

Landmark: The Balochistan package is undoubtedly a landmark that seeks much-needed step in the right direction. It addresses a whole gamut of political, economic, constitutional and administrative grievances of the province.

All except Baloch nationalists have accepted the package and they should be told in plain words that Pakistan is and must remain a federation and there is simply no way that secessionist demands can or should be accepted. This is just a starting point and the government’s package holds the promise of a better tomorrow for Balochistan; its political leadership must encourage the angry and wronged Baloch nationalists to be engaged in negotiations with the federal government to ensure that their legitimate grievances will be addressed.

Simultaneously, a road map prepared to start immediate implementation as confidence building measures. There is no reason why nationalists would not feel attracted to negotiations when the package’s implementation will already be in progress.

The government can also persuade rejectionists with the plea that Balochistan is not just home to Baloch people; there is also a sizeable Pashtun population whose interests must also be accommodated.

The federal government, a civilian dispensation, has extended its hand in good faith showing a political will that the people of Balochistan deserve a non-violent solution to their problems. All the fine sentiments in the package offering reconciliation with our “Baloch brothers” must now translate into relief from paramilitary operations since at least 2002 that accelerated in quantity and intensity after 2006. The operation must end now as this alone may lead to a dialogue process, so urgently required under the circumstances.

Reference:http://www.thenews.com.pk

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hi buddy n thx for this timely post ....plz i 'd appreciate if u provide such an informative having all past present n currunt development on MIDDLE EAST Palestinian ISSUE and IRAN, US and CHINA-RUSSIA trio....
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Default The Palestinian Issue in 2010

@ faiqa
Aoa,

The Palestinian Issue in 2010


Conferences & Seminars 01-02-2010

On Saturday January 11, 2010, Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations held its annual strategic assessment discussion panel about the Palestinian issue, entitled this year, "The Palestinian Issue in 2010". The panel was held with the participation of a select of academics and intellectuals who are involved with the Palestinian issue, including Ahmad Khalifeh, Usamah Hamdan, Bilal Al-Hassan, Dr. Hassan Abu-Taleb, Dr. Hussein Abu-nnaml, Hilmi Moussa, Dr. Samir Al-Taqi, Dr. Talal Atrissi, Prof. Majdi Hammad, and Mounir Shafiq, and Fat-hi Abu Al-Ardat who presented a paper by Major General Jibril Al-Rajjoub.

The importance of the discussion panel is embodied in its goal of assessing the developments in the various aspects of the Palestinian issue in 2009, and attempting at a strategic forecast of the year 2010 developments. This panel has become an established annual event of the Centre, in line with the latter's continuous efforts in the field of Palestinian Studies and the Arab-Israeli Conflict. "It also comes amidst the Centre's occupation with preparing its annual Palestinian Strategic Report," according to the Centre's General Manager, Dr. Mohsen Moh'd Saleh.

In his opening speech, Saleh welcomed the participants and briefed the most significant developments that took place in the year 2009, frequently asking open questions, to be discussed, about the possible developments in 2010. Saleh also mentioned the grave loss within the Palestinian intellectual arena in 2009, "with the passing away of three intellectual musketeers", in reference to Anis Al-Sayegh (Prof., member of the Centre's board of consultants), Shafiq Al-Hout (former member of the PLO executive committee, and former representative of the PLO in Lebanon for 15 years), and Kamal Nagy (Dr., International Law expert, and Major General, prominent figure in Fateh in Lebanon), all three who were frequent participants in the Centre's activities and conferences.



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First Session
The first session focused on the internal Palestinian scene, and was moderated by Dr. Hussein Abu-nnaml. The key speakers of this session were Bilal Al-Hassan, Fat-hi Abu Al-Ardat on behalf of Jibril Al-Rajjoub, and Usama Hamdan.
In the first paper, Al-Hassan considered three main issues: peace negotiations, reconciliation efforts between Fatah and Hamas, and the measures and practices of Abbas in the West Bank. He noted that the major weakness in the negotiations currently is the absence of a legitimate reference, with the current reference being the individual negotiating parties, thus leaving it for the might to make the right. Al-Hassan described the negotiations on the Palestinian side as a fruitless process that only achieves the Israeli ends.
On the Egyptian reconciliation document, Al-Hassan noted its restriction to the administrative content and lack of any direct political content, stressing that reconciliation cannot occur unless the text is appropriately modified.
He then moved to warn the PLO's Executive Committee against the consequences of establishing an immigration department, the most obvious of which is dividing the Palestinians outside Palestine into refugees and immigrants, thus labeling millions of Palestinians in the second, making their achievement of their Right of Return harder, and their permanent settlement outside Palestine easier.

The second speaker was Fat-hi Abu Al-Aradat, on behalf of Al-Rajjoub, who started by talking about the continued Palestinian schism and its consequences, including the political and geographic division on the official level, the deteriorating status of human rights in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the strictly imposed siege on Gaza Strip that causes increased suffering and prevents reconstruction. Abu Al-Aradat also noted the freeze in the settlement process, and the dead-end reached in the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations in light of the increased Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank and Jerusalem, the construction of the Separation Wall, confiscation of the Jerusalemites' houses, plans to demolish entire Arab neighbourhoods in Jerusalem, and the isolation of Aghwar area as a prelude to later seizing it.
Unlike Al-Hassan, Al-Aradat saw that the only way out of the internal division and the deadlock in negotiations is for all the parties to sign on the Egyptian Document, commit to all of its terms, and establish a solid ground for national reconciliation that includes a clear agreement on the terms of a political solution, security, arms, militias, resistance, political coexistence, rule of law, human rights, democracy, intolerance, pluralism, and peaceful transfer of authority through electoral vote.

The last speaker in this session was Usama Hamdan, who considered in his paper that the major obstacle in reconciliation was the debate about the political program (resistance or settlement), but the situation exacerbated further because of the weak and divided Arab stance, in addition to the American and international interference that resonated among some Palestinian parties; but the division, according to Hamadan, has revealed two main predicaments within the internal Palestinian scene, the first is that the Palestinian political system was designed as to serve only one party that should rule in harmony with the will of political settlement, that lead to the withering of the Palestinian issue and rights. The second is that the whole notion of an independent Palestinian political will and on the ability of the Palestinians to build a united national political authority committed to national foundations is undetermined.
Hamdan called for performing a "necessarily-needed" review of the peace process and the status it reached today, especially as Obama's helplessness has been evident. He warned against this misleading pursue, in case the peace process continued in 2010, because it will only result in increased Palestinian losses. Hamdan called for the embracement of "the Palestinians' only choice of liberation and return, which was proved throughout years to be only achievable through resistance"; adding that the settlement years were the golden era of expanding settlements in the West Bank and Judaizing Jerusalem.
The year 2010 will corner the Palestinian Authority according to Hamdan, forcing it to take a decisive stance towards Jerusalem, and the reaction of the Palestinian people against the Judaization of the city. He asked: "Will it be similar to that towards Gaza?". Finally, Hamdan stressed on the importance of actively involving the Palestinian Diaspora, and on the resistance as a strategic option, adding that liberating Palestine is not a Palestinian project but a nation's (he used the word Umma) project, although it should start with the Palestinians' resistance (Jihad).



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Second Session
The second session was moderated by Dr. Samir Al-Taqi. It included two papers, the first by Ahmad Khalifeh on the Israeli scene, and the second by Dr. Hassan Abu-Taleb on the Arab Scene.

Within the internal Israeli scene, Khalifeh focused on the aspects related to the Palestinians or to the political process and negotiations. He started by noting the shortage in Arab and Palestinian academia in the field of Israeli studies, although such studies are essentially needed in the conflict.
The Israeli society as a whole and the Israeli political structure has been continuously shifting towards the right in its stance towards the Arab-Israeli conflict, according to Khalifeh who added: "Today in Israel, there is no political party with moderate stance, or a party with which we can agree on some solution to the Palestinian issue; this is the illusion that we must overcome, especially with Netanyahu in power and the latter's infamous history towards the Palestinians".
But facing the critical Palestinian situation is a critical Israeli situation as well. Israel today is facing serious strategic challenges and dilemmas, obvious through the policies and statements of the Israeli politicians and strategists; the most-known being the "demographic threat" as put by the Israelis, and the Jewishness of the state especially with regards to the Palestinian Arabs with Israeli citizenships (Arabs of 1948) and the Religious Jews (Haridi). In addition, if the settlement process continues in stalemate, the Israeli "security concerns" towards the West Bank will intensify, especially as the disengagement plan failed in Gaza.

The second speaker in this session was Dr. Hassan Abu-Taleb on the Arab scene and the Palestinian issue. Abu-Taleb started his paper by briefing the Palestinian scene of 2009 in four major points: freeze in the political settlement track, increased polarization in the Arab World, the fading of the Palestinian issue, and a surprising political activity at the beginning of 2010. Forecasting the developments of 2010, Abu-Taleb anticipated a muddle in political roles and many indecisive partial penetrations, thus no full reconciliation will be achieved internally this year, but the Palestinian Authority, supported by some Arab regimes, will continue with negotiations and take on its behalf additional commitments that will raise dissent and critiques.
According to Abu-Taleb, no change will take place in the Egyptian-Syrian relations, Syria will not interfere largely in a Palestinian reconciliation, and the Arab summit will be held but will not patron the Palestinian-Israeli negotiations; noting the limited prospects of the Arab peace initiative, especially as he expects Israel to continue with settlement expansion. Abu-Taleb also expected the Turkish efforts to fail in restoring the Syrian-Israeli negotiations.



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Third Session
The third and last session discussed the stance of the Islamic world and international parties towards the Palestinian issue. It was moderated by Mo'ein Manna', and included three speakers: Dr. Talal Atrissi, Prof. Majdi Hammad, and Mounir Shafiq.

Dr. Atrissi first spoke on the Islamic world and the Palestinian issue, noting that with the current division between the Palestinians themselves on their strategic choice (resistance or peaceful settlement), it is impossible to expect any united stance from all the Islamic countries; thus, the positions and policies of the Islamic countries will remain most probably disaligned towards the Palestinian issue, and this reflects the disaligned and polarized condition within the Islamic world on one hand, and within the Arab and Palestinian scene on the other.
Regardless of the above, Atrissi concluded, there remain major issues that have the sympathy of all Muslims, such as Jerusalem, the Separation Wall, and the Settlements; and this sympathy should be better channeled in support of the Palestinian rights.

The second speaker in this session was Dr. Hammad. His paper was entitled: "The Palestinian Issue and the International Scene: Ideas for Discussion".
Hammad said that the most serious mistake in Oslo Accords was the Palestinian side's renunciation of its right to resist on the international arena, although this right is stated in international law and texts. This has committed the Palestinian Authority, and the Palestinian people, to terms that contradict with their rights and the more referential and legitimate international law and human rights texts. Hammad criticized Oslo not because it didn't give the Palestinians their right, but because it took from them additional rights. He supported the call for the Palestinians to review what the peace process has led them to since its start.

The last speaker was Mounir Shafiq, who said that currently, the international system and international balance of power is in a challenged state, but unfortunately the Palestinians are incapable of taking advantage of this state to achieve their rights because of their internal muddling. The regional balance of powers should not stay dependent on American policies, but major Arab countries should take the initiative especially as it saw the American's performance in Iraq and the withering of the "peace process" along with increased Palestinian suffering. Shafiq concluded by calling Arab and Islamic regimes to take major regional roles, especially in the issue of Palestinian reconciliation, breaking the siege on Gaza Strip, and stopping the Judaization measurements in Jerusalem, and the Settlements and Wall construction in the West Bank.

The panel was concluded with a note by Dr. Mohsen Saleh, who thanked all the participants for the valuable discussion, hoping that this and similar seminars will support the Palestinian issue and all those working towards its just end.



Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations, 11/1/2010

courtesy:http://www.alzaytouna.net/arabic/?c=1517&a=108658

hope it helps.................

also trying to find useful material on ur desired topics.

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on Iran i've posted a very interesting press release on the thread below,

http://www.cssforum.com.pk/css-optio...tml#post168732

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