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  #41  
Old Friday, May 16, 2008
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Post Syed Ameer Ali [1849-1928]

Syed Ameer Ali
[1849-1928]

Syed Ameer Ali traced his lineage through the eighth Imam, Ali Al-Raza, to the Holy Prophet (S. A. W.). One of his forefathers held office under Shah Abbas II of Persia. Another took part in Nadir Shah's invasion of India. After the plunder of Delhi, his forefathers decided to settle in the Sub-continent and started serving Muhammad Shah. Another of his forefathers fought against Marhattas in the third battle of Panipat. After the death of his grandfather, his father Saadat Ali Khan was brought up and educated by his maternal uncle.

Saadat Ali Khan had five sons, Syed Ameer Ali being the youngest of them. He was born on April 6, 1849. His father, on the advice of some friendly British officers, made a break with the traditions and gave his sons an English education. Ameer Ali was educated at Hoogly College. He was a precocious child and learnt Arabic, Persian, Arab philosophy and history from his gifted father. He graduated in 1867 and became one of the first Muslim graduates in India. In 1868, he passed his MA in history, and law, and in the same year proceeded to England on a government scholarship to pursue his higher studies. In London, he joined the Temple Inn and made contacts with the elite of the city. He imbibed the influence of contemporary liberalism.

He returned to India in 1873 and resumed his legal practice at Calcutta High Court. The following year, he was elected as a Fellow of Calcutta University and was also appointed as a lecturer in Islamic Law at the Presidency College. He was one of the first leaders to clearly visualize that the Muslims should organize themselves politically if they were to have an honored place in Indian public life. With this devotion, he established the Central National Muhammadan Association on April 12 1877. He was associated with it for over 25 years, and worked for the political advancement of the Muslims. In 1878, he was appointed as the member of the Bengal Legislative Council. He revisited England in 1880 for one year.

In 1883, he was nominated to the membership of the Governor General Council. He became a professor of law in Calcutta University in 1881. In 1890 he was made a judge in the Calcutta High Court. He retired in 1904 and decided to settle down in England. This was a fateful decision of his career. Though, due to his influence in government circles, he contributed a lot for the Muslim community of India, while sitting in London, he was away from the main current of Muslim political life. Had he lived in India, he could have filled the gap in Muslim leadership created by the death of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan.

He established the London Muslim League in 1908. This organization was an independent body and not a branch of All India Muslim League. In 1909, he became the first Indian to sit as a Law Lord of the Privy Council. In 1910, he established the first mosque in London. His field of activities was now broadened and he stood for the Muslim welfare all over the world. He played an important role in securing separate electorates for the Muslims in South Asia and promoting the cause of the Khilafat Movement.

He wrote a number of books on Islam and Islamic history. His most notable contributions are "The Spirit of Islam", "A Short History of the Saracens" and "Muhammadan Law". His book "Spirit of Islam", to some scholars, was the greatest single work on the liberal exposition of Islam.

He died on August 4, 1928 in Sussex.
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Post Maulana Shaukat Ali [1873-1938] || Maulana Muhammad Ali Jouhar [1878-1931]

Maulana Shaukat Ali
[1873-1938]

Both brothers, Shaukat Ali and Muhammad Ali were among the architects of Pakistan's freedom. Maulana Shaukat Ali, being the elder of the two Ali Brothers, was deeply interested in Islam and totally committed to the cause of freedom movement.

He was born in Rampur and educated at Aligarh. At Aligarh he became the captain of the cricket team and idol of cricket-loving crowds. He served in the provincial civil service of the United Provinces of Oudh and Agra for 17 years, from 1896 to 1913.

He actively assisted Maulana Muhammad Ali in the publication of "Hamdard" and "Comrade" that played a vital role molding the political policy of Muslim India. In 1915 he was imprisoned along with Maulana Mohammad Ali. In 1919, while he was in jail, he was elected President of the First Khilafat Conference. Upon his release the same year, he was elected Secretary and Chief Executive Officer of the Central Khilafat Committee. In 1921, he was again imprisoned along with Maulana Muhammad Ali and was released in 1923. He attended the All Parties Conference in Delhi in 1929, and the First and Second Round Table Conferences. He helped organize the World Muslim Conference held at Jerusalem, in 1932.

In 1936 he became a member of the All India Muslim League Council and also of the Muslim League Parliamentary Board. From 1934 to 1938 he was a member of the Legislative Assembly. From 1936 to 1938, he not only helped the Quaid-i-Azam in popularizing the Muslim League at various levels, but also toured Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Saudi Arabia and the United States where he delivered speeches on the Freedom Movement of India and on Islam.


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Maulana Muhammad Ali Jouhar
[1878-1931]

Maulana Muhammad Ali was born in Rampur state in 1878, in a wealthy and enlightened family of Pathans. His father died when he was two years old. He and his family suffered financial problems after the death of his father. Due to the efforts, determination and sacrifice by his mother, he and his brothers were able to get good education. He did his graduation from Aligarh University with honors and then went to Lincoln College Oxford, England, in 1898 to study modern history.

On his return he was appointed Director of Education in Rampur State, and later joined the Baroda Civil Service and served there for seven years. Maulana Muhammad Ali was a brilliant and impressive writer, an orator of the first magnitude and a farsighted political leader. He wrote articles in various newspapers like "The Times", "The Observer" and "The Manchester Guardian".

Maulana Muhammad Ali wrote both in English and Urdu. He launched his famous English weekly "Comrade" from Calcutta in 1911. After shifting to Delhi in 1913, he, in addition to his English weekly, also launched his Urdu weekly, "Hamdard". The "Comrade" became an internationally famous journal and secured many subscribers in numerous foreign countries. He also worked hard towards making M. O. A. College a Muslim University. He assisted in setting up Jami'ah Milliyah Islamia, which was later transferred to Delhi. For four years after 1911, he remained involved in the Kanpur Mosque affair.

Maulana Muhammad Ali Jouhar was one of the cofounders of All India Muslim League. He attended the first session of All India Muslim League at Dhaka in 1906, and was later elected as its President in 1918. He remained active in the affairs of the All India Muslim League till 1928.


The famous English weekly "Comrade" was launched from Calcutta in 1911
During the Khilafat Movement, Maulana Muhammad Ali Jouhar led a delegation to England in 1919, in order to present the view of the Muslims. Although the delegation was not successful in its aim, he still kept on working for the Muslims. He also wholeheartedly joined the non-cooperation movement organized by Gandhi. In 1921, after the British refused to honor their promises in regard to Turkey, he toured the whole of India in order to gather support for the success of the non-cooperation movement. At the end of the movement he was arrested and jailed for two years.

In 1924, he renewed the publication of "Hamdard". In 1928, he left the Indian National Congress, opposed the Nehru Report tooth and nail, and supported the Fourteen Points of Quaid-i-Azam. Despite his ill health, he attended the First Round Table Conference in 1930, where he effectively argued the case of the Indian Muslims. He delivered a memorable, fiery speech against the domination of India and in favor of immediate independence. Soon after the first session was over, he collapsed and died in London on January 4, 1931, and was buried in Jerusalem according to his own wish.
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Post A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq [1873-1962]

A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq
[1873-1962]

Popularly known as Sher-i-Bengal, A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq was a leader who, for more than half a century, was in the forefront of all political activities pertaining to the Pakistan Movement. He made valuable contributions towards the political, social and educational uplift of the Muslims of the Sub-continent.

He was born on October 26, 1873, and received his elementary and religious education at home. He learnt the Holy Quran, Arabic and Persian from well-known scholars. Fazl-ul-Haq excelled in his studies. He passed his BA securing honors in physics, chemistry and mathematics, and his MA with distinction from the University of Calcutta.

In 1900, he was enrolled as an advocate in the Calcutta High Court. While practicing law in his hometown, Barisal, he realized that the main cause of the backwardness of Muslims of Bengal was lack of education. Educational uplift and political advancement of the Muslims became the goal of his life.

He slowly began to emerge as a young political leader. Fazl-ul-Haq was one of the four members of the committee that drafted the constitution of the All India Muslim League in 1906. In 1912, he started the Central National Muhammadan Educational Association to help the poor and deserving Muslims. In 1914, he became the leader of the Muslims of Bengal. He attended the Lucknow Pact as the representative of the province.

In 1920, he became the Minister of Education for Bengal. He devotedly worked for the educational advancement of the Muslims. During the Non-cooperation Movement of 1919-1921, he very wisely advised the Muslim students to single-mindedly pursue their studies and not to get involved in politics at that stage.

Fazl-ul-Haq was essentially a man of the masses. As a lawyer he defended thousands of Muslims who were accused of the riot cases before the Partition. He also looked after the interests of the peasantry of Bengal. He was also a delegate of the Round Table Conferences and pleaded the cause of the Muslims to have their proper share in the administrative affairs of the country. In 1937, he was elected as Chief Minister of Bengal. During the All India Muslim League session of March 23, 1940, which was presided over by Quaid-i-Azam, Fazl-ul-Haq rose to move the historic Pakistan Resolution and spoke of protecting the rights of the Muslims of India.

Fazl-ul-Haq migrated to Pakistan and accepted the Advocate Generalship of East Pakistan. At the age of 80, he toured East Pakistan from one end to another. In 1962, his health started deteriorating. He passed away on April 27, 1962 after dominating the political stage of the Sub-continent for half a century.
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Post Liaquat Ali Khan [1896-1951]

Liaquat Ali Khan
[1896-1951]

Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, the second son of Nawab Rustam Ali Khan, was born on October 1, 1896, in a Madal Pathan (Nausherwan) family. He graduated in 1918 from M. A. O. College, Aligarh. After his graduation, he was offered a job in the Indian Civil Services, but he rejected the offer on the plea that he wanted to serve his nation. He married his cousin, Jehangira Begum in 1918. After his marriage, he went to London for higher education. In 1921, he obtained a degree in Law from Oxford and was called to Bar at Inner Temple in 1922.

On his return from England in 1923, Liaquat Ali Khan decided to enter politics with the objective of liberating his homeland from the foreign yoke. Right from the very beginning, he was determined to eradicate the injustices and ill treatment meted out to the Indian Muslims by the British. In his early life, Liaquat Ali, like most of the Muslim leaders of his time, believed in Indian Nationalism. But his views gradually changed. The Congress leaders invited him to join their party, but he refused and joined the Muslim League in 1923. Under the leadership of Quaid-i-Azam, the Muslim League held its annual session in May 1924 in Lahore. The aim of this session was to revive the League. Liaquat Ali Khan attended this conference along many other young Muslims.

Liaquat Ali started his parliamentary career from the U. P. Legislative Assembly in 1926 as an independent candidate. Later he formed his own party, The Democratic Party, within the Legislative Assembly and was elected as its leader. He remained the member of the U. P. Legislative Council till 1940 when he was elected to the Central Legislative Assembly.

In his parliamentary career, Liaquat Ali Khan established his reputation as an eloquent, principled and honest spokesman who never compromised on his principles even in the face of severe odds. He used his influence and good offices for the liquidation of communal tension and bitterness. He took active part in legislative affairs. He was one of the members of the Muslim League delegation that attended the National Convention held at Calcutta to discuss the Nehru Report in December 1928.

Liaquat Ali's second marriage took place in 1933. His wife Begum Ra'ana was a distinguished economist and an educationist who stood by her husband during the ups and downs of his political career. She proved to be a valuable asset to his political career as well as his private life. Quaid-i-Azam in those days was in England in self-exile. The newly wed couple had a number of meetings with the Quaid and convinced him to come back to India to take up the leadership of the Muslims of the region.

When Quaid-i-Azam returned to India, he started reorganizing the Muslim League. Liaquat was elected as the Honorary Sectary of the party on April 26, 1936. He held the office till the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. In 1940, he was made the deputy leader of the Muslim League Parliamentary party. Quaid-i-Azam was not able to take active part in the proceedings of the Assembly on account of his heavy political work; thus the whole burden of protecting Muslim interests in the Assembly fell on Liaquat Ali's shoulders. Liaquat Ali was also the member of Muslim Masses Civil Defense Committee, which was formed to keep the Muslims safe from Congress activities and to strengthen the League's mission.

Liaquat Ali Khan won the Central Legislature election in 1945-46 from the Meerut Constituency in U. P. He was also elected Chairman of the League's Central Parliamentary Board. He assisted Quaid-i-Azam in his negotiations with the members of the Cabinet Mission and the leaders of the Congress during the final phases of the Freedom Movement. When the Government asked the Muslim League to send their nominees for representation in the interim government, Liaquat was asked to lead the League group in the cabinet. He was given the portfolio of finance, which he handled brilliantly.

He influenced the working of all the departments of the Government and presented a poor man's budget. His policies as Finance Minister helped in convincing the Congress to accept the Muslim demand of a separate homeland.

After independence, Quaid-i-Azam and Muslim League appointed Liaquat to be the head of the Pakistan Government. Being the first Prime Minister of the country, He had to deal with a number of difficulties facing Pakistan in its early days. Liaquat Ali Khan helped Quaid-i-Azam in solving the riot and refugee problem and setting up an effective administrative system for the country. After the death of Quaid-i-Azam, Liaquat tried to fill the vacuum created by the departure of the Father of the Nation. Under his premiership, Pakistan took its first steps in the field of constitution making, as well as foreign policy.

He presented the Objectives Resolution in the Legislative Assembly. The house passed this on March 12, 1949. Under his leadership a team also drafted the first report of the Basic Principle Committee. His efforts in signing the Liaquat-Nehru pact pertaining to the minority issue in 1950 reduced tensions between India and Pakistan. In May 1951, he visited the United States and set the course of Pakistan's foreign policy towards closer ties with the West.

On October 16, 1951, Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated. He had been scheduled to make an important announcement in a public meeting at Municipal Park, Rawalpindi. The security forces immediately shot the assassin, who was later identified as Saad Akbar. Killing the assassin erased all clues to the identity of the real culprit behind the murder. Liaquat Ali Khan was officially given the title of Shaheed-i-Millat, but the question of who was behind his murder is yet to be answered.
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Post Devolution Of Powers And Responsibilities

DEVOLUTION OF POWERS AND RESPONSIBILITIES


Introduction


Main objectives of Devolution of Powers and Responsibilities were decentralization of political, financial and administrative powers; assigning responsibilities to the quarters it actually belonged; discourage the power brokers and alleviate problems of the general public. The National Reconstruction Bureau published the summary of its objectives on 24th March 2000, starting as following:

“Pakistan’s political history is checkered with many attempts at delivering a better life for the people. The non use, misuse and abuse of our political and administrative systems have lead to a profound institutional crisis. The political system has deteriorated as a result of horse trading and cronyism, the politics of posting and transfers in the bureaucracy and corruption in licences, contracts, taxes etc. The political and administrative systems have collapsed.”

In countries where devolution is in vogue, it was gradually evolved, but in Pakistan it was imposed overnight. Therefore, problems and conflicts are arising which need to be addressed; but, instead of redressing the government tries to defend the existing paradigm. Different functionaries at different levels are not clear about there role in the new system. It has created difference between the local governments and provincial governments and between provincial governments and the Federal Government. Different stake holders have different views, depending on their vested interests. The badly hit District Management Group is bitterly criticizing it and trying to fail the system which did away with the institution of Deputy Commissioner. Police department did not want to be subordinated to district nazims. Despite, introduction of Police Order 2002 and Public Safety Commission which made the police responsible to Nazim to the extent of law and order does not seem to be working well.

The Legislators felt that the local government deprived them of their role in development of the areas. So many of them resigned from their positions and contested elections to become nazims. The nazims are of the view that the elected representatives of provincial and national assemblies should stick to their role of legislation only.

Historical perspective


A few decades ago, governance remained limited to collection of revenue, maintenance of law and order and provision of limited number of services, like railway, telecommunication, health education, etc. As the world started shrinking into a global village, responsibilities of the state became complex and numerous.

Even in Mughal era, institutions like ‘mansabdari’ and ‘revenue system’ were introduced to improve administration of the subcontinent. During the period of Akbar, judicial and executive functions of the state were separated. In the field of revenue collection, fixed proportions of share of the government out of agricultural produce was determined. Rights of the tenants were pronounced in black and white. The British adopted the same revenue system with some changes. Pakistan inherited the same revenue system after independence. The British evolved the system of ‘jagirdari’ and Deputy Commissioner to perpetuate their regime in India. In DC, judicial, executive and revenue power were concentrated and made him the representative of the British Empire. The feudal system and the institution of DC remained intact with the past grandeur till introduction of the instant devolution plan.

Local Government System was introduced in the sub-continent by passing the Punjab Municipal Act of 1867. Initially the members of the local governments were nominated but after introduction of later laws, system of elections was also introduced in the local governments and responsibilities were also enhanced.

In the constitution of 1956, the state was defined as including: “the Federal
Government, the parliament, the Provincial Governments, the Provincial Legislatures, and all local or other authorities in Pakistan”. The local governments were made responsibility of the provincial governments.

In the Constitution of 1962, Electoral College comprising 40000 constituencies was created in each province to elect the President of Pakistan. Though, it was an important function of the local bodies but the Deputy Commissioners and Commissioners were the controlling authorities of the local bodies. In the Constitution of 1962 the terms local governments were not mentioned any where: there was a mention of the provincial governments and the Federal governments. The Federal Government was virtually given all the powers.

In the constitution of 1973, local governments were recognized as the third tier of the state. Article 7 of the constitution described state as: “the Federal Government, the Parliament, the Provincial Government, a Provincial Assembly and such local or other authorities in Pakistan as were empowered by law to impose any tax or cess.”

Martial Law was imposed on 7 July 1977. The local governments continued functioning under administrators till the promulgation of ‘The Punjab Local Government Ordinance 1979’. Four elections were held under this ordinance in 1979, 1983, 1987 and 1991. The Punjab Local Government Ordinance 2001 repealed all the previous ordinances.

The present government realized that bureaucracy is averse to change and prone to status quo, therefore, the government decided to empower the general public to make its decisions regarding fixation of development priorities. Decision making, earlier, was confined to Planning and Development Department and Divisions and at the level of Provincial and Federal levels. The powers were, thus, devolved to grass root level through Devolution Plan formulated by the National Reconstruction Bureau, with the following objectives:

· Devolution of powers
· Decentralization of administrative authority
· De-concentration of management functions
· Diffusion of power-authority nexus
· Distribution of resources to the district level
· Empowerment of women by giving them 33% seats

According to the plan, certain governmental functions were devolved to district, city district, tehsil, town and Union Council level. The provincial governments promulgated Local Government Ordinance 2001 on the basis of the devolution plan prepared by NRB. No previous civil or military government ever thought of empowering the public in such a big way.
Concepts of ‘good governance’, ‘bad governance’ and ‘decentralization’, ‘accountability’ and ‘transparency’ have made the public aware of their rights and right type of government.

Success Stories


As there are many failures and ambiguities related to Devolution, still there are many success stories to be told:

· Efficient distribution and expenditure of funds.
· Improvement in health facilities
· Improved educational facilities
· Reduced corruption and inefficiency

Problems of parallel system


Nazims are supposed to be non-political but they are virtually political figures. There is not proper linkage between District Nazim, Municipal Nazim and UC Nazim, except through advice of District Mushawarti Committee which does not carry any force of law.

Devolution was expected to increase coordination and understanding between the functionaries and the representatives of the local governments but nobody is clear about his role.

Inter group rivalries and discrimination between voter and non-voters has hampered unbiased provision of services to all persons. Nazims belonging to opposition parties have been handicapped by the provincial governments by not providing development funds and by stopping the provincial functionaries from cooperating with them.

Area of responsibility of Tehsil governments has been expanding to the whole of Tehsil as against the previous system where it was restricted to Municipal area only. But, proportionate increase in development funds has not been made. Major chunk of funds are being taken away by the Union Councils of rural areas, delivery of service has, therefore, become poor in terms of street lights, sewerage, sanitation, etc. The TMA is provided funds directly from the provincial government while UCs get funds from the District Government. There is duplication of development works done by the TMAs. They are doing such works as well which is exclusive responsibility of the district governments.

The provincial government exercises control over the District Government and Tehsil Municipal Administration functionaries in terms of transfer/ postings and Annual Confidential Reports through the Chief Secretary, Administrative Secretaries and Board of Revenue, etc. Provincial government exercises this authority without having any responsibility.

District Nazims are not accountable in terms of efficiency, effectiveness in service delivery and output. Institutions like District Mohtasib, Public Safety Commissions and public complaint authorities are yet to be in place. People are losing trust in local governments because of their ineffectiveness.

District Nazims think that they should have been devolved the powers of the DC in respect of Cr.PC, Collector and supervision over all departments on behalf of the provincial government. In case of law and order, the Nazim has very limited and obscure powers.

The system was not tested and grey areas removed. People and functionaries have still not familiar with new designations and rules and procedures. Functionaries are not taking interest in their duties.

No rules and procedures are there to fix responsibility in case of disaster management, VVIP visits, protocol duties, wheat procurement, establishment of Ramadan Bazaars and such other functions, which were previously being performed by the institution of District Magistrate. Similarly, the effectiveness other civil departments is no more there in terms of removal of encroachments, price controls, labour laws, spurious drugs, adulteration, pesticides, water theft, etc. Similarly, there is no formal control of Nazim over Irrigation and Power, Food Department, WAPDA, Telephone and other organizations.

The Nazims are not following any laws, rules or ethics in using powers of their subordinate offices. Powers are being used without taking responsibility.

Orders of transfer/ posting are being issued and cancelled under political pressure. Nazims are bypassing the DCOs and directing the EDOs to submit files directly. Development schemes are approved without technical considerations merely to favor or disfavor friends or foes. Areas of political adversaries are being completely neglected. Instead of devolution to grass root level, powers have been concentrated in Nazims. Government functionaries working under nazims are helpless and frustrated. Social justice, merit, service delivery, equitable distribution of resources and rule of law, hence, are badly suffering.

District Management Group and elected representatives of the provincial and national assemblies are against this system and they are always working overtly and covertly to sabotage it.

There is no formal institution for resolution of conflicts between all the tiers of local governments and between the functionaries and members of the local governments except through District Mushawrati Committee and Provincial Local Government Commission. Magnitude of complaints and conflicts is so high that the centralized commission cannot cope with them effectively.

LAW AND ORDER AND DISTRICT GOVERNMENTS


Role of the local government in control over the police is not clear. According to Police Order 2002, District Nazim has control over police except in the internal administration and investigation of cases and prosecution. If the DPO thinks that the directives of the district government are unlawful, he can refer the case to the Public Safety Commission. The local governments have therefore demanded delegation of magisterial powers to the officers of TMA regarding removal of encroachment, hoarding, price control, profiteering, food adulteration and weights and measures, etc. The district governments feel handicapped in implementation of Local and Special Laws in absence of direct control over the police. Similarly, it has adversely affected recovery of land revenue and other taxes collected by the local governments. The District Nazims and the DCOs are of the view that the local governments should be allowed to maintain their own police for implementation of Local and Special Laws and that the Nazim should make entries in the ACR of DPOs relating to his performance in maintenance of law and order.

Recommendations


· Restore the institution of magistracy under EDOs, as envisage in original devolution plan. One may say that it is again combining executive and judiciary; but, the EDOs will use their powers in executive functions like checking the prices, hoarding and weights and measures. If traffic police can impose fine why EDOs cannot! EDOs may be limited to the extent of imposing fine on encroachers and hoarders, etc.

· Local government may be allowed to keep a Municipal Police for assisting the EDO magistrates.

· District Mushawarati Committee may be empowered to review law and order situation every month.

PUBLIC SAFETY COMMISSION


It is general perception that without control of the District Magistrate, the police have become unaccountable. Despite setting very idealistic objectives in Police Order 2002, police failed to come up to expectation of the public and it did not change their behavior. The Public Safety Commissions are to be set up at the district, provincial and federal levels are expected to keep a check on the conduct of police. Here we shall discuss only the District Public Safety Commission. It will have 12 Members in Lahore district, 10 at range headquarters and 8 in other districts. Half of the members shall be appointed from the elected member of the District Councils and the rest half shall be non-elected members recommended by the districts and notified by the Governors of the provinces.

Functions of the District Public Safety Commission


Approval of Local Policing Plan, prepared by DPO in consultation with Nazim Quarterly evaluation of police performance basing on targets set in Local Policing Plan and submits half yearly report to the Provincial Safety Commission, Nazim, DPO, Provincial Police Officers and the Provincial governments. It will also resolve conflicts between the nazims and the police. It will encourage police-public relationships. Monitor non-registration of FIR; police accesses; get enquiries conducted against police officers through members of the Commission and in case of non-compliance of findings of enquires, report against the DPO to the PPO, Provincial Government or Police Complaint Authority. Conceptually, the idea is very good but there are doubts about its efficacy when it starts working on ground. The Chairman of the Commission will be a local person and the elected and nominated members may be influenced by the district that can use the Commission against police. On the other hand, collusion between the police and the commission members cannot be ruled out. The Commission has not direct powers to take action against the police: it can only send a complaint. There are no criteria regarding experience and qualification of the members of the Commissions.

PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT AFTER DEVOLUTION


The process of planning and progress of development has improved with devolution of planning and decision making powers. Nazim give vision and formulates strategy for expenditure of ADP. 25% funds are allocated to Citizens Community Boards and Works and Services Group in a district plans and executes all schemes.

Planning has become a very technical and professional job. It is beyond the capability of the district governments. Continuous and constant flow of funds and resource cannot be ensured for the local governments, development plans; therefore, long term planning is not possible. District governments are dependent on the provincial governments for funds, which come late. The councilors want to divide the fund amongst them; big projects, hence, cannot be undertaken. Planning is marred by political expediencies. Union Council is a vital unit in planning and development because they receive funds from three sources: own sources, funds from Tehsil or Town Committees, and funds dished out by the district. For the first time in Pakistan’s history, planning and development is done at grass root level. But, unfortunately, things are not moving the way they were envisaged in Devolution Plan. Development schemes of opposition and minority councilors are badly affected.

The developmental role of all the three local governments is confusing and overlapping owing to political designs or unawareness of rules and procedures laid down in the PLGO. Intra district conflicts can be resolved by the District Mushawarati Committee but inter-district problems are difficult to resolve.

District Development Committee, chaired by the DCO and comprising EDOs and Dos, etc., are authorized to pass schemes up to 20 millions. This arrangement was made to keep planning free from political and local biases; but, the Nazims are not satisfied, DDC being non-representative forum. On ground, DDC has become a rubber stamp; because DCOs are subordinate to Nazims.

The Ordinance 2001 envisaged development expenditure through Citizen Community Boards on 20% cost sharing principle. On pressure of the councilors 50% of ADP to be expended by CCBs has been reduced to 25% of ADP. Development through CCB could reduce chances of misappropriation and unnecessary delays and could give sense of participation to the community but the local governments are staunchly opposing this beneficial system.

Local government paradigm has snatched away unauthorized roles from the members of provincial and national assemblies and restricted them to their original role, that is, legislation. Therefore, the legislators are the most ardent enemies of Devolution. Fortunately, Provincial legislators cannot amend the local government ordinance without prior approval of the President of Pakistan.

The Punjab Local Government Ordinance provides for Monitoring Committees, elected by the District Councils, to monitor performance of departments and submit quarterly reports to Nazims. Harassment caused to functionaries by the committee members shall entail dismissal of the member. Performance of local governments in carrying out development remained satisfactory. Their performance can be improved by taking the following steps:

· Timely release of funds by the provincial governments
· Transfer surplus provincial staff, like architects and designers to districts
· Functionaries must be trained in new rules and procedures
· Audit and Accounts rules for CCB should be framed at the earliest
· Development schemes must be allocated without any discrimination
· Overlapping of schemes must be avoided by a consultation mechanism
· The Legislators should focus on their original role
· District Development Committee to scrutinize schemes independent of Nazims
· Local Government (Monitoring) Rules should be framed at the earliest


RECOMMENDATIONS FOR RAPPROCHEMENT


· Provincial governments should be given some powers to amend the Local Government Ordinance 2001, keeping within certain parameters and the Federal Government should act as mediator and not as a player. The provincial government should own the local governments instead of pitching against them. The Federal Government should set example of devolving powers by giving provinces more autonomy.

· Quarterly meetings at provincial headquarters should be held, involving all stake holders, to remove the grey areas.

· Effective mechanism should be put in place to check and correct maladministration, corrupt practices and misappropriation in local governments. District government should have powers to have such control over Tehsil and Union Councils and the provincial governments should have similar authority over district governments. Role of District Mushawarati Committee should be enhanced to resolve conflicts.

· Enforcement of Police Order 2002 should be completed without further delay and writing of remarks by District Nazims in the ACR of District Police Officers should be ensured. District Public Safety Commission should be further empowered and the District and Session Judge must ensure that recommendations of the Commission are taken seriously. Member of the Commission should be imparted extensive training.

· District and Municipal governments should be allowed to raise their own police for specific purposes and the EDOs should be given magisterial powers. Nazims and Naib Nazims should not be allowed to affiliate with political parties. Legislators should also be given some role in development and a District Advisory Board consisting of MNAs, MPAs, District and Tehsil Nazims should be made under chairmanship of the Chief Ministers.

· Provincial administration should have no control over the local government officials. The local government should be independent in transfer/ postings and retaining officers. Every Union Council may be provided with a Development Officer and a sub-engineer to help them in executing projects.

· Provincial Local Government Commission should be made effective for conflict resolution.

· The Provincial Governments have vast powers in relation to District Governments by way of providing guidelines and rendering advice under Section 127 (3) LGO, 2001, issuing direction in public interest and enforcing the same through Inspector General Police and DCO, if the District Nazim fails to comply under Section 128 (3) LGO, 2001. Similar powers should be available to the District Governments, for issuing guidelines and directions to the TMAs and UCs.

· CPLCs should be set up for bringing the police and the public together.

· An awareness campaign should be launched for the masses to understand Devolution Plan.
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Post Crisis of Leadership in Pakistan

Crisis of Leadership in Pakistan
Reasons for Failure
Strategy for Future
By
Leadership


• No common definition or universally acceptable meaning can be enumerated to explain the meaning of Leadership. It is interesting to note that in spite of its importance leadership lacks a concrete definition.


Who is a Leader ?


• ‘Basically a leader is a person who leads a group of people, an organization, an enterprise or a nation towards some definite set of objectives’.

• A leader is defined as any person who influences individuals and groups within an organization, helps them in the establishment of goals, and guides them towards achievement of those goals, thereby allowing them to be effective.

Qualities of Leadership


• Decisiveness
• Clear Vision
• Deep But Correct Foresight
• Perfect Judgment
• Influencing His Subordinates
• Participative Management
• Better Public Perception
• Progressive Minded
• Character
• Optimism
• Balance
• A believer in Change

Crisis of Leadership


MULTI DIMENSIONAL CRISIS

• The Crisis of Identity and Ideology
• The Crisis of Law, Constitution and Political System
• The Crisis of Economy
• The Crisis of Foreign Policy
• The Crisis of Civil Society
• The Crisis of National Security.

Reasons for Failure


These crises haven’t suddenly emerged out of the blue. The inexorable germination and development of these crises was taking place for many years. Now they are all upon Pakistan simultaneously, with greater or lesser intensity. A cursory glance over the political leadership under Civilian and Military Rule from 1947 to 1999 will identify the reasons of failure.

CIVILIAN RULE
1947-1958


• Death of Quaid-I-Azam and Quaid-I-Millat.
• Lack of clear and competent leadership
• Rise of regional and parochial forces
• Political corruption
• Violation and Defiance of democratic/ parliamentary norms.
• Personal ambitions
• Socio-economic strains.

MILITARY RULE
OCT 1958 – Mar 1969
First Martial Law


• Removal of political leadership/ democratic institutions
• Authoritarian Rule
• Guided democracy
• Free hand to the Civil / Military Bureaucracy
• King’s Party
• Economic growth did not bring economic justice or social change.

SECOND MARTIAL LAW
MAR 1969 – DEC 1971


• Credit for holding fair and free elections.
• Failure to deal with post election political problems
• Failure of Military / Political Leadership.
• Military action not solution to the political problem
• Dismemberment of Pakistan.

CIVILIAN RULE
DEC 1971 – JUL 1977


• Civilian Supremacy
• Personalization of power
• Patrimonial system
• Crisis of legitimacy
• Failure to create sustainable political system.
• PPP suffered from ideological disharmony & weak organization.

MILITARY RULE
THIRD MARTIAL LAW
JUL 1977 – AUG 1988


• Constitutional and political engineering.
• Eliminated political opposition
• Crisis of legitimacy
• Civilianization of military rule.
• Constitutional amendments
• Exploitation of religion.

CIVILIAN RULE
NOV. 1988 – OCT 1999


• Economic and political mismanagement
• Corruption and nepotism
• Erosion of National Institutions
• Authoritarian rule under the guise of democracy
• Inefficient / bad Governance.

MILITARY TAKES OVER AGAIN… OCT. 12 1999….

FUTURE STRATEGY
How to get out of Crisis?


Three virtues:

• Vision
• Courage
• Integrity

THE TAPESTRY OF LEADERSHIP


Creating the Weft

• Vision
•Courage
•Integrity

Constructing the Warp

•Initiative
•Optimism
•Believer of change
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Post The Indus Water Treaty between India and Pakistan

The Indus Water Treaty between India and Pakistan


The Indo-Pakistani dispute over the sharing of the Indus River system has not been as contentious as one would expect it to have been. The Indus Waters Treaty of 1960 between India and Pakistan is cited as one of the few examples of successful resolution of a major dispute over an international river basin. It is the largest, contiguous irrigation system in the world, with a command area of about 20 million hectares and annual irrigation capacity of over 12 million hectares. The partition of the Indian sub-continent in 1947 put the headwater of the basin in India, while Pakistan received the lower part of the basin. A serious dispute over the river waters occurred in 1948, when India halted water supplies to some Pakistani canals at the start of the summer irrigation season.

The ensuing negotiations between the two countries did not resolve the problem. The water flow cut off by India affected 5.5 per cent of Pakistan’s irrigated area and put tremendous strains on the new country. After nine years of negotiations, the Indus Waters Treaty was finally signed on September 19, 1960, with the cooperation of the World Bank.


The salient features of the Indus Waters Treaty are:


•Three Eastern rivers namely Ravi, Sutlej and Beas were given to India.

•Three Western rivers, Indus, Jhelum and Chenab were given to Pakistan.

•Pakistan to meet the requirements of its Eastern river canals from the Western rivers by constructing replacement works.

•Safeguards incorporated in the treaty to ensure unrestricted flow of waters in the Western rivers.

•Both parties were to regularly exchange flow-data of rivers, canals and streams.

•A permanent Indus Waters Commission was constituted to resolve the disputes between the parties. The Treaty sets out the procedure for settlement of the differences and disputes. It also provides for settlement of disputes through the International Court of Arbitration.

Thus, future prospects persuaded the two countries to agree to a partition of the Indus Basin waters. Both countries were expected to exploit their respective water shares with the help of an Indus Basin Development Fund to be administered by the World Bank.


Wular Barrage Issue


Despite the signing of the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty, another dispute emerged in 1985, when Pakistan learnt through a tender notice in the Indian press about the development of a barrage by the name of Tulbul Navigational Project. The barrage was to be constructed by India on River Jhelum, below the Wular Lake located near Sopore, 25 km north of Srinagar, where the river Jhelum flows into the Lake in the South and flows out of it from the West. For Pakistan the geostrategic importance of the site lies in the fact that its possession and control provides India with the means to intimidate Pakistan. A Dam on that site has the potential to ruin the entire system of the triple canal project within Pakistan namely, the upper Jhelum Canal, upper Chenab Canal and the lower Bari Doab Canal.

According to the Indian Government, the purpose of the Wular Barrage was to construct a control structure, with a view to improving the navigation in the River Jhelum during winters, in order to connect Srinagar with Baramula for transportation of fruits and timber.

India claimed that 90 percent of the Tulbul project would be beneficial to Pakistan, as it would regulate the supply to Mangla Dam, which would increase Pakistan’s capacity of power generation at Mangla, as well as regulate the irrigation network in the Pakistani Punjab through the triple canal system.10 India further suggested that Pakistan should bear the greater share of constructing the Barrage, as it would be more beneficial to Pakistan, and would be especially effective in reducing the flow of water during the flood season.

Pakistan, on the other hand, argued that India had violated Article I (11) of the Indus Waters Treaty, which prohibits both parties from undertaking any ‘manmade obstruction’ that may cause ‘change in the volume É of the daily flow of waters’. Further that Article III (4) specifically barred India, from ‘storing any water of, or construct any storage works on, the Western Rivers’.

According to sub-paragraph 8(h) of the Indus Waters Treaty, India is entitled to construct an ‘incidental storage work’ on Western rivers on its side:

•only after the design has been scrutinised and approved by Pakistan; and

•Its storage capacity should not exceed 10,000 acres feet of water.

Whereas the Wular Barrage’s capacity is 300,000 acres feet, which is thirty times more than the permitted capacity. Regarding the building of a hydro electric plant, according to the Treaty, India is only allowed to construct a small run-off water plant with a maximum discharge of 300 cusecs through the turbines which are insufficient to generate 960 Megawatts of electricity as planned by India.


Bilateral Negotiations


Pakistan referred the Wular Barrage case to the Indus Waters Commission in 1986, which, in 1987, recorded its failure to resolve it. When India suspended the construction work, Pakistan did not take the case in the International Arbitral Court. To date, eight rounds of talks have been held. In 1989, Pakistan agreed to build a barrage conditional to Pakistani inspection, which India rejected.

The two sides almost reached an agreement in October 1991, whereby India would keep 6.2 meters of the barrage ungated with a crest level of 1574.90m (5167 ft), and would forego the storage capacity of 300,000 acre feet. In return, the water level in the Barrage would be allowed to attain the full operational level of 5177.90 ft. However, in February 1992, Pakistan added another condition that India should not construct the Kishenganga (390 MW) hydropower-generating unit. India refused to accept this condition.

According to Pakistan, the Kishenganga project on River Neelam affected its own Neelam-Jhelum power-generating project, located in its Punjab province. The issue of Wular Barrage was one of the disputes on the agenda highlighted for the Indo-Pak talks, both at the Lahore meeting in February 1999, and at the Agra Summitof July 2001.


Implications for Pakistan


The control of the River Jhelum by India through a storage work would mean:

•A serious threat to Pakistan should India decide to withhold the water over an extended period, especially during the dry season. It would also multiply and magnify the risks of floods and droughts in Pakistan. The Mangla Dam on River Jhelum, which is a source of irrigation and electricity for Punjab, would be adversely affected.

•Provide India a strategic edge, during a military confrontation, enabling it to control the mobility and retreat of Pakistani troops and enhancing the maneuverability of Indian troops. Closing the Barrage gates would render the Pakistani canal system dry and easy to cross. During the 1965 war, the Indian Army failed to cross the BRB Link Canal, due to its full swing flow. India is already in control of the Chenab River through Salal Dam constructed in 1976. Many Pakistanis criticise the conceding of the Salal Dam to India.
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Post

Wealthy Sindh’s Poor People



Sindh at a Glance:
Area: 140914 km2
Population: 30439893 (as per 1998 census) and 42378000 (approximately as in 2008)
Districts: 23
Talukas (Administrative units within a District): 87
Metropolitan/ Municipal Corporations: 9
Municipal Committees: 31
Town Committees: 116
Army Cantonments: 8
Villages/ Dehs: 5871
Average population per km2: 216
Ratio of urban population (living in Metropolitan/Municipal Corporations, Municipal
Committees and Town Committees) 48.8%
Ratio of rural population: 51.2%
Source: Pakistan Government’s Population Census Organization and Federal Bureau of Statistics

Natural Resources:

Coal:

Sindh has 99% coal reservoirs of Pakistan. These are located in Lakhra, Soondha, Thar, Meeting-Jhampeer and Badin. Among these, Thar coal reservoirs are the largest in the world.

• Lakhra: 1.328 billion tonnes
• Soondha: 7.612 billion tonnes
• Thar: 78.196 billion tonnes
• Badin: 9.000 billion tonne
• Meeting – Jhampeer: 0.161 Billion Tonnes
Total: 96.297 billion tonnes
Source: Sindh Coal Authority

Natural Gas:

There are 10 gas fields in Sindh from where natural gas is extracted. These are: Kandhkoat,Khairpur, Mari (The largest gas field where 20% gas is stored and 18% gas is produced/used), Suri/Hundi, Golarchi, Khaskheli and Leghari. Sindh produces 48% of natural gas of Pakistan.

The Oil and Gas Development Company Limited (OGDCL) daily extracts 986 MMCF of natural gas, 368 tonnes of LPG and 71 tonnes of sulphur. The gas is sold at the rate of 137.96 rupees per MCF.

Crude Oil/Petrol:

Sindh produces 62% of oil of Pakistan. OGDCL sales 43642 barrel of oil per day at the rate of 64.79 dollars per barrel.

Agriculture:

Agriculture is the backbone of Sindh’s economy. The main crops of Sindh in summer season include cotton, rice, sugarcane, sorghum, millet, sweet corn, and different pulses, while the wheat is the main crop of the winter season. Sindh produces all sorts of vegetables and fruits such as banana, mango, lemon, orange, grape fruit, strawberry, cherry, peach, cheekoo and guava.

Cattles, Poultry and Fish

• Cows: 3873883
• Buffalos: 3220094
• Sheep: 2615984
• Goat: 6755234
• Camel: 217853
• Horse: 75850
• Donkeys: 500160
• Mules 5372
• Poultry/ chicken/hens:8797905

Source: Pakistan Census of Live Stock 1996

Fish

1139919 metric tonnes of fish are captured from different water habitats. 64400 tonnes of fish is captured from sea. Pakistan’s fish export is worth 133 million dollars. The entire fish comes from Sindh and Baluchistan.

Source: Fish Folk Forum and International Trade Statistics ( ITS)

The proportion of different taxes collected by Sindh for the Federal Government:

• Direct Taxes: 67.65%
o Income Tax: 86.40%
o Wealth Tax: 63.21%
o Capital Gains Tax: 32.60%
o Workers Welfare Fund: 45.53%
• Indirect Taxes: 68.32%
o General Sales Tax (GST): 62.10%
o Federal Excise Duty: 39.40%

Source: Planning and Development Department, Government of Sindh

National Finance Commission (NFC) Award

The British Rule introduced the concept of participatory development and they developed the communication, irrigation, education, law and judiciary systems and provided constitution to united India in 1937.

During British Rule, the Sales Tax (GST) was a provincial tax but at the inception of Pakistan, making the emergency conditions as a pretext the Federal government snatched Karachi from Sindh and later on taken 50% of Sales Tax from Government of Sindh in order to control the financial deficit of Pakistan.

The federal government instead of respecting the 1940 Resolution (inter provincial social pact) and giving the provincial autonomy to all its provinces imposed ONE UNIT over 4 provinces just for sake of demonstrating equality to the then largest province, East Pakistan (now Bangladesh)

Sindh was made a colony for the immigrants from India in an organized and planned way. Hundreds of thousands of acres of agricultural land were allotted to non-Sindhis (Civil and army bureaucracy) in Sukhar, Gudu and Kotri barrage areas.

After 25 years of Pakistan creation no justice and fair system/ dealings were delivered by the Federal Government towards Sindh.

In 1974, the government of Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto, instead of returning 50% GST (taken in the 1940s) to the Sindh snatched the remaining 50% and announced it as 100% Federal Tax. GST is never considered as Federal Tax in any part of the world, it always remains as provincial or regional tax.

In 1974, first NFC award was announced after which the military came in to the power. General Zia ul Haque announced two NFC awards in 1979 and in 1985. 1979 commission was never called while 1985 commission did not reach to an agreement. Mr. Jawed Sultan Jappan wala, the then finance minister refused to sign a totally unjustified award.

In 1997, Sindh again went under a ruthless betrayal by an undertaker government which had no lawful, justified and moral right of doing so.

Background:

Up to this point in time, in all seven NFC awards, the distribution of resources has been done on the only indicator, that is population. Nowhere in the world, under a federal government system, the resources are distributed on the basis of only one indicator i.e. population. For example in India NFC award is distributed on 11 parameters. Having majority in population does not mean that the province contribute and consumes more resources. Therefore, this
exercise does not fulfil the criteria of justice and equality. Hence, the distribution of NFC on multiple parameters is very essential.

In 1991 NFC Award, three taxes were under the federal government distribution pool:

Income Tax (Including Corporate Tax)
General sales Tax (GST)
Central Excise Duty (CED)

Custom tax was under jurisdiction of Federal Government and was not part of
the distribution pool in the NFC award. However, above mentioned three taxes were in that pool.

The following formula was in use for distribution among federal/ central and provinces:

Federal / Central Government: 20%

Provincial Government: 80%

In 1997 NFC award, the federal Government included the custom duty in to the distribution pool and beside this changed the formula of distribution among centre and provinces:

Central Government: 62.5

Provincial Government: 37.5

As a result of this formula the 2/3 of resources became the property to the central government while the remaining 1/3 came to the share of all provinces.

Apart from NFC, the income generated to the federal government from other resources excluding taxes, the provinces do not get the equal proportion. With reference of foreign loans, grants and development projects, principles of justification and equal distributions are also not followed.

The share given by provinces in the distribution pool:

Year 1999-2000

1. Sindh: 189.461 Billion Rupees, 63.7%

2. Punjab: 77.912 Billion Rupees, 26.21%

3. NWFP: 22.046 Billion Rupees, 7.42%

4. Baluchistan: 7.800 Billion Rupees, 2.62%

On the basis of population census of 1981 and 1998, the share given to provinces from the Federal distribution pool:

1 Punjab 57.88 Billion Rupees(census of 1981) 58.38 Billion Rupees(census of 1998)

2 Sindh 23.28 Billion Rupees(census of 1981) 23.72 Billion Rupees(census of 1998)

3 NWFP 13.54Billion Rupees(census of 1981) 13.82 Billion Rupees(census of 1998)

4 Baluchistan 5.30 Billion Rupees(census of 1981) 5.07 Billion Rupees(census of 1998)

Source: Combined Finance and Revenue Accounts and Finance Division, Government. of Pakistan

Due to having no provincial autonomy, control and ownership of resources, distribution of NFC award on the population basis let us see where Sindh stands in terms of the social indicators:

Education:

8000 schools of Sindh are closed

3 out of 5 children aged between 5-9 do not go to school

Every 6 minutes 4 children quit the school for good

Overall literacy rate of Sindh is 51%

65% of urban population of Sindh is literate

35% of rural population of Sindh is literate

Asian Development Bank and Education Department, Government of Sindh

Health

• Annual budget: 7590000000 (7.59 Billion Rs) - about 3% of provincial budget
• The required number of doctors with reference to population: 30000
• The number of doctors available in the Government. hospitals: 13000
• Additional doctors required in government hospitals: 17000
• Total number of government hospitals: 1366
• No of hospital closed out of 1366: 50%
• 80% of hospitals have no specialist doctor available
• 60% of women are facing psychological/ psychiatric problems
• 53% of men are facing psychological/psychiatric problems
• 40% of province’s total population (42300000 - 42.3 million) is hepatitis positive
• 26% of population do not have access to drinkable water
• 58% of population has no sanitation facility

*There are no medical superintendents in 25 Taluka headquarter hospitals of the province
• The infant mortality rate ( new born mortality rate) is 95 per 1000 births
• Every 20 minutes one woman dies due to the pregnancy or delivery related
complications
• 64% of pregnant women give birth in hands of untrained medical staff
• Only 38% children of the province are fully immunized.

Source: Asian Development Bank, UNICEF, Ministry of Health, Government of Sindh, and other resources

Employment / Unemployment:

A minimum of 6% (approximately 2.05 million) of population of province is unemployed of which 25% are educated, graduate, postgraduate, engineers, doctors, accounting and management professionals.

Out of 3000 existing factories of province, only 50 factories belong to Sindhis and the 95% of employed labour is non-Sindhi.

Source: Journal of Third World Studies

The number of Sindhis in Federal Departments and the Armed Forces

• 5% of employees working in the federal departments are Sindhis.
• There are only 2% Sindhis in armed forces of Pakistan
• Only 3 Sindhis were working as federal secretaries as on 30/05/2008

Source: Journal of Third World Studies

Water shortage

Due to shortage of river water, the agriculture economy has lost 42 Billion rupees in four years time.

Source: Social Policy and Development Centre (SPDC)

Lack of Investment

6 billion dollars (450 billion Rs) were invested in Pakistan in the last 5 years but industrial areas of Sindh have not benefited from this investment.

Source: SPDC and Chairman SITE, Karachi

Landless people

• The 60% (2 million) of families living in the rural areas have no land.
• The land holdings available to 26% rural families in Sindh is on average smaller than any where else in Pakistan.

Source: Social Policy and Development Centre (SPDC)

Crimes (Year 2007)

Killings/Murder: 2167
Gang rape: 27
Attempt to murder: 3080
Kidnapping: 1654
Honour killings: 96
Kidnapping for money: 145
Severely injured (quarrel): 889
Children kidnapped: 136
Minor injuries (quarrel): 1823
Suicides: 195
In fights: 3077
Attempt to suicide: 4163
Attacks on police: 1258
Dacoits: 1495
Sexual abuse: 168
Robberies: 4505
Houses burglaries: 2127
Other crimes: 8904

Source: Sindh Police, Bureau of Police Research and Development, interior division, Islamabad

Absolute Poverty

50% of Sindh’s population (42.3 millions) is under poverty line and live a very miserable life. Sindh is target of injustice since the inception of Pakistan; whereas, in real sense Sindh is the creator of Pakistan. The rulers of Pakistan have enormously devastated Sindh by usurping its all resources. Here they use Islam, socialism, democracy and martial law as weapon to exploit Sindh. Military regimes have never ever given any relief to the people of Sindh which continue to occur even during so-called democratic governments.
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Bundle of Thanks for the shared info....Kindly Post Details/info Regarding

a) BAGLIHAR PLANT ON CHENAB

b) KISHENGANGA HYDROELECTRIC PLANT

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Post Shah Waliullah

Shah Waliullah


Dr. Iqbal, the poet of the East, has charcterized the celeberated Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb as tarkashi maa raa khudangi akhareen (the last arrow in the quiver of Muslim power in India). The anti-Islamic forces which had raised their head during the reign of the irreligious Emperor Akbar and later found their champions in Jahangir and Dara Shikoh, were, to a great extent, checked by Aurangzeb, the most honest, conscientious and able Muslim monarch that ascended the throne of Delhi.

With his passing away in 1707 started the political chaos which later culminated in the distintegration of the Muslim power in the subcontinent. This political disintegration which was the result of spiritual confusion encompassed the socio-economic spheres also. Aurangzeb's successors were too weak and incapable of facing the rebellious forces emerging on all hands. At such a critical period of Muslim history was born Shah Waliullah, one of the greatest religious thinkers produced by Muslim India who contributed immensely to the reintegration of the structure of Islam.

Shah Waliullah was born in 1703 AD four years before the death of Aurangzeb. His grandfather, Sheikh Wajihuddin, was an important officer in the army of Shah Jahan who supported Prince Aurangzeb in the war of succession. His father, Shah Abdur Rahim, a sufi and an eminent scholar assisted in the compilation of "Fataawa-i-Alamgiri"---the voluminous code of Islamic law. He, however, refused an invitation to visit the Emperor and devoted his energies to the organization and teaching at `Madrassa Rahimia'---a theological college which he had established and which, later, played an important part in the religious emancipation of Muslim India and became the breeding ground of religious reformers and `Mujahids' like Shah Abdul Aziz, Syed Ahmad of Bareli, Maulvi Abdul Haiy and Shah Ismail Shaheed. Writing about the teachings of Shah Abdur Rahim and his brother, Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi observes: `The essence of the teaching of the two brothers was the effort to discover a path which could be traversed together by the Muslim philosophers (the Sufis and the Mutakallims) and the Muslim Jurists (Faqih).'

Shah Waliullah received his early education from his illustrious father, who was his teacher as well as his spiritual guide. Being a precocious child with a retentive memory he committed the Holy Quran to memory at an early age of 7 years. On the death of his father in 1131 AH when he was hardly 17 years old, he started teaching in his father's `Madrassa-i-Rahimiya' and carried on the work for 12 years when he left for Arabia for higher studies. He was a brilliant scholar; during fourteen months' stay in Makkah and Madina, he came into contact with the oustanding teachers of Hejaz. His favourite teacher was Sheikh Abu Tahir bin Ibrahim of Madina, from whom he obtained his Sanad (Degree) in Hadith. The Sheikh was an erudite scholar, possessing encyclopaedic knowledge; Shah Waliullah benefitted much from him too and speaks highly of his piety, independence of judgement and scholarly talents.

During his stay at Makkah, Shah Waliullah had a dream in which the Holy Prophet (sws) commanded him to work for the organization and emancipation of the Muslim community in the subcontinent. He, therefore, returned to Delhi on July 9th, 1732 and started his work in real earnest. His was an uphill task in a period when Muslim India was passing through the most critical phase of its history and its entire social, political, economic and spiritual fabric was torn to pieces. On his arrival in Delhi, he started training pupils in diverse branches of Islamic learning and entrusted them with the missionary work of enlightening people with the true nature of Islam. He embarked upon the task of producing standard works on Islamic learning and, before his death in 1762, completed a large number of outstanding works on Islam.

He rose to be a great scholar of Islamic studies, endowed with saintly qualities. So great was his dedication to work that according to his talented son Shah Abdul Aziz: `...he was rarely ill and once he sat down to work after Ishraq (post-sunrise prayers) he would not change his posture till midday'. He was a real genius, an intellectual giant who set himself to the mission of educating the misguided Muslim masses with the true spirit of Islam. His was the task of the revival of Islam in the subcontinent which had been clouded with mystic philosophy and to bring it out in its pristine glory. He was a humble devotee to this cause, who resisted all temptations of personal glory.

His activities were not confined to spiritual and intellectual spheres only. He lived in troubled times and witnessed during his lifetime about a dozen rulers occupying the throne of Delhi. Endowed with a keen political insight, he observed with deep anguish the breaking up of Muslim power in the subcontinent and wrote to leading political dignitaries like Ahmad Shah Abdali, Nizam ul Mulk and Najibuddaula to stop the rot which had set in the political life of Muslim India. It was on account of his call that Ahmad Shah Abdali appeared on the field of Panipat in 1761 and put an end to the Marhatta dream of dominating the subcontinent.

Shah Waliullah was a prolific writer. It is in the realm of Islamic learning that he made a lasting contribution and within a period of 30 years produced more than 50 works of outstanding merit, both in Arabic and Persian Languages. Some of these are still unsurpassed in the whole domain of Islamic literature. His most valuable service to the cause of Islamic learning was that he codified the vast store of Islamic teachings under separate heads. Both in thought and prediction, his works occupy an outstanding place. As a reformer and as a propounder of theories dealing with socialism, he may be considered as the forerunner of Karl Marx.

His works may be classified into six categories. The first deals with the Holy Quran. It includes his translation of the Holy Book into Persian, the literary languages of the subcontinent of those times. According to him, the object of studying the Holy Book is `to reform human nature and correct the wrong beliefs and injurious actions'. The second category deals with Hadith, in which he has left behind several works including an Arabic and Persian Commentaries on "Mu'atta", the well-known collection of the traditions of the Holy Prophet (sws) compiled by Imam Malik. He attached great importance to this collection of traditions by Imam Malik, even greater than those of Imam Bukhari and Imam Muslim. He is an outstanding Muhaddith (Traditionist) and links of all modern scholars of Hadith in the subcontinent may be traced to him. Foremost among these modern Traditionalists was his son and successor Shah Abdul Aziz and Syed Murtaza Bilgrami.

Shah Waliullah wrote a number of books and pamphlets dealing with Hadith. The third category deals with `Fiqh' or Islamic Jurisprudence, which includes "Insaaf-fi-bayaan-i-Sabab-il-Ikhtilaaf" which is a brief but a very interesting and informative history of the Islamic Jurisprudence of the last five centuries. The fourth category deals with his works based on mysticism. The fifth category pertains to his works on Muslim philosophy and Ilm-i-Kalam. He also wrote a pamphlet on the principles of Ijtihad (independent interpretation) and Taqlid (conformity). In his "Principles of Ijtihaad" he clarifies whether it is obligatory for a Muslim to adhere to one of the four recognized schools of Islamic Jurisprudence or whether he can exercise his own judgement. In the opinion of Shah Waliullah, a layman should rigidly follow his own Imam but a person well versed in Islamic law can exercise his own judgement which should be in conformity with the practice of the Holy Prophet (sws).

But the most outstanding of all his works "Hujjat-Ullah-il-Baalighah" which deals with such aspects of Islam that are common among all Muslim countries. In its introduction he observes: `Some people think that there is no usefulness involved in the injunctions of Islamic law and that in actions and rewards as prescribed by God there is no beneficial purpose. They think that the commandments of Islamic law are similar to a master ordering his servant to lift a stone or touch a tree in order to test his obedience and that in this there is no purpose except to impose a test so that if the servant obeys, he is rewarded, and if he disobeys, he is punished. This view is completely incorrect. The traditions of the Holy Prophet (sws) and consensus of opinion of those ages, contradict this view.' The sixth category deals with his works on the Shia-Sunni problem which had become somewhat acute in those days. His writings on this subject have done a great deal in simplifying this problem. His theories pertaining to economics and socialism are of revolutionary nature and he may be considered as the precurser of Karl Marx.

Writing about his works in the History of the Freedom Movement, Sheikh Muhammad Ikram states: `Shah Waliullah wrote learned works and initiated powerful and beneficial movements, but perhaps no less important are the invisible qualities of approach and outlook, which he bequeathed to Muslim religious thought in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. His work is characterized by knowledge, insight, moderation and tolerance, but the quality on which he laid the greatest emphasis, in theory and in practice, was Adl or Adalat (justice, fairness). His works and views bear ample testimony to the ways he observed this principle in practice and he lost few opportunities of emphasizing in theory its role in maintaining the social fabric.'

Shah Waliullah introduced several reforms in religious and economic spheres. He was first to translate the Holy Quran in a popular language, a practice which was later usefully followed by others. His own son, Shah Abdul Aziz, translated the Holy Book into Urdu, the language of Muslim masses in India. There had been a conflict between orthodox Islam revived under Mujaddid-Alif-Sani, championed by Aurangzeb and heterodoxy introduced by Akbar and championed by Dara Shikoh. The reign of orthodox Aurangzeb had created aversion to Sufism and had led to the advent of extreme puritanism. Shah Waliullah struck a mean between the two extremes and retained the virtues of both.

He was born in an atmosphere deeply imbued with the spirit of Sufism. His father was a well-known Sufi. In his early age, he came under the influence of Ibni Taimiya, a great religious reformer. During his stay in Hejaz, he came into contact with scholars who were influenced by Wahabism. This provided a check to his blind following of Sufism. But like Wahabis, he did not totally discard Sufism. He was aware of the services rendered by Sufis in popularizing Islam in the subcontinent and the spiritual self developed by the truly Islamic form of Sufism. But he was highly critical of the decadent and traditional form of Sufism which borders on the verge of asceticism and is, therefore, averse to true Islam. In his Wasiyat Nama (Will) he observes: `And the next advice (Wasiyat) is that one should not entrust one's affairs to and become a disciple of the Saints of this period who are given to a number of irregularities'. Shah Saheb had urged for the reform and discipline of Sufism and not its rejection. He wrote several pamphlets on this subject in which he analyzed the evils and virtues of Sufism. `With these books', writes Maulana Manazir Ahsan, `the disputes between the Sufis and the Ulema, provided one is just, come to an end. By giving an Islamic interpretation to the Sufi doctrines, Shah Waliullah removed the distaste which the Ulema had felt for Sufism and the Sufis'. Shah Waliullah has, therefore, not only bridged the gulf between the Sufis and the Ulema but also harmonized the differences prevalent among different sects of Sufis. His principles on the subject were put into practice in the great theological college of Deoband, which had among its patrons such well-known Sufis like Maulana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi and Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi.

Shah Waliullah set upon the mission of reforming the social and political order of his day. Being a realist, he diagnosed the ills which had entered into the body politic of Muslim society and suggested remedies. He criticised the un-Islamic customs which had crept into Muslim society due to its contact with Hinduism. He was particularly against excessive extravagance in marriages, festivals and other ceremonies. He advocated the remarriage of widows. He carefully analyzed the factors responsible for the economic degeneration of the Muslim society during his time and proposed radical changes in the economy of the Muslim society. He advocated wider distribution of wealth on socialistic lines and in this way became the forerunner of Karl Marx. In an illuminating chapter of "Hujjat-Ullah-il-Baaligah", he outlined the evils of capitalism which brought about the fall of the Roman and Sassanid Empires.

He is highly critical of the economic exploitation of the poor, which, in the past, had brought about many revolutions and is the root cause of all troubles and unrest in the world. He even criticised the Mughal rulers and nobility for their indolence and luxury. Addressing the rapacious nobility of his time he observes: `Oh Amirs! Do you not fear God? (How is it that) you have so completely thrown yourself into the pursuit of momentary pleasures and have neglected those people who have been committed to your care! The result is that the strong are devouring the (weak) people..... All your mental faculties are directed towards providing yourself with sumptuous food and soft-skinned women for enjoyment and pleasure. You do not turn your attention to anything except good clothes and magnificent palaces.'
Shah Waliullah was of the opinion that intellectual revolution should precede political change. He did not contemplate a change in the political or social set-up through a bloody revolution. He wanted to bring a revolutionary change in the society through peaceful means. In his well-known book, "Izaalat-ul-Khifaa", he discusses the ideology of the political revolution which he envisaged.

No scholar of Mediaeval India had understood the various aspects of civics as had been done by Shah Waliullah. He considered `self-consciousness' as a prerequisite of `political consciousness'. He has dealt in detail the factors which contribute towards the growth of civil consciousness in his immortal work "Hujjat-Ullah-il-Baaligah".

Shah Waliullah was, perhaps, the only Muslim scholar of Mediaeval India who realized the importance of economics in a social and political set-up. He advocated the maintenance of economic equilibrium in the society and strongly criticized the accumulation of wealth which leads to all sorts of evils in the world. He had visualized a social order based on economic equality, fraternity and brotherhood which are the principles governing Islamic socialist practices during the time of the pious Caliphs.

Born in an age of decadence and chaos, Shah Waliullah strove for world of peace and prosperity. He has made a singular contribution to the socio-economic thought of Mediaeval India and visualized a Muslim society in which the individual enjoyed the fullest freedom, consistent with the maximum good of all. In such an ideal Islamic state, the ruler was to be governed by the Holy Quran and the Sunnah. No economic exploitation was to be tolerated in such a state and the individual was free to earn his living by fair means.

His seminary, ‘Madrassa-i-Rahimiya’ became the centre of Islamic Renaissance in the subcontinent, where scholars flocked from the four corners of the country and after being trained, became the torch bearers of freedom movement in the subcontinent. The "Madrassa" in fact, had become the nucleus of the revolutionary movement for the reconstruction of religious thought in Islam. It produced many zealous workers who carried on their preacher's mission with a missionary zeal. Among these were Maulana Muhammad Ashiq of Phulat, Maulana Norrullah of Budhana, Maulana Amin Kashmiri, Shah Abu Saeed of Rai Bareli and his own son, Shah Abdul Aziz who was initiated into the religious and political philosophy of his father.

Shah Waliullah played a vital role in the Indian politics of his times. He was greatly instrumental in forging a united Muslim front against the rising Marhatta power which was threatening the last vestige of the Muslim power in northern India. It was he who wrote to Najibuddaula, and Nizam-ul-Malik and finally invited Ahmad Shah Abdali who inflicted a crushing defeat on the Marhattas in the third battle of Panipat in 1761. His letter to Ahmad Shah Abdali inviting him to take up arms against the menacing Marhatta power in India is one of the most important historical documents of the 18th century. It surveys the political situation in the subcontinent and the dangers which Muslim India faced from different quarters. He had choosen the most vivid, capable and disciplined Muslim leaders of his time for combating the Marhattas. Among these were Najibuddaula, the leader of the redoubtable Rohilas and Ahmad Shah Abdali, the ruler of the brave Pathans. His efforts towards forging a united front against the Marhattas were successful and the defeat of Marhattas in the third battle of Panipat in 1761 provided a turning point in the history of the subcontinent.
Shah Waliullah visualized an ideal state of the days of the Pious Caliphs and strove to it. Analyzing his political thought, Iqbal states:

"The Prophetic method of teaching, according to Shah Waliullah is that, generally speaking, the law revealed by a prophet takes especial notice of the habits, ways and peculiarities of the people to whom he is specifically sent. The Prophet who aims at all-embracing principles, however, can neither reveal different peoples nor leave them to work out their own rules of conduct. His method is to train one particular people and to use it as a nucleus for the build up of a universal `Shariah'. In doing so, he accentuates the principles underlying the social life of all mankind and applies them to concrete cases in the light of the specific habits of the people immediately before him." ("Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam")

The movement of political as well as spiritual regeneration of Muslim India did not die with Shah Waliullah. His talented son, Shah Abdul Aziz, and his worthy disciples and successors, strove for the realization of his mission. The torch of Islamic revival kindled by Shah Waliullah was kept aloft by his worthy successors. The echo of the third battle of Panipat was heard in the battle of Balakot. Both form the landmarks of the same struggle.

Shah Waliullah possessed a many-sided and versatile personality. His real greatness lies in the cumulative effect produced by his writings, by the contribution of persons trained by him and by the achievements of the school of thought founded by him. In religious matters, he struck a mean between extremes; in social affairs he strove to introduce in the Muslim society the simplicity and purity of early Islam; in the sphere of economics he advocated the revolutionary Islamic socialism and in the political field he forged a united Muslim front against the non-Muslim forces which were threatening to storm Muslim India.
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