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Old Saturday, April 01, 2006
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From the ashes of East Pakistan has emerged a new vibrant country. The only remains of the past for the world to see and ponder are a few hundred thousand stranded Pakistanis in the so-called Geneva camps who have been condemned to suffer in silence for the sins they never committed




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March 26 is Bangladesh’s Independence Day


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Was Bangladesh inevitable? Were the two wings of the country, separated by a hostile territory, destined to part ways within the short span of 25 years? These questions are repeatedly asked whenever Pakistan’s security is threatened by the divisive forces operating within its own boundaries. Be it a turmoil in Balochistan or a national upsurge in Sindh, politicians of all hues stress this point in their meetings and discussions.

This issue once again comes into focus today, March 26, which Bangladesh celebrates as its independence day. It was on this day in 1971 that the people of East Pakistan proclaimed independence seceding from Pakistan. A day earlier, that is, on March 25, a massive army action was launched throughout East Pakistan against the “miscreants”. Unfortunately the same terminology is being used today in dealing with the strident people along our north-western frontiers.

It is believed that the proclamation was written on a piece of paper, perhaps torn from an exercise book, and read out before a group of the activists of the Awami League somewhere in the Kushtia district of East Pakistan. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the unchallenged leader of the Bengalis, is said to have written the verdict of history at his modest house in Dhanmandi Residential area where he was waiting for the Pakistan Army to arrest him, or kill him.

There is no point now in regretting what we did, or did not do, in the past. The past is buried deep under the debris of a non-existent East Pakistan. But there is no harm in listening to the eloquent voice of history. History has, indeed, changed the geographical boundaries of many countries. From the ashes of East Pakistan has emerged a new vibrant country. The only remains of the past for the world to see and ponder are a few hundred thousand stranded Pakistanis in the so-called Geneva camps who have been condemned to suffer in silence for the sins they never committed.

Is it not ironical that the city which had played a key role in organizing the Muslims of the subcontinent and which founded the All India Muslim League is now bereft of any trace of Pakistani nationhood? On December 16 when Dhaka fell to the Mukti Bahini and the Indian troops, on that fateful day, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi of India had declared in a broadcast: “From today Dhaka is the capital of an independent state.” Many bewildered Pakistanis who were in Dhaka on that day still remember with a profound sense of shame and dismay how they had watched the convoys of Indian troops passing through the city roads shouting slogans of “Indira Mai ki jai.”

Only a couple of days ago the military genius of that time, Rao Farman Ali, had told a bevy of foreign correspondents at Dhaka’s Intercontinental Hotel that the Muslims can never be defeated and that those had any doubts about it should consult history to know the truth. A woman journalist had asked him if his army would be able to hold on for a couple of days. Around that time General A.K. Niazi had pompously declared that Indian troops could enter Dhaka only over his dead body. As lady luck was kind to him, his body remained unruffled by the dirty boots of Indian soldiers. A rousing welcome awaited him in Pakistan for his heroic performance in the battlefield.

The Muslim Bengal had played a key role in awakening the Muslims from deep slumber. Many reformers including Haji Shariatullah had launched a number of socio-religious movements in Bengal. The famous Faraizi Movement was one of them. These movements had their roots in the masses and therefore commanded respect. Their leaders were revered by the people.

In the arena of politics too, the Bengalis had introduced the elements of sincerity and truth. Those who are familiar with the history of Bengal, particularly in the context of the Muslims, know how Mr H.S. Suhrawardy and Maulvi A.K. Fazlul Haql had championed the cause of the Bengali Muslims. During the Calcutta riots, people had watched Mr Suhrawardy standing in an open jeep in the riot-affected areas of the city. It was only through his active intervention that a large number of Muslims could save their lives. He could have steered the ship of Pakistan through troubled waters. But he was thoroughly condemned and humiliated. Field Marshal Ayub Khan who was the first man to introduce military culture in the body politic of Pakistan writes about Mr Suhrawardy in his book, Friends Not Masters: “It was not beyond him to accept money from foreign powers.”

Maulvi Fazlul Haq was not a maulvi in the traditional sense. A brilliant lawyer that he was, he had devoted himself to the cause of educating the Muslims in the hinterland of Bengal. More importantly, he had made history by moving the famous Pakistan Resolution at Lahore on March 23, 1940. But when Pakistan came into being, a slanderous campaign was launched against him. He was termed a traitor only because he had made a statement in Kolkata about the cultural affinity of the people living in two Bengals. Now no eyebrows are raised when the people living in two Punjabs mingle together and share each other’s feelings and aspirations. Let us now admit that in the genesis of the Pakistan movement, the premise was not all too correct. Religion alone could not have provided a strong bond for a sustainable relationship between the people coming from diverse cultures. For example, there was nothing common between the people of north India and those inhabiting the southern region of the country. They spoke different languages and had well defined cultural traditions. Religion was the only common factor which proved to be a very fragile link. In the same manner, the people of West Pakistan and East Bengal were different in so many ways.

For the Bengalis their language and culture had the primacy. Tagore was their ideal. But they were reasonable people. They did not believe in imposing their will on others. As they had struggled together with the people of West Pakistan they shared the concept of a common destiny for all of them. But the rulers had a different agenda.

The East Bengal Assembly adopted a bill abolishing the infamous zamindari system. This system along with the integration of over five hundred princely states into the political and administrative set-up had already been banished in India. On the other hand, no effort was made in West Pakistan to bring to an end the rotten feudal and jagirdari system which the British had allowed to flourish during their reign. The present crisis in the tribal areas is an off-shoot of that neglect which has now assumed a serious proportion. In many parts of present Pakistan, the feudal lords are the real and effective rulers. Their word is the law.

The situation was different in the eastern part of the country. In the absence of landed aristocracy, a vibrant middle class started emerging in East Pakistan. There was also a sizable Hindu population in East Pakistan. This had a salutary effect on the establishment of political institutions. Most elected leaders came from the middle class with no hang-up of a feudal society. Communal politics had no place in the land. But the people of East Pakistan continued to be regarded as suspects. Their language movement which finally became the precursor of a national movement for achieving their rights was criticized and condemned by the rulers. Several students lost their lives in the process. But at that time nobody cared to understand the nature of the language movement. It was not directed against any other language, particularly Urdu, which was declared the national language of Pakistan. The Bengalis were the majority community but they were not demanding that Bengali should be made the only national language. They only wanted Bengali to be declared as one of the national languages.

The final blow to the united Pakistan came when the military rulers refused to honour the verdict of 1970 election. Awami League had emerged as the majority party and its leader should have been invited to form the government. But that did not happen and the National Assembly session scheduled to be held in Dhaka was postponed indefinitely. The postponement finally convinced the Bengalis that West Pakistan leadership would never be prepared to share power with them. The military action of March 25 was a watershed in the history of Pakistan.

Even in those stormy days when scores of Bengali leaders and activists were fleeing to Kolkata for a safe haven, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman refused to follow them. For the Indians who would have been pleased to welcome him, Mujib could have been the best bet. But he was reluctant to leave his land, his Bangladesh. Once during the Martial Law days, Mujib had told me “Mr Suhrawardy could make compromises because he is growing old. But I can wait.” And he waited endlessly at his house for a general to punish him for his loyalty to the country.

Mujib has been much maligned in Pakistan. But he was no evil. When he returned from London and addressed a mammoth meeting, he had asked the non-Bengali to become “Bengali” as it was their own land. But at that point, Mr Tajuddin, who had led the movement in his absence, pulled his kurta and asked him not to dwell on this subject. Perhaps Tajuddin was right. Times had changed. The non-Bengalis who had fully cooperated with the army were now being termed as collaborators. It was because of him that many non-Bengali families were able to leave Bangladesh in safety.

It is now a known fact that Mujib had no hand in the so-called Agartalla Conspiracy Case. It might have been a contact at a low level. But the authorities included Mujib‘s name as an afterthought to make it look credible. During his periods of frequent detention, he banked on the goodwill of his non-Bengali friends. He had told me how they had helped his family in all possible ways. Few people know that his most trusted chauffeur was a non-Bengali young man. It was under the pressure of his colleagues that he reluctantly changed him.

During the heightened tension in the country, Mujib is said to have told Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, “Zulfi, let us come to an agreement. Otherwise, first they would kill me and then they would be after your blood.” The first part of his prediction did not come true. Mujib was killed by his own people. But Bhutto was hanged and quietly buried in Sindh‘s Garhi Khudabux.

A prime minister of Pakistan who was visiting Bangladesh a few years back had said at a banquet hosted for him by the prime minister of Bangladesh, “Even today feel that had the results of 1970 elections been respected, the history of the region would have been different. It is only when we do not respect the principles of democracy or the sanctity of the ballot box do problems arise. External inimical forces are always there to exploit our mistakes. Let us learn from the mistakes of the past.” Is anybody listening ?
(courtesy dawn "friday 31 march 2006")
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