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Pakistan Affairs A 100 marks paper divided into mainly two zones: Pre-Partition and Post-Partition


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Old Wednesday, May 18, 2011
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Default Pak Affair Notes

Pakistan-Iran Foreign Relations
By
Ariel Farrar-Wellman, Robert Frasco

REACTION TO JUNE 2009 IRANIAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION:
In June 2009, the Pakistani government officially congratulated Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on his re-election. Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari stated that the electoral victory was a "an acknowledgment of [Ahmadinejad's] outstanding services." Allama Sajid Naqvi, the head of Tehrik-e-Islami, said that the results of the election demonstrate that Ahmadinejad enjoys the trust and support of the Iranian people and expressed hope that Iran and Pakistan will enjoy an increasingly strong bond in the future. Tehri-e-Islami is a Shia political party in Pakistan that the former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf twice banned for ties to terrorism.

NUCLEAR:
Pakistan has publicly defended Iran’s right to nuclear technology. Some American analysts also suspect Pakistani scientists employed by the Pakistani military of helping Iran acquire nuclear technology, although Pakistan officially denies any involvement. Henry Sokolski, former deputy for nonproliferation policy in the Office of the Secretary of Defense, explained in 2003 that “the notion that Pakistan wasn’t involved is getting less and less tenable.” Since then, inspectors have found in Iran’s possession documents from Pakistani scientist Dr. A.Q. Khan detailing how to shape uranium for nuclear warheads, while in 2004 then-Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf officially pardoned Dr. Khan for his sale of nuclear technology. According to a report by the Congressional Research Service published in 2005, Dr. Khan “could not have functioned without some level of cooperation by Pakistani military personnel, who maintained tight security around the key nuclear facilities, and possibly civilian officials as well.” On March 15, 2010, Pakistan rejected a US media report asserting that Khan provided nuclear related information and material, including drawings, centrifuge components, and a list of suppliers, to Iran. Abdul Basit, a spokesman for the Pakistani Foreign Office, described the claims, published by the Washington Post, as "yet another repackaging of fiction, which surface occasionally for purposes that are self-evident."

Over the past several years, Pakistan has increasingly called for peaceful reconciliation on the international nuclear standoff, despite increasing concern from the UN and Washington.

In a February 2010 meeting with her Iranian counterpart, Pakistani National Assembly Speaker Fahmida Mirza said that “Pakistan is against any kinds of sanctions against Iran and believes that Iran's nuclear disputes should be resolved peacefully and through dialogue." In a separate meeting with Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Mirza reiterated her earlier remarks and assured him that Pakistan supports Iran's independence and progress in all the areas, especially in utilizing peaceful nuclear energy. She also highlighted Iranian-Pakistani commonalities in religion, history, and culture, and added that extremism and terrorism is a common threat to the stability and progress of the entire region.

ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP:
The two countries initiated significant cooperation in the energy sector in 1991, when Iran began negotiating an oil deal with Pakistan and Qatar. This initial collaboration, however, was limited and did not progress meaningfully. Iran again attempted negotiating with Qatar regarding the construction of gas pipelines to Pakistan in 1995, however was unsuccessful. Cooperation regarding energy has nonetheless increased since the 1990s and helped provide the foundation for a more thorough bilateral trade network between Iran and Pakistan in recent years. By 2005, Pakistan was actively seeking Iranian investment in bilateral trade and energy cooperation. Pakistan and Iran have deepened their economic partnership to such an extent that, in a joint statement issued in May 2010, the two countries expressed satisfaction with an increase in bilateral trade, which surpassed $1.2 billion in the previous financial year. In 2009, Pakistan increased its non-oil exports to Iran by 80 percent, reaching $279 million. Similarly, Iranian non-oil exports to Pakistan increased by 11 percent, totaling $278 million for the year. Despite this growth, Karachi Chambeer of Commerce and Industry President Abdul Majid Haji Mohammad said the lack of a banking system remains a major obstacle to Iran-Pakistan trade.

Since 2005, Islamabad has increasingly turned to Tehran to supply Pakistan’s growing energy needs. In August 2008, Iran agreed to finance a robust energy project that would allow Pakistan to import 1,000 megawatts of electricity to overcome its power shortage. The project, a $60 million endeavor, consists of running a 100-kilometer electric line to help augment the 40 megawatts of electricity Pakistan already receives daily from Iran. In April 2010, Iranian Ambassador to Pakistan Mashallah Shakeri spoke before the Rawalpindi Chamber of Commerce and Industry, stressing Iran’s commitment to economic relations with Pakistan. According to the envoy, Iran intends to supply the 1,000 megawatts to Pakistan at a discounted rate.

Iran and Pakistan have long discussed the construction of a 2,600-kilometer, $7.5 billion Iran-Pakistan-India gas pipeline (IPI) that would pump gas from Iran’s South Pars field to Pakistan and India. [ Tentative talks on the pipeline began in 1994, however tense political relations between India and Pakistan frustrated realization of the project. International concern over Iran’s nuclear program further delayed agreement and in November 2007 Iran and Pakistan accused India of hesitating because of pressure from the United States.[20] In February 2010, Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki accused the US of interfering with the planned pipeline by attempting to sway New Delhi away from the IPI. Indeed, Washington has repeatedly urged India not to follow through with the deal while Iran faces sanctions for its nuclear enrichment program. Both Russia and China have taken significant interest in the pipeline, with Russia’s Gazprom offering to help supply oil and China holding talks with Iran and Pakistan in 2008 to replace India in case New Delhi chose to reject the partnership.

In May 2009, Iran and Pakistan signed a purchase agreement stipulating that Iran will initially transfer 30 million cubic meters of gas to Pakistan per day, with the volume eventually increasing to 60 million. The deal, to which India was not a party, ensures gas supplies to Pakistan for a period of 25 years. On June 13, 2010, the two sides formally concluded the $7.5 billion agreement over the objections of US Special Representative for Pakistan and Afghanistan Richard Holbrooke, who cautioned that although the “US understands that Pakistan faces [a] major energy crisis... new sanctions on Iran can impact Pakistan.” According to a previous Pakistani Petroleum Ministry statement in May 2010, “the capital cost for the Pakistan section is estimated at 1.65 billion dollars…[and] the first gas flow is targeted by end 2014” with Iran completing the project ahead of schedule.

During a July 30, 2009 interview with the Iranian Islamic Republic News Agency, Dr. Ashfaq Hassan Khan, a former economic advisor in Pakistan, insisted that while economic ties between Iran and Pakistan should expand at all levels, cooperation in the energy sector is vital for Pakistan. Khan further expressed his view that the planned Iran-Pakistan pipeline would likely greatly benefit both countries.

Iran-Pakistan cooperation on transportation issues expanded greatly in August 2009, when the two inaugurated an international freight rail line from Islamabad to Istanbul via Tehran. The line is a “pilot project” of the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO), a Central Asian trade bloc. Although Iran and Turkey already enjoy extensive rail cooperation, transportation ties with Pakistan are weaker. According to Director of Pakistan Railways Shafiqullah Khan, Islamabad and Tehran are seeking outside credit to resolve differences in rail gauge in order to regularize rail service between the two. Officials expect to begin regular freight service along the 6,500 km line in August 2010.

In February 2010, Punjab Chief Minister Muhammad Shahbaz Sharif called for the creation of an economic free-trade zone among Pakistan, Iran, Turkey and other Islamic countries. During a celebration of the 31st Revolution Day of Iran, Sharif noted that “deep, friendly relations exist between Pakistan and Iran and it is the need of the hour that socio-economic cooperation should be promoted.”

Iranian and Pakistani officials, in February 2010, signed the first memorandum of understanding (MoU) between the two countries on cross border trade. The MoU was penned during the two countries’ first joint committee meeting on border trade in Iran’s southeastern Sistan and Balouchestan province. Iraj Hassanpour, the head of Sistan and Balouchestan's trade organization, stated that “[b]ased on [the] MoU, [the] two countries are bound to hold public and specialized fairs at their common borders and in [the] capital of Sistan & Balouchestan province, Zahedan, and Quetta in Pakistan." Both sides also decided to establish large storehouses to facilitate the storage of trade commodities at their border customs.

Sardar Muhammad Latif Khan Khosa, a Pakistani advisor to the prime minister on information technology, has called for increased collaboration between Iran and Pakistan in telecommunications. During a June 2010 conversation with Iran’s ambassador to Pakistan, Mashallah Shakeri, Khosa expressed his belief that increased bilateral activity in the sector has the potential to increase regional economic development and security.

DIPLOMATIC/MILITARY RELATIONSHIP:
Iran has developed deep economic and political ties with Pakistan, an ally of the United States and a nuclear neighbor. In 2007, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Shaukat Aziz, said that Pakistan shares extensive ties with Iran “based upon faith, belief, joint history and culture. Expansion of cooperation in the fields of trade and investment can further strengthen the bilateral ties.” Iran and Pakistan cooperate in a number of trade groups and agreed in June 2008 on a list of 300 tradable items in an effort to stimulate economic relations. Iran is active in the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO)—a trade and investment group that includes all of the central Asian countries, founded by Iran, Turkey and Pakistan. Additionally, both Iran and Pakistan also hold observer status in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)—an Asian regional economic and security group. China and Russia are reportedly considering inviting Iran and Pakistan to full membership in the SCO so as to participate in resolving the conflict in Afghanistan. "In the current global context, the top priority is finding a solution to the Afghan issue," Secretary-General Muratbek Sansyzbayevich Imanaliev said during a news conference in Beijing in February 2010.

Pakistan has helped encourage trilateral trade with Iran and Turkey in commercial goods and development of infrastructure beyond the programs administered by regional organizations such as the ECO.

Iran has involved itself in the political and military instability in Pakistan’s Afghan and Iran border regions. In June 2009, the Iranian Embassy in Pakistan donated $250,000 as humanitarian aid for Pakistan’s unstable Swat province. In a statement, the embassy said that "Iran denounces terrorist acts in Pakistan's northern areas and announces its readiness to renew support for peace and stability in Pakistan."[37] In July 2009, Iranian Ambassador to Pakistan Mashaallah Shakeri called on the Pakistani government to secure the release of Heshmatollah Attarzadeh Niyaki, an Iranian diplomat kidnapped by gunman in Peshawar in 2008.[38] While speaking before the Iranian parliament in July 2009, Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki stated that he believed “that the current situations [in western Pakistan] are improving…criminal acts [have been] reduced and controlled in [the] last year.” Mottaki further indicated that Iran had received a good degree of cooperation from the Pakistani government in implementing new security measures on the border.

Speaking in July 2009, Former Interior Minister and Chairman of the Pakistan People’s Party Sherpao Aftab Ahmad Khan Sherpao praised an Iraqi security forces raid on a People's Mujahedin of Iran camp located north of Baghdad. Iranian authorities reacted warmly to news of the raid, which targeted a militant Iranian exile group hostile to the Islamic Republic. Sherpao explained his support for the raid by stating that no country should permit its territory to be used for hostile acts against another sovereign state. He further added that "Iran is our brotherly country and we always want Iran to prosper."

In August 2009, Iran took part in a meeting of the “Friends of Democratic Pakistan.” During the summit, which was held in Turkey and largely focused on the security situation in Pakistan, Foreign Minister Mottaki discussed the importance of bilateral ties with his Pakistani counterpart, Shah Mahmood Qureshi. The two also spoke about the need to combat terrorism and establish stability in Pakistan, with Mottaki adding that he considers Pakistan-Iran-Afghanistan relations to be an “appropriate model” for regional conflict resolution.

The two countries’ ‘brotherly’ relations were threatened in October 2009 following attacks against the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGС) in Sistan-Baluchistan province. President Ahmadinejad publically accused “certain officials in Pakistan” of involvement in the attacks. Tehran further demanded the extradition of Abdolmalek Rigi, the chief of suspected terrorist group Jundallah. Pakistani officials denied any involvement in the attacks, rejecting Iranian Interior Minister Mostafa Mohammad Najjar’s accusation that Jundallah received financial aid from Pakistan. Pakistan subsequently released 11 Iranian security officers accused of illegally crossing the border. Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari met with Najjar in Islamabad a week after the attacks. Zardari stated that the attackers “were the enemies of both countries” and vowed to cooperate with Iran in their capture. At the beginning of November 2009, however, the IRGC accused Pakistan of releasing the leader of Jundallah immediately before the October 18 bombing in Sistan-Baluchistan, thereby implicating the Pakistani government in the attacks. According to the deputy head of the IRGC, Brigadier General Hossein Salami, the Jundallah leader, Abdolmakel Rigi, “was arrested on September 26 in Pakistan’s Baluchistan province. But he was released after an hour with the intervention of the Pakistani intelligence service.” In March 2010, upon receiving assurances from Islamabad that authorities would take measures to improve security in the area, Iran reopened its border with Pakistan. Iran had closed the border to trade four months prior in response to the October IRGC attack.

Deputy Foreign Minister of Iran Hassan Qashqavi said in January 2010 that the Pakistani government should take serious measures to stem terrorist activities across the border of the two countries. According to the minister, "the Pakistani government is expected to live up to its promises and take more serious measures to stem the terrorist and evil activities.”[48] The same month, an Iranian Foreign Ministry official claimed there is a hidden agenda behind the recent destabilizing measures on Iran's eastern borders with Pakistan and Afghanistan.

On January 16, 2010, officials from Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Iran met to discuss regional security and terrorism, agreeing on a joint framework for cooperation in tackling political volatility in the area. The three agreed that regional stability and security could only be advanced through sincere adherence to the principle of national sovereignty and territorial integrity.[50] Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi stated that "it is important to consult amongst ourselves so that we are on the same page and we have closer positions on different issues that confront our neighborhood." A joint declaration from the meeting called for Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Iran to coordinate efforts to combat extremism as well as drug and weapons smuggling. The ministers also raised Iranian concerns regarding the expanded presence of US forces in Afghanistan.[51] A day after the meeting, the Iranian ambassador to Pakistan, Mashallah Shakeri, announced that the third Iran-Afghanistan-Pakistan summit will be held in Tehran in the near future.

In January 2010, Iranian First Vice-President Mohammad Reza Rahimi insisted that Iran considers durable security and stability in Pakistan to be of paramount importance to Iranian interests.[53] Referencing recent efforts by Tehran to establish sustainable security in Pakistan, Rahimi stated that "Iran believes that comprehensive expansion of ties with Pakistan plays a major role in materializing the interests of the two countries and the region." He called for the fortification of the Iran and Pakistan’s common borders and added that "terrorist groups should not be allowed to disturb security of the two countries' border regions."

During the first Meeting of the Heads of Interpol of the Economic Cooperation Organization, held on June 29, 2010, Interior Minister Nijjar urged the association’s members to collaborate more closely on security issues. The minister proposed the creation of a regional police headquarters and encouraged more rapid sharing of information on criminal investigations.

Ambassador Shakeri has said that Iran is determined to continue its involvement in Pakistani development despite ever-increasing security challenges. In a February 2010 message commemorating the 31st anniversary of the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the ambassador noted that "Pakistan, in its capacity as a Muslim neighbor, has a special status in the macro-strategy of the foreign policy of Iran, with durable security, stability and all-round development of Pakistan being Iran's desire."

During a six-day visit to Iran in February 2010, Pakistani National Assembly Speaker Fahmida Mirza met with Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Parliament Speaker Ali Larijani, and Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki. Mirza and Larijani issued a joint statement calling for the expansion of ties between Pakistan and Iran in the political, economic, and cultural spheres. Iran and Pakistan also agreed to increase their parliamentary cooperation on global issues at international bodies. In addition, the two countries underlined the need to adopt a comprehensive political approach in the campaigns against terrorism, drug trafficking, and organized crime.

During an April 2010 appearance before the Rawalpindi Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Iranian Ambassador Shakeri reaffirmed his country’s commitment to aiding Pakistan deal with its internal turmoil, saying that "Iran is fully aware of the problems currently facing Pakistan and our prime goal is to bring Pakistan out of the prevailing crisis.”

According to a May 2010 joint statement following a meeting between Deputy Foreign Minister of Iran Seyed Ameer Mansoor Borghei'e and Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi, Iran and Pakistan support efforts by Afghan President Hamid Karzai to achieve national reconciliation in his country. The two countries further agreed to continue cooperate to help and achieve sustainable peace in Afghanistan.

On May 4, 2010, Pakistan's Senate Chairman Farooq Naek stressed the importance of parliamentary relations during a meeting with Iran’s acting deputy foreign minister, Amir Mansour Borqaei. The two sides spoke of the possibility of exchanging parliamentary delegations and lauded the two countries’ history of friendly relations.
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Default Pakistan: A victim of terrorism...

PA K I STA N: A VICTIM O F TERRORISM

EDITOR
DR NOOR UL HAQ

ASSISTANT EDITOR
MUHAMMAD NAWAZ KHAN


CONTENT

Preface v
1. Year-wise Summary of Human Losses in Terrorist Acts:

1 January 2001 to 17 January 2011

2. Rah-e-Rast Operation by Armed Forces: 26 April 2009– July 2009

3. Rah-e-Nijat Operation by Armed Forces: 17 October 2009 Onward

4. Casualties Suffered by Armed Forces: 2009-2010

5. 2009: Year of Terrorism

6. Pakistan Lost $35bn in Three Years in War on Terror

7. New Dimensions of Counter-Terrorism

8. Suicides Bombing and Dr Tahirul Qadri’s Fatwa

9. Lessons from Lahore

10. Taliban Increasingly Unpopular in Pakistan

11. Taliban Distancing Themselves from al-Qaeda

12. 332 Terror Hits Claimed 5,704 Lives Since 9/11

13. The Silent Surge

14. U.S. Defends Legality of Killing with Drones

15. Obama Moves to Delink Terrorism from Islam

16. Kohat Killings

17. Soft on Militancy

18. Get the Militant Leadership

19. The Rising Militancy

20. Militancy: Realism Needed

21. Terror in Lahore

22. Terrorism and the Economy

23. Search for Soul

24. Provinces Back Efforts to Combat Terror

25. A Good Anti-terrorism Move

26. Terrorism and Religious Identities

27. Quelling Terrorism

28. Terrorist Attacks

29. Quetta Attack

30. Lakki Marwat Blast

31. Deployment of More Drones Against Pakistan

32. The Scourge of Terrorism

33. Attacking the Ghazi of Karachi

34. Drone Attacks May be Legal, But Are They Moral?

35. By Publicly Acknowledging the Price Pakistan Pays for its Counter-terrorism Policy, the U.S. is Helping Untie its Leadership’s Hands

36. A Year of Sub-sectarian Massacre

37. Swabi Attack

38. U.S. Double-dealing

39. U.S. Seeks to Expand Drone Operations

40. Government Firm in Eliminating Menace of Terrorism: Prime Minister

41. Terror Group Forms Suicidal Gang

42. Afghans Involved in Terrorist Activities: Minister of Interior

43. Pak-Afghan Joint Declaration: Accord to Knock Out Militant Sanctuaries

44. U.S.-Pakistan Secret Efforts to Defeat al-Qaeda: Petraeus

45. National Assembly Body Condemns Drone Attacks

46. No Taliban or Quetta Shura in Balochistan: FCIG

47. Prime Minister Calls for Joint Strategy to Combat Terrorism

48. Drone Attacks in Pakistan

49. Pakistan Army’s Contributions in Fight Against Terrorism

Follow this link --> http://ipripak.org/factfiles/ff129.pdf

_____________________________________________
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Question ?

Can any body tell that we have to memoriz all the events regarding
operation against Terrorism with all the statistics of Death,losses etc ??
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Default @Ilyas Sami

Brother I think you dont need to memorize all the facts & figures(statistics) but you should remember the major events with exact dates like 7th Oct, 2001(US invasion of Afghanistan), 20th Mar, 2003(US attacked Iraq) etc. because it brings fruitful response for you and creates a positive image in the examiner's mind......

regards............
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Default Partition Demand....

Partition Demand: From Cripps Mission to Gandhi-Jinnah Talks
By
Massarrat Abid
Qalb-i-Abid


“Directly Mr. Jinnah arrived I (Cripps) broached the question of my past attitude towards the Muslim League and told him that the views I took two and a half years ago were sincerely taken and represented my judgment of the situation as it then was and that I had regarded the Pakistan propaganda as pure political pressure. He responded very amiably to this, recognizing the sincerity of my views, which I told him the last two years had changed in view of the change in the communal feeling in India and the growth of the Pakistan Movement…. I then gave him the documents to read….. which I think rather surprised him in the distance it went to meet the Pakistan case.”


This article discusses in details the growth of Pakistan demand from 1942 to 1944, its official recognition by the British government and acceptance by Mr. Gandhi. The Cripps mission was sent to India due to unexpected Japanese victories which were threatening the invasion of India during the Second World War. The British were also under pressure from the US to resolve the politicaldeadlock in India after the Congress ministries resigned due to the failure of negotiations between the Congress and the government. Sir Stafford arrived in India on 23 March, 1942 and gave a statement saying that he had been more associated with his friends in the Congress party but also indicating that he was opened to all other points of view. In the meantime, the Muslim League was celebrating its Pakistan day celebrations. Jinnah in his speech, referred to the Cripps mission advising Muslims to be patient until his proposals were put forward officially. He indicated that the League will not accept his proposals if it were detrimental to Muslim interest; he also mentioned that he will resist and if needed, the Muslims would die fighting for the creation of Pakistan.

He also cautioned Cripps and the British government in London indicating that agents of the Congress and agents of the British were making attempts to sabotage the Muslim League plans. He also brought in to attention of all the parties that although Cripps was a friend of the Congress and enjoyed personal association and hospitality of Nehru, it will not have any negative effect on his dealings with the Muslim League. He made it clear that Cripps had come to India not in his personal capacity but as a representative of British government. On 25 March, Cripps privately disclosed his proposals to Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah and Maulana Azad as presidents of Muslim League and Congress respectively. Cripps apologized to Jinnah for saying some rude things in the Tribune about Muslims and told him that he had revised his views on Pakistan demand due to the growth of Pakistan movement during the last two years. There was an option clause in Cripps proposals which allowed a province to succeed from the main Indian union; Cripps thought that this clause had particularly surprised Jinnah which he thought went to meet Jinnah’s Pakistan demand.

On 29 March, Cripps released his documents and held a press conference. On 4 April, in his presidential address to the Muslim League, Jinnah pointed out that Cripps proposals were only a draft declaration. He also said that creation of Pakistan was a remote possibility and there was a definite preference for a new Indian Union which was the main objective and suggestion and the draft declaration interviews and explanations of Sir Stafford were going against Muslim interests and the League was called upon to play the game with a loaded dice. He asked Cripps to make adjustments in order to give real effect to the Pakistan demand. On 13 April, 1942, at a press conference, he pointed out that Pakistan demand was not conceded clearly and the right of Muslims to self determination was also denied. These proposals were therefore rejected by the Muslim League. Jinnah criticized the British Government and Congress party for another round of negotiations, ignoring the Muslim League at a later stage. What happened was that Cripps wanted to give benefits even handing over power to Congress Party and especially giving the defence portfolio of Viceroy’s council to his Congress friends but he could not do so due to the Viceroy, the commander in Chief and Churchill’s opposition. Jinnah criticized the Congress demand to make revolutionary changes in the Indian constitution because it would have torpedoed the Pakistan Scheme and demanded that British Government should first settle the case for Pakistan and then proceed to frame the constitution accordingly. Gandhi was also criticized for not even accepting the remote and veiled recognition of Pakistan in the draft declaration presented by Cripps.

In the meantime, Rajagopalachariya, Congress leader of Madras sponsored two resolutions in his Madras legislature, first recommending the acceptance of Pakistan demand so that national government could be jointly formed by the Congress and Muslim League and the second resolution to get permission of Congress party for having a coalition government with the Muslim League in Madras. As a matter of fact Rajaji was thinking in the long- term basis suggesting the recognition of Pakistan demand with the hope that the Muslims would with the passage of time forget the Pakistan idea after having establish working relationship with the Congress Party. But the Congress was not far cited enough to have realized this deep thinking and the result was that Rajaji and his associates were either expelled from the Congress Party or were asked to resign. Jinnah said that in Congress opinion, Rajaji had not only committed a crime but a sin in favour of idea of partition; it was Gandhi’s new technique to mislead his people. Although Congress policy was not to give even the slightest recognition to Pakistan demand, Jinnah declared that more and more recognition of his Pakistan claim was now coming forth. Even the British had now changed a century-old policy with regards to future constitution of India by admitting dominions instead of dominion and unions instead of federation.

Jinnah kept on issuing messages of “preparations for all sacrifices” in the cause of Islam and Pakistan, giving warnings that Islam and Muslims would be eliminated from India if Pakistan was not created. On 28 June, he criticized Gandhi for declaring that the unity and Hindu Muslim settlement could only come after the achievement of India’s independence; Gandhi had thrown off the cloak that he had worn for the last 22 years. That Gandhi had been befooling the Muslims but at last had shown himself in his true colors. Jinnah said that he knew all along that Gandhi never wanted to settle Hindu-Muslim question except on his own terms of Hindu domination; that Gandhi alone had dashed Muslims hopes whenever there was a chance of agreement and now he was presenting his Quit India formula; Gandhi always kept a loop whole but in an orderly manner. Those who understood Gandhi’s language knew it very well that he wanted the British government to accept that Congress meant India and Gandhi meant the Congress party and therefore the British should come to terms with him as the sole spokesman representing every party in India regarding the transfer of power.

Jinnah said that Gandhi wanted to create Congress Raj with British force and to dominate Muslims and other minorities; both Gandhi and Nehru were indulging in slogans only. Nehru had made it quite clear that he was not prepared to discuss the issue of Pakistan nor was he prepared to discuss the communal issues until India’s independence was achieved. Nehru had made it clear that those who were talking of Pakistan were befooling the people; and the Muslim League had no constructive program. But Jinnah declared that nothing was going to move Muslims from their declared purpose of achieving Pakistan. In his discussions with Rajaji, he had declared that only way that British could do justice was to hand over Muslim homelands to Muslims and Hindu homelands to Hindus. This would cause little amount of trouble and friction. Pakistan scheme was just and reasonable for both Hindus and Muslims. The Congress proposal for united India was a Hindu Raj over hundred million Muslims. That the Muslims were a nation and they insisted upon their rights as a nation being acknowledged; that the Hindus would reconcile themselves within a few months if partition was implemented. It was more favourable to them because in this way, they would have received the government of three-fourth of India whereas the Muslims would have only one-fourth of the country. Jinnah said that Congress slogans of independence, freedom and national government were nothing more than empty words. The Congress had never given any solid form of constitution on which they wanted to setup an all India United Central Government. He said that the Muslims had the experience of 27 months of Congress rule not long ago under the 1935 Act. During Congress rule, every effort was made to suppress language, customs and culture of the Muslims. In educational institutions, which were only uslims, students were pressurized to use text books prescribed by the Congress government emphasizing on Hindu Culture and belittling the Muslims in many ways. He pointed out that Muslims had their distinctive culture, language, literature, art, architecture, names, nomenclature, values, legal laws, moral codes, customs, calendar, history, traditions, attitudes and ambitions; that they had their own outlook on life and off life and therefore, by all canons of international law, they were a nation.

He said Congress had hegemony, supremacy and domination with the help of British. The British would never be forgiven if they tried to let down the Muslim community. He warned that national government which Congress wanted to be installed, would try to sabotage the Pakistan demand. He reminded that the remotest recognition of Pakistan demand by Cripps proposal was described by Gandhi as “wicked”. This was the first time under the British rule in India that principal of Pakistan had been recognized by the British which was described as the beginning of the end. Jinnah was confident that the process of creation of Pakistan had begun and thought that with determination, patience, unity and discipline, the Muslims would soon open a new chapter of history in India. He wanted Muslim women and students, to cooperate in this regard. He was reminding the students that pen, sword and economic, banking, commerce, book keeping, industrial power – all knowledge was necessary. He cited the example of Japan, imparting echnical and commercial education to the boys 30 years ago. He also reminded that when Rajaji was in favour of accepting Pakistan demand, Gandhi had declared that Pakistan in his opinion was a crime and sin; all India Congress committee had also rejected Rajaji’s initiative completely turning down any idea of Pakistan. Nehru had also made it clear that he was not prepared even to discuss Pakistan scheme and called it a mockery. In his press interview at Lahore 22 March, 1942, Jinnah refuted the charges that Muslims had planned to establish Pakistan through the British help. He said that “we depended upon nobody except ourselves for the achievement of our goal and that Muslim India was ready and willing to face every quarter and obstacle that may come”.

On 2 August, 1942, Jinnah declared that the Quit India movement of Congress had an objective to get the control of Indian administration and destroy the Pakistan demand; that Gandhi and his Congress party were blackmailing the British and coercing them to accept a system of government to transfer power that would establish Hindu Raj under the British bayonet, thereby placing the Muslims and others at the mercy of Congress Raj once again. He said when Gandhi had failed as an advisor to the British, he became a coercer. He pointed out that Gandhi could not bear the remotest idea of separation under the Pakistan scheme, because all those who favoured the idea of separation were expelled from the Congress party or were asked to resign from the Congress party. He said that hundred million Muslims stood for Pakistan demand and will never submit to Hindu raj and reminded the British that under their declaration of August 1940, the British government was bound to consult the Muslims with regard to future constitutional advance in India leading eventually to the transfer of power. He rejected the Congress argument that no agreement was possible between Muslims and Hindus as long as the British were in India. He repeated that the object of the Congress was by hook or crook to bring about a situation in India that will destroy the Pakistan scheme; however he declared that the Muslims would not remain spectators any more.

On 10 august 1942, he said that quickest way to achieve freedom of all the people of India was by accepting the Pakistan scheme by agreement. He advised to the Muslims to keep away from Congress movement and continue their normal life peacefully. He warned the Congress not to pressurize, interfere, harass or picket the Muslims; he also said that the Muslims would only join provisional government if a declaration accepting the principle of Pakistan demand was issued by the British government. He repeated that all parties should agree and guarantee the rights of the Muslims especially by recognizing their right to self determination; that even under the stress of war emergency, they would not accept any proposal that would prejudice the Pakistan demand. That the Muslim League had never put forward any demand which could be characterized as unreasonable; that there could be no compromise on the question of right to self determination of Muslims nation; it is their inherent birthright and to deny that was to deny their very existence.

He also pointed out that the Muslims countries like Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq and Turkey were in full sympathy with the Pakistan demand and that newspapers in those countries were supporting the Pakistan scheme and that in case of conflict between Muslims and the British, these countries would support the Muslims. In his message, he reminded his critics that Muslims had come to India as conquerors, traders, preachers and teachers and brought with them their own culture, civilization and established mighty empires and built-up great civilizations. They reformed and remodeled the Indian subcontinent. That hundred million Muslims of India represented the largest compact body of Muslim population in any single part of the world. They had their own national culture and civilization distinct from others. The Muslims stood for complete independence and equality of all nations. Muslim India was destined to play a part as a powerful factor in the world struggle that was going on as well as future new world order and postwar peace settlements of the world. The Muslims of India were determined to establish their own independent and sovereign states where they were no less than 70 millions, which were their homelands and where they were in a majority. He appealed to the Muslims to solidly stand by their goal of Pakistan that was a matter of life and death for them and the future destiny of Muslims India and that if they did not achieve Pakistan they would perish in the world. He criticized the people who were presenting new schemes in order to divert the Muslim mind from their Pakistan demand; Jinnah did not approve of any other scheme such as Sir Sikandar’s formula for communal settlement. He described this movement as kite flying in India.

On 2 November, 1942, presenting an address at Muslim University, Aligarh, Jinnah said that Gandhi had hit upon the Quit India slogan without consulting any other party and with the aim to side track the issue of Pakistan; he said Quit India Movement was not only a war against the British but also could lead to a civil war, that was destructive of Muslim civil rights. He said that for last one thousand years, the Hindus had not ruled any part of India; that Pakistan proposal concedes to them three-fourth of India; they were advised to grab three-fourth and establish their Hindu Raj and leave one-fourth for the Muslims; that Muslim India will cooperate with the British and with the Congress only on equal footing and not as an inferior party. He said that some Hindu leaders had now begun to realize that Pakistan offered the best solution and that it was now a reality.

He also remarked that the Muslims had now found one essential ground and a rallying point for themselves and that was Pakistan. U.S. President Roosevelt declared that the Atlantic Charter was applicable to whole of humanity, but we did not stand in need of Atlantic Charter, Muslims had their own Charter that was the Charter for Pakistan; that they were in the arena reasoning, negotiations, discussions leading to a peaceful settlement. There could never be justice to anybody for an indefinite period. Non-Muslims had nothing to fear from Muslims because it was in the blood of Muslims to be just and fair to everybody; nobody could say to Muslims to quit India; their call was just and they would win.

Addressing Muslim Students Conference on 15 November, 1942, he demanded that the British government should issue a declaration guaranteeing the Muslim demand for Pakistan; they should give a pledge that they were ready to recognize the right of Muslims to establish their sovereign states in zones where they were in majority which would be decided by Muslim plebiscite. There could then be a provisional government with all parties to cooperate with the same. Regarding the Sikh apprehensions he pointed out that the Hindu-Muslim question was an all India one, but the Sikh-Muslim question was a question between Pakistan and Sikhs. On 17 November, Sir Nazim-ud-Din also added that the Sikh community was not given a voice by the Congress party and no influence in the working committee of that political party whereas in the Punjab, during the last 20 years, there had been always a Sikh representative in the Punjab Cabinet and they were having an effective voice in shaping policy of the Punjab government. In the federal government of north western Pakistan the Sikhs could not be ignored. A few days later he said that this solemn declaration and solemn assurance would treat minorities not only in the manner that a civilized government should treat them but better because it was an injunction in the Quran to treat the minorities in a much better way.

Punjab Premier, Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, gave a speech in Lyallpur session of the Muslim League, November 1942, in which he said that he had been supporting the Muslim League right from 1937 Lucknow session and fully supported the Lahore resolution of the Muslim League and his new formula (Punjab formula) was not against the spirit of Lahore resolution. Jinnah also pointed out that in near future, opponents of the Pakistan scheme would give up their intrigues, mechanization and maneuvering. He assured them that if they examined the Pakistan demand honestly, dispassionately and in fairness and justice, he had no doubt that they would also come to the conclusion that it was the only solution of India’s complex problems and the only method of enabling the two nations to live happily in peace and friendship. He warned that “the Hindus could never be able to rule over the Muslims and they should give up their dreams of establishing Hindu Raj. Concluding, he said “if you did not what was due to you, let me have what was due to me. If you do not, I will take it”.

A few days later, in his press conference, he criticized the Congress decision to launch a rebellion against the British Government. He warned that the Congress decision was meaningless and impossible to implement and there was no way out of the political deadlock. That the Congress wanted the British to bow to the Congress wishes and if they did not drop pistol, there was no chance of negotiations. He said that he was not ready to postpone the question of Pakistan. He said that transfer of power was subject to the agreements and adjustments between the major political parties on the basis of equality and the right of Muslims to self determination and an agreement to give effect to the Pakistan demand when the partition was carried out. He said that it was not the first time in history that the territories/borders would be redrawn; it had been done earlier also. He was not prepared to discuss in details such as the redistribution of Punjab’s oundaries.

Being philosophical 25, Dec. 1942, he said “the position of Muslim India during the last 200 years has been that of a ship without a rudder and without a captain, floating on the high seas full of rocks. For 200 years it remained floating, damaged, disorganized, demoralized, still floating. In 1936 with the cooperation of many others we salvaged the ship. Today the ship has a wonderful rudder and a captain who is willing to serve and always to serve. Its engines are in prefect working order and it has got its loyal crew and
officers. In the course of the last five years it has turned into battleship”.

Speaking of the reward of those who have ceaselessly worked for Muslims, Mr. Jinnah said:
"The greatest reward is that today there is Muslim unity and solidarity. The Muslims are today speaking with one voice. You have not only a flag and a goal, but also a platform. I venture to say that there is no other community in this subcontinent which is more organized than Muslims today." Let us thank; God for it. We have to forge our own charter — not the Atlantic Charter. But it is Pakistan. Pakistan is there. We have only to take it. We have to prepare ourselves for every sacrifice. We have worked only for five years. If we work with the same spirit I have no doubt that Pakistan will be achieved sooner than we may have anticipated. Muslim Indian today is entirely different from what it was five years ago."

In the meantime, Viceroy Lord Wavell and secretary of state also added his share into the troubles of Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah and his demand for Pakistan by supporting the concept of India’s geographical unity. Jinnah undauntedly criticized both the Viceroy and the secretary of State said “While Mr. Amery was engaged in the research of Indian history and preached united India, we find that the Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, has suddenly discovered almost seven years after his stay here that India is geographically one. What does this indicate to any intelligent man? The Hindu Mahasabha by its Akhand Hindustan resolution which it adopted at Cawnpore has made a new year present to the British die-hards.Nullifying the Viceroy’s support for Congress stance and also boosting Muslim moral, Jinnah said that Muslim should work for the collective good of their people and for a higher and nobler cause. Pakistan demand aimed at it and if we stood united, and faithful to our cause, the time was not far off when the Muslims would achieve their goal and prove themselves worthy of their wonderful and glorious past. He said that the Muslims were determined to achieve their goal that is Pakistan and that no power on earth could prevent them from attaining that goal. He said that the day was not far away when the Muslim will have their own capital.

Next month (on 24 April, 1943), Jinnah pointed out that Muslims were confronted by an overwhelming Hindu majority, therefore, they were naturally afraid that after being released from the British yoke, might in their case result in enslavement to the Hindus. This fear was not to be ridiculed. He quoted none other than Maulana Muhammad Ali who had been a right hand man of Gandhi saying that Gandhi was working under the influence of communalist Hindu Mahasabha. He indicated that the Mahasabha and Congress agenda are the same. Both organizations were fighting for the supremacy of Hinduism and submersion of Muslims; Gandhi never consulted the Muslim community on the question of starting civil disobedience movement. He wanted to pass over the head of the Indian Muslim Community. Muslims had been oppressed and persecuted by the Hindu majority in the last ten years but Gandhi never tried to improve matters or condemned Hindu terrorism against Muslims. He never denounced the movements like Shuddhi and Sanghatham which openly aimed at annihilation of Muslims and Islam in India. He repudiated and broke down the Madras HinduMuslim agreement; now Muslims had no option but to follow the Quranic teachings to through the treaties and agreements on Hindu community. Jinnah said Gandhi occupied the same position among Congress as held by Mussolini among fascists, Hitler among Nazis and Stallone among communists; that the Congress as it stood was constituted and created by Gandhi.

On 28 May 1943, Jinnah said that some responsible leaders told him that Gandhi now realized that he had made a mistake and that he would be prepared to reconsider his position if he was given an opportunity and also that he had changed his attitude towards the Pakistan scheme and would be willing to come to a settlement on the basis of Pakistan but the British Government were preventing Hindu-Muslim settlement by refusing the people of high stature to establish contacts with him for this purpose. Jinnah suggested that Gandhi should write to him saying that he had abandoned his previous stance and was willing to come to an agreement on the basis of Pakistan demand then the Muslim League would be willing to bury the past. Jinnah declared that government will not make any attempt to stop a letter from Gandhi reaching him as the leader of Muslim League. Muslim League leader was always on the move doing excessive hard work not even caring about his poor health to the extent that he visited far flung and remotest areas in Baluchistan and Frontier province. He appealed to the Baluchi people to stand united and to make efforts to achieve the cherished goal which was Pakistan. No power could deprive you off your right. He said that Baluchistan although was a small and backward province, it was most important part of his Pakistan scheme and when Pakistan was achieved, Baluchistan will play an important part in that Islamic kingdom. He reminded the people of Baluchistan that in 1927-28, he formulated “fourteen points” and one of the points was that Baluchistan should be given a status at power with other Indian provinces and should be given same consideration and be brought on the same footing as other provinces of India. He said Mussalmans had now understood what Pakistan meant but there were agents of our political opponents who were deliberately misleading our people. By achieving Pakistan everybody understood that the Muslims would achieve independence and would not be dominated by Hindu raj or their powerful central government; the minority provinces Muslims were happy that their brothers in the north-west zone will have their own Hakumat.

On 10 July, 1943, in a public speech in Pasheen, he declared that the Pathans of Baluchistan area had done wonders during the last three years and if they continued to work with the same spirit, then he assured that time was not far off when Pakistan would be a reality. He said that there was a wide awakening amongst the people of Baluchistan.

They had fully realized the position in which they were placed. He asked them to forget their petty differences and unite under the flag of Muslim League for the achievement of their cherished goal of Pakistan. Jinnah also conveyed a similar message to the Pathans of frontier saying that the eyes of the Muslim India were looking at their response because every Muslim of India had a great faith in the Pathans and believed that they will be the unconquerable soldiers of Islam like the unconquerable rocks of the Frontier province and through their efforts, Islam in India would be able to revive its glorious past.

It was followed up by his Eid message highlighting that hundred million Muslims of the subcontinent have a great history and past and the Muslims should prove worthy of their past by bringing about true renaissance and revive its glory and splendor that Muslim India will not rest until they had achieved cherished goal of Pakistan; they will work for it, live for it, and if necessary, die for it. He appealed them to vote for Muslim League candidates in coming elections. Jinnah was attacked by a Khaksar during this period but he gave message to his followers to concentrate their energies in winning the elections which were being fought on the basis of Pakistan. It may be noted that even
facing an assassin, Jinnah behaved with a remarkable dignity. And in the meantime, giving an interview, he said that Pakistan was an indispensible condition of any settlement between Congress and Muslim League. He declared that he had the support of the 99% of the Muslims of India as proved in the recent bi-elections. He demanded that Pakistan should be brought into operation without delay. He confidently declared that Lord Wavell would not be able to hinder the creation of Pakistan; two states must be established, the Muslim state of the north with a population of 80 million and Hindu state of south with 250 million.

Addressing the annual session of Muslim League at Karachi, in December, 1943, he declared that Muslims had made a remarkable progress over the years and now they were impressing upon the British government to divide and quit. He said that the British Prime Minister, Churchill, had declared that he did not become prime minister to liquidate the British empire; but he must be told that the voluntary liquidation was more honorable than compulsory liquidation and that British empire would have to be liquidated one day whether, Churchill liked it or not. He was confident that neither the Hindus nor Congress party nor British with all diplomacy would not be able to prevent the creation of Pakistan. On 10 March, 1944, Jinnah said Pakistan was not the product of conduct or misconduct of Hindus; it has always been there only the Muslims were not conscious of it. Hindus and Muslims although living in the same neighborhood, towns and villages and never been able to blend into one nation. They were always two separate entities. He said that Pakistan started the moment the first non-Muslim was converted into Islam. This happened long before the Muslims established their rule over India. As soon as a Hindu embraced Islam, he was outcast not only religiously but also socially, culturally and economically. Throughout the ages, Hindus had remained Hindus and the Muslims had remained Muslims and they had not merged into one entity; and that was the basis for Pakistan. He said that every Mussalman was the author of Pakistan. Now the question was how to create it – not by asking, not by begging, not even by saying prayers but by working with trust in God. He confidently declared that Inshallah Pakistan was now in our hands.

9 March, 1944, in his Aligarh Muslim University address, he said that Lord Wavell was fishing in the Congress waters. He criticized Viceroy for appeasing the Pundits of Akhand Hindustan, declaring that division of India was inevitable, blending of Hindus and Mussalman was impossible and Pakistan was a certainty; it was futile and unwise for the British to delay the creation of Pakistan. He said that Muslim League was the authoritative and representative organization of Muslim India. Viceroy and Gandhi performed the funeral of Muslim League but we were saved by the God. Muslims had established their charter of Pakistan and they did not need any other charter. The Muslims did not want any lesson in geography, or history. Jinnah said that he was asked to become Prime Minister of Great United India because the key to the situation was in his hands. The planning committee of ML will make a scientific study and survey of Pakistan areas to find out what natural mineral wealth Pakistan areas contained and what was the scope of various industries in these areas. They wanted qualified technicians, scientists and experts who could help buildup economic and industrial life of Pakistan zones..

He criticized Viceroy’s slogan of geographical unity. He said viceroy had failed because he had disregarded the demands of Muslim India and because he had gone out of his way to please the philosophers of Akhand Hindustan. Muslim India deeply helped him to win the war, it was essential for the viceroy to have conceded Pakistan demand because the division of India was inevitable. He said the Muslim League was not strong enough to see that no mechanization succeeded. Jinnah discussed the form of government, Pakistan was going to have by saying that people were confusing by asking about the form of government whether Pakistan will have a democratic, social or nationalist form of government. These issues were raised to hoodwink Muslims at present, they stood by Pakistan only; it meant that they had to take possession of a territory first, because Pakistan could not exist in the air. When we had taken possession of our homeland only then the question would arise as to what form of government we were going to establish. He did not allow Muslim mind to be diverted by these sidetracking ideas. He appreciated that many Englishmen and Hindus had shown realization that the effective solution of communal problem was to divide India into Hindustan and Pakistan. This was the best solution of the India’s problem because the truth was dawning more and more clearly on the minds of the Hindus. With the passage of time, the opponents of Pakistan scheme would realize that Pakistan was really more beneficial to the Hindus than the Muslims. The Hindus had been obsessed with the ideas of establishing united central government over the whole of India, which they should have known was an impossibility. The good thing was that this obsession was now slowly fading away and it was hoped that it would be knocked out of their minds altogether.

Jinnah also criticized the sinister moves and questions such as the classification of casts and sects in Islam. He said Islam did not recognize any kind of distinction of various classifications and the Prophet (PBUH) was able to level down all casts and create national unity among the Arabs. They wanted to destroy the curse of caste system which had ruined the Muslim India. The Muslims were not going to allow anyone to create disruptions of this kind. Our bedrock and sheet anchor is Islam; there was no question of even Shias and Sunnis. A little later, he said that Pakistan would give freedom for all religions and unity among Muslims and complete toleration was an essential condition, precedent to the achievement of Pakistan. As long as this condition was not fulfilled, they were not fit to get Pakistan. We were one nation and we would be able to achieve Pakistan; he also declared that the caste system was responsible for the slavery of India. He warned the communists by saying that Islam was their guide and complete code of life and they did not want any ism. He once again said that geography had been altered in the case of Suez Canal, Panama Canal, Spain, Portugal, Sweden, Norway, Ulster in Eire and Sudan in Egypt – saying that it was only a shooting reference. He asked Muslims to keep on marching and marching forwarding with full determination.

On 22 March, 1944, he said that the Muslims were nearer to the realization to their goal of Pakistan and the achievement of their freedom than ever before; for Muslims Pakistan meant their defense, their deliverance and their destiny. It was the only way which would ensure freedom and the maintenance of Muslim honor and the glory of Islam. The final victory depended upon the hard labour that would be putting forth. He visited Punjab in April 1944, and rejected the suggestion that he should not have carried out propaganda for Pakistan in the Punjab, because Punjab was with the Muslim League only in All India matters, according to the Sikandar-Jinnah Pact; he declared that his Muslim League was fighting for the creation of Pakistan not on Bombay but in the Punjab, which was the cornerstone of his proposed Pakistani State. He anticipated that even the Hindus who did not accept Muslim demand today would do so in future and he appreciated that the Sikh friends had already begun to appreciate Muslim view point although they were not ready to express their feelings publicly.

He said that some of the Sikh leader’s policiessupporting United Hindustan was impossible and could not be accepted by us nor it was in their own interest. They were completely misled by outside agencies who were poisoning their minds against Pakistan demand. In his press interview in Lahore, he declared that the chief minister of Punjab and his ministers whole heartedly supported the Pakistan demand. Speaking in Urdu, he declared that Punjab held the key to Pakistan. He ridiculed all those who had raised the slogans Punjab for Punjabis and all those who were having divided loyalties. He said that there could be no divided loyalties as far as Muslim League was concerned. Muslim League was the custodian and trusty of all interest and classes that constituted the Muslim nation.

In the meantime Sardar Shaukat Hayat, a minister in Punjab Cabinet, was dismissed by Governor Punjab on the recommendation of the Chief Minister, Khizer Tiwana.Jinnah issued statement saying that Tiwana had violated party discipline. Actually what happened was that Sardar Shaukat Hayat had been issuing statements and making speeches in favour of creation of Pakistan and he was warned by Governor and Chief Minister of Punjab but he did not stop and continued the campaign for Pakistan. Shaukat became a martyr after his dismissal and the result was that Pakistan Movement gained a tremendous strength and following amongst the Muslims. Jinnah issued statements and made speeches criticizing Punjab Chief Minster and popularizing the Pakistan demand; he appealed to every Muslim organization including Ahrars to join the Muslim League and support its program and policies. He advised the Muslims to bury their past and work for their goal of Pakistan for which the Muslim League was carrying on struggle.

Rajaji continued his efforts to bring about Hindu Muslim agreement; he met Gandhi in jail and got his approval for a formula known as the Rajaji formula. The Congress would accept the Pakistan demand in principal and in return the Muslim League, in return, would cooperate with the Congress in its demand for independence and interim government for the transitional period. The fact of the matter was that both Rajaji and Gandhi were not serious in accepting the Pakistan idea in principal. Both Rajaji and Gandhi were playing for time calculating that with the passage of time, the Pakistan demand will fizzle out. There was a series of letters between Rajaji, Gandhi and Jinnah and eventually talks between Gandhi and Jinnah were held from 09 to 27 September, 1944. No agreement was concluded between the two leaders but the acceptance of Pakistan demand by Gandhi and Rajaji invited a great deal of criticism, especially in the Punjab and Bengal. The Hindu Mahasabha argued that the Congress did not represent the Hindus and Indian provinces did not belong to Gandhi or Rajaji; and these leaders were not having any authority to distribute Indian provinces as they wished. Various political parties of the Sikhs criticized Gandhi accepting the idea of Pakistan.

However, the Pakistan demand received a tremendous boost due to the discussion, correspondence between the leaders and then the media coverage of this issue. For the first time, the possible areas for the future state of Pakistan were discussed, whereby Jinnah demanding all the majority Muslim provinces and according to Rajaji-Gandhi formula only the areas where Muslims were in absolute majority were to be given to Pakistan. Jinnah and the Muslim League were happy that henceforth the settlement will be on the basis of creation of Pakistan. Secret military, intelligence and CID reports analyzed this situation saying that due to the acceptance of Pakistan demand, Congress had severely damaged its relationship with the Sikh community. Now the Mahasabha and the Sikhs feared that one day all the parties will accept the Pakistan demand. In official circles, it was conveyed to viceroy by the Governor CP and Berar that Gandhi had conveyed to Mookerji that in reality he had no faith in Pakistan and his approval of Rajaji formula was only a matter of desirability and that Gandhi’s views on partition, Vivisection of India and Pakistan scheme had not changed. On the other hand Jinnah did not have any faith left in Gandhi’s promises. The reality was that both leaders wanted to score points in the art of diplomacy because there were pressures on both Jinnah and Gandhi to have meetings to sort out their differences ending the political deadlock between Hindus and Muslims. Official circles finally gave credit to Jinnah for getting Gandhi’s previous stance changed into at least accepting the Pakistan demand in principal. Governor of Sindh had conveyed to the Viceroy that Jinnah did not trust Gandhi and knew that he had not changed his positions that he took up two years ago.

Dailies such as The Ehsan and Zamindar of Lahore gave captions reading; “Gandhiji accepts principal of Pakistan and Muslim League’s glorious victory. Congress eventually accepts Pakistan principal”. Mookerji of Hindu Mahasabha commented that Gandhi should not have allowed his name to be dragged into this amazing offer which was virtual acceptance of Pakistan idea; that Public opinion should vigorously assert itself and give indication that under no circumstances a political settlement would be accepted which was based on self destructive principal of Pakistan either of Jinnah or Rajaji’s brand.

Another top brass Mahasabha leader, Moonje asked what right had the Congress to settle the communal argument without securing the cooperation of Hindu Mahasabha? Congress although claiming to represent the whole of India did not and could not represent either the Hindus or the Muslims. Bhai Paramanand said that it was most astonishing to find a man of such determination as Mahatma Gandhi should have given his consent to Rajaji formula which was the first and far most important step towards the fulfillment of the scheme of partitioning the country.

Jinnah and Muslim League were able to get tremendous popularity after the Gandhi-Jinnah negotiations; Jinnah, in his public address in Rawalpindi, 27 July, 1944, said that he would be able to convert both the British Government and other Hindu Parties to his views and make them agree to accept the Pakistan scheme. It may be noted that the Khaksars were making attempts to sabotage his public addresses, because he did not accept their invitation to take salute from a contingent of local Khaksars of Rawalpindi and also that Jinnah had not accepting their advice to have meetings with their leader and Gandhi to sort out communal differences between Congress and Muslim League. Jinnah appreciated Gandhi that at last he had accepted the principal of Pakistan and the emaining argument was that how and when this had to be carried out. Jinnah said that he did not mind all vilification and misinterpretation and the campaign that was carried on against Rajaji’s proposal. He also said that Gandhi had realized that 1944 was not 1941.

Now Jinnah was frequently repeating his statements on Pakistan concluding that “Inshaallah, Pakistan was coming much earlier than anticipated” and also another statement repeated was that Gandhi had accepted the principal of partition or division of India”. As regards the position of Sikh community, he advised them not to be unduly perturbed. He asked them to give their proposals for negotiations with the Muslim League and also advised them not to put any obstruction in the way of achieving Pakistan as they would be in a much better position in Pakistan than in Akhand Hindustan. He repeated his statement even in his press conference that he did not dispute that the Sikhs were a nation; that they should give the Muslim League their considered demands and must forget what had happened in the past between two communities suggesting to have a fresh start.

To conclude, due to Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah’s effort, the partition demand of the Muslim League became a major issue in Indian politics since the Pakistan resolution was passed. Muslim League leader very successfully, persuaded the British government to recognize the Pakistan demand, while discussing constitutional advance in India.

It may be mentioned that British Prime Minister Churchill had refused to give any generous treatment to India under the Atlantic Charter; he sincerely believed that he had not become the British Prime Minister to preside over the liquidation of British Empire. It was during his tenure that British Government had to recognize the principle of separation. Sir Stafford Cripps who had been a great supporter of Congress cause had to change his mind by accepting the principle of separation. Jinnah kept on adding to the strength of the Pakistan Movement making very difficult to ignore his demand for Pakistan. When the Congress launched its Quit India movement pressurizing the British to leave India as a united and independent country, Jinnah described this movement as a war against the Muslim League and Muslim India. When Rajaji and Gandhi approached Jinnah for negotiations, they were asked to accept the fundamentals of Pakistan resolution first and then proceed to settle the matter in details. Jinnah demanded that Pakistan scheme be recognized before Indian independence; Gandhi was ready to accept this after India became independent. In summary, from Cripps Mission to Gandhi-Jinnah talks, Jinnah was able to increase his prestige and was able to tremendously advance the cause of his partition demand or the case for Pakistan.

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Default 1945-46 Elections and Pakistan....

1945-46 Elections and Pakistan: Punjab’s Pivotal Role
By
Sharif al Mujahi

The 1945-46 elections were by far the most critical ones at all levels in all the annals of subcontinental history. The first Simla Conference had broken down on 14 July 1945 on the controversial issue of the All India Muslim League (AIML)’s representative character, and Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948) was quick to demand a reference to the electorate to buttress his “demonstration of imperious strength at Simla”. This demonstration, to quote H. V. Hodson, former Reforms Commissioner (1941-42) and author of the most authoritative British account of the Great Divide, “was a shot in the arm for the League and a serious blow to its Muslim opponents, especially in the Punjab”.

Clearly, Jinnah’s Simla strategy went extremely well with Muslims. Indeed, Simla endowed the League with a tremendous psychological boost overnight, perhaps as much as Lucknow (1937) and Lahore (1940) had done earlier. Jinnah, a strategist with an acute sense of timing, seized the moment to call for general elections, so that the League’s claim to being Muslim India’s authoritative body and his claim to being its sole spokesman get validated, once and for all, at the hustings. Fortuitously though, Sir Stafford Cripps (1889-1952), the India expert in the new, postwar Labour government, also urged the holding of fresh elections, if only “to expedite the means of arriving at a permanent settlement”. General elections, thus, for winter 1945-46. Not inexplicably though, the two critical issues at stake were: (i) whether the AIML was Muslim India’s sole authoritative spokesman, and (ii) whether Muslims favoured Pakistan or not.

Although every Muslim seat throughout the subcontinent was important, more critical, however, were those in the Punjab and Bengal, the most demographically dominant Muslim provinces. After all, if Pakistan were to be established, it had to be in the Muslim provinces. No wonder, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (1889-1958), the Congress Rastrapathi, wrote to Sardar Vallabbhai Patel (1875-1950), the “Iron Man” of the Congress, on 21 October that “the Punjab and Bengal hold the key position in the present election”. And the indefatigable Patel, who, though ailing, yet ran the Congress’s election campaign so determinedly and so efficiently from his sick bed at Poona, on his part, gave the utmost attention to Bengal and the Punjab. No wonder, he immediately sent a cheque for Rs. 50,000/- to the Ahrars in the Punjab, followed by other huge tranches to the Punjab Congress leadership, while making it absolutely clear to one and all that he would help out the provincial leadership “only in the matter of Muslim constituencies”.

Subsequently, Patel reminded Sachar that “The Punjab is [not only] a prosperous and key province of Pakistan” but that “the Punjab [also] holds the key to the future of India”, and, he called on him to collect contributions from local industrial magnates, big businessmen and landlords. That, above all, underscores Punjab’s pre-eminent role in the electoral battle for Pakistan, even from the Congress’s viewpoint.

Another major component of the Congress’s strategy was spelled out by Azad after meeting Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana (1900-75), the Punjab Unionist Premier, when he told reporters on 8 October at Faletti’s, Lahore, “We are ready to enter into a pact with anyone [whatever their standing and whatever their objectives,] excepting the League”. Hence the Congress clobbered together a formidable string of anti-League forces – the entrenched Unionists, the vociferous and agitation oriented Ahrars, the militant Khaksars, the religion invoking came to be announced on 21 August 1945, and were scheduled Jamiat al Ulema-i-Hind and the much organized Congress – into an almost impregnable opposition in the Punjab. Between these disparate groups, Azad served as the Chief Coordinator, fuelling them with the requisite funds through Sardar Patel. A third component was that the Congress decided to approach the Muslim masses through its client Muslim parties and the much esteemed ulema, who were expected to explode the “myth” concerning the League and Pakistan.

Like G. M. Syed (1904-1995) in Sind, Premier Malik Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana as well tried to confuse the ordinary, almost gullible voters, asserting that he and other Muslim Unionist members were “firm and uncompromising supporters of Pakistan”, but the gimmick failed to work. And this chiefly because, as against the Provincial Muslim Leagues (PMLs) in Sind and the North-West Frontier Province, the Punjab PML had become much more organized, much more disciplined and much more buoyant, if only because of its break-up with the Unionists in April 1944. It was also the least troublesome in terms of feud and faction. Thus, the Punjab team was able to remain intact under Nawab Iftikhar Husain Khan of Mamdot (1906-69), the Punjab PML President. And he was able to infuse the team spirit among his colleagues, chiefly because he was a self effacing, but confident leader, who, backed by Jinnah all he way, worked silently, sans ambition, sans rhetoric and sans fanfare. All said and done, however, it was Jinnah alone who, like Vladimir Ilich Ulyanove Lenin (1870-1920), the architect of the Russian Revolution (1917), had provided the critical linkage between the top, disparate Punjab leadership.

Soon after the HMG’s announcement of the general elections, the adhesion of some topmost Congressites and Unionists – most notably Mian Iftikharuddin (1907-62), President, Punjab Provincial Congress Committee (PCC), and Sir Feroze Khan Noon(1893-1970), Member, Viceroy’s Executive Council, Premier Tiwana’s cousin and Unionist Party’s founding member, followed by Begum Jahan Ara Shah Nawaz (1896-1979), former Unionist Parliamentary Secretary, and several other Unionist stalwarts – served notice on both the Congress and the Unionist Party that their respective citadels were fast in the process of crumbling down.

The ulema and the mashaiks (including the Sajjada Nashins), inspired and motivated by the much esteemed Deoband alim and Principal, Allama Shabbir Ahmad Usmani (1885-1949), got activized and mobilized, almost overnight. In perspective, Allama Usmani had fortuitiously provided since mid-October 1945 the direly needed theological weight in Pakistan’s favour against the pervasive and persuasive anti-League influence of the ubiquitous and much esteemed Congress ulema at the grass-root level.

At another level, student leaders like Abdul Sattar Khan Niyazi (1915-2000s) founder of the Punjab Muslim Students Federation (MSF) (f. 1938) and Hameed Nizami (1915-62), third elected President of the Punjab MSF and later, Editor, Nawa-i-Waqt (Lahore), played a leading role in organizing and mobilizing students and young workers, and leading them in small groups to visit small towns and their hinterland, organize mini gatherings of village folk at various places, listen to their pressing problems, in order to solve them or find solutions to them. Inter alia, they sought to educate and explain to them the League’s policies and programme in general terms and in the context of the pressures and problems that had held rural Punjab hostage, and its politics and ultimate goals. And even as the elections approached, thousands of student volunteers from Aligarh University, Islamia College and other institutions fanned out throughout the sprawling province to educate, mobilize and motivate the ordinary voters to brace for total defiance, both against official pressure and the mighty Unionist oriented zamindars’ dire threats and influence.

Meantime, for a year or more, numerous Primary Leagues had sprung up or come to be established where there was none, and the Muslim League National Guards (MLNG) was duly reorganized as never before. In tandem were several women activist groups organized in several cities, besides the Muslim Women Students’ Federation, founded earlier in 1941, having been spruced up and streamlined – both targeted to ensuring increasing women awareness, motivation and participation in the League’s campaign. Thus, women comprised almost one-third of the audiences in the election meetings, reminisced Mian Mumtaz Khan Daulatana (1916-95) later.

Additionally, authored by Daulatana, Punjab PML’s General Secretary, with the assistance of noted leftist, Danial Latifi, the Acting Office Secretary of the Punjab PML since July 1944, a radical manifesto (1945) came to be crafted. By all accounts, it was a big leap forward. It helped to endow the Punjab League election campaign with the direly needed progressive streak. And all the while, the leading Urdu papers, especially the Nawai-Waqt, Zamindar, Ihsan and The Eastern Times, carried on a blitz undeterred, despite the Unionists’ sword over their uneasy heads.

The chink in the armour was, however, the League’s meagre resources. As against the Unionists’ four million (forty lakhs) election chest, not to speak of the Birla and Dalmia funded millions at the Congress’s disposal, the League could possibly collect only a meagre sum of Rs. 800,000. Jinnah, of course, came to the PML’s rescue, helping it out to the tune of Rs. 300,000 out of the Central League funds; but still the Provincial League’s resources were far too limited, obviously constraining the spread and intensity of its election campaign.

Yet the greatest problem confronting the rejuvenated League was that not only were the Unionists in power, but that the Glancy-Khizr axis had as well “conspired” to utilize brazently the bureaucracy, the most powerful and the most ubiquitous in the entire subcontinent, to get a verdict in their favour, whatever be the means, whatever the cost. “The entire bureaucracy – Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and the British – was against us”, recalled Daulatana years later. Indeed ever since the general elections were announced, the greatest headache for the Punjab leaders was how to ensure the “complete neutrality of the state apparatus” and several leaders wrote to Jinnah, stressing its imperative need. “There have been”, admitted Lord Wavell (1883-1950), the Viceroy, “a lot of allegations against the Unionist Ministry… to the effect that they are abusing their position to gain advantage in the elections.” Jinnah himself had to take cognizance of the gravity of these complaints: “voters and … workers… are being coerced, threatened, intimidated and persecuted”, he charged. And since both the Viceroy and the Governor (Bertrand Glancy) had turned a “deaf ear” to all those “shameful and criminal tactics”, he told his beleaguered followers that there was “no door” to knock at and no alternative left but “to fight” to the bitter end.

Earlier, in the central assembly elections, held in late November-December 1945, at stake were six Muslim seats, and the League made a complete sweep of them. Three seats were bagged without a contest, a record for any province; and the Independents (mostly Unionists) and a Khaksar, who contested on the other three seats, secured a total of mere 2,788 (19.04%) out of 16,358 votes cast. This meant that the League could surge forward, making a shambles of the Unionists. And it did in the provincial elections held in february 1946.

The Muslim League contested all the eighty-six Muslim seats (nine urban, seventy five rural and two women), and two of its candidates returned unopposed. The Unionists contested seventy-six seats, the Ahrars sixteen, the Congress eight and the Khaksars three. Additionally, there were eighty-two Independents in the field. The League’s score was 87.2 per cent of the Muslim seats and 65.3 per cent of the total Muslim vote; the Unionists secured 27.26 per cent votes while the rest 7.44 per cent. In view of the Congress’s dire prognostications the League’s success may well be termed astounding. Patel, the “lodestar” of the Congress, conceded, albeit grudgingly, “The League has scored better than expected…” In the battle for Pakistan, Punjab was considered the “key” province; hence the Punjab results sent a wave of joy throughout Muslim India. An enthralled Jinnah lauded the Punjab results, saying, “The Muslims played a magnificent part in conclusively proving that Punjab is the cornerstone of Pakistan. Ninety percent fighting against all odds is a splendid achievement of which you, Muslim India and myself should be proud”, he wired Mamdot, the Punjab PML President.

In perspective, however, despite the temporary setback to assume power after the elections, the Punjab vote was the most critical one since, to Patel, among others, the Punjab held “the key to the future of India” – an assessment, which was also generally shared by British officials and non-officials. For instance, Governor Sir Hugh Dow of Sind, Governor Sir Henry Joseph Twynam of C. P. and Berar, and Sir Francis Low, Editor, The Times of India (Bombay), the foremost Anglo-Indian daily, told Wavell that the Punjab held “the key to the Pakistan problem”. Likewise, U. S. officials and diplomats in Delhi regarded Punjab as “the keystone of Pakistan”.

Hence despite what Ayesha Jalal, herself a fullblooded Punjabi, says about the Punjabi “opportunists” in her much acclaimed work, Punjab did play a critical role in securing Pakistan. And once Punjab was firmly secured, the Pakistan issue could not be shelved any more. Nor Pakistan’s emergence could long be thwarted. And it came eighteen months later.


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Default Pakistan's Growth Experience (1947-2007).....

Pakistan's Growth Experience (1947-2007)

By

Ishrat Hussain


Institute Of Business Administration (IBA), KARACHI



In order to access the detailed paper click the following address:
http://ishrathusain.iba.edu.pk/speec...HUSAIN_ART.pdf


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Default The Elections of 1936-37......

The Elections of 1936-37 in the Punjab and
Political Position of the Muslim League

By
Akhtar Hussain Sandhu


Only two nominees of the Muslim League succeeded in the elections of 1937. MA Jinnah had been a non-entity in the Punjab until the passage of the Pakistan Resolution in 1940. Amarjit Singh concludes that the Punjab Muslim League experienced the severest setback of its history in the elections 1937. He considers the aftermath as the era of struggle for survival on the part of the League. KC Yadav writes on the Jinnah-Sikandar Pact that the British ordered Sir Sikandar Hayat to conclude a pact with the Muslim League to revive its image after the defeat in the elections 1937. Important documents and solid arguments are there to challenge such conclusions. Through this article, I have tried to address such contentions. Through my study, I have tried to prove that the League had deep roots in the Punjab before the elections of 1937 as it was perceived as the sole Muslim party at the national level. The election results were no surprise to the League leadership because of the prevailing circumstances. The League’s decision to participate in the regional politics was a turning point in the history of the Indian Muslims which enabled it to permeate among the masses. It also made the British and their loyal groups uneasy in the Punjab. The Unionists intended to capture the League but became a victim of their own tricky politics.

The Muslim League is considered to be a weak party during the 1930s but actually it had started successfully engaging the regional elements in the Muslim politics during this time. No doubt, the League’s position in the Punjab was not strong because the only blue-eyed group of the British Governor was the Unionist Party which was officially entitled to have influential position in the bureaucracy and the politics. To line up the Punjab behind the League was necessary because without its backing the League had a weak voice in all-India issues relating to the Muslim community. The League did not require this backing earlier because every Muslim province was thought to be with the League but the specific circumstances of the pre-election situation convinced MA Jinnah to enter the regional politics which was not the tradition of the parties working at all-India level. The central political leadership preferred their involvement in the issues relating to the central politics.

Before 1936, the League was confined to the national politics had given a free hand to the regional parties taking for granted their support. On the other hand, the Unionist Muslims felt vulnerable by supporting the League as they could lose political and social status in the province which they had been enjoying for a few decades. The Shiromani Akali Dal had got recognition as a religious and political force among the Sikh community. They opposed the feudal leadership of the Khalsa National Party. The Akal politics was mainly based on antagonism and hatred towards the Muslims on religious and historical grounds. They were opposed to the feudal leadership within the Sikh community on economic and political reasons. They projected themselves as the benefactors of the panth but actually they were keen to secure economic and political gains in the guise of religion. This two-faced politics of the major stakeholders of the Punjab created crisis in the provincial politics. The League permeated gradually among the regional politics and secured sympathy of the masses.

The 1930s was a turbulent phase of the Punjab history. The Muslim League became a leaderless party for the time being as Jinnah was in England and the local Muslims were utilizing the All-India Muslim Conference for their political activities. No one valued the importance of the League and the sincere Muslim leadership diverted its attention to the regional parties. Sir Agha Khan joined hands with the Punjab Unionist Party and supported it financially. Sir Agha Khan had no voting base in the Punjab and his separation from the League did not value as far as the electoral politics was concerned. He was respected by the community on his generous funding for the Muslim projects and influence in the imperial circles, nevertheless, his severance from the traditional Muslim representative party was not an encouraging sign. Under such atmosphere, MA Jinnah came back and re-organised the League in early 1935. He planned to gather the prominent Muslim leaders under the League flag and invited Sir Fazl-i-Husain to preside over the League session. He not only turned down his request to join the League session but also decided to resist the League leader to have any influence in the Punjab affairs because it could end the communal harmony of the province. The main argument for the refusal was that the Hindu and Sikh communities would never accept the League’s position. It is surprising that nobody questioned the communalistic character of Sir Fazl-i-Husain who had incessantly been criticized by Hindus and Sikhs on his pro-Muslim policies which confirmed him a Muslim rather than a cross-communal leader. The non-Muslim groups at protests against him included the moderate faction of the Sikhs as well. The principal issue was the office of the Premiership. Fazl-i-Husain feared that by joining the League, the Muslims of the Punjab could be deprived of the Premier’s office. The machinations within the party were at peak and none was happy on his return from the centre to the Punjab politics. Under this specific situation, he was unable to render support to the League. His pro-League posture could be an invitation to new problems.

Fazl’s refusal to accept Jinnah’s invitation to preside over the League session has been hailed by many writers and attributed to the political prudence of Fazl-i-Husain and as an utter defeat of Jinnah. To Khalid Bin Sayeed, “Jinnah did not make any headway in the Punjab” but the factual position is that he never confined himself to the central politics and activated the party to capture the Punjab as soon as possible. The writers projected Fazl’s refusal prominently because rejection of the invitation of a leader like Jinnah was not possible for a leader of a regional character. He was projected as a challenger to Jinnah and his status was raised among the anti-League circles. However, such writers ignored the coming political developments in the Punjab in which Jinnah became assertive soon after his entry in the regional politics.

The decision to participate in the regional politics became imperative to strengthen the League in all-India politics. Before the refusal of Fazl-i-Husain, it was a general perception that all the Unionist Muslims were with the League but the rejection of the Jinnah’s invitation convinced the League leadership to come down to the regional level to save the party from the blackmailing by the local leadership. Muslims were lucky that League decided to challenge the regional parties well in time as the first general elections under the 1935 Act were approaching which could provide an opportunity to deal with the regional parties and place the League agenda directly before the Muslim masses. It pleased the Muslims of the Punjab that they were expecting a better alternate to the Unionists who practically did nothing for the common people. Their utmost endeavour was to facilitate the landed aristocracy and the well to do families who were inter-linked to each other by inert-marriages neglecting the prevailing caste system.

Before the elections of 1937, Sardar Buta Singh, the Deputy President of the Council, contested election for the seat of President of the Punjab Council against Ch. Chhotu Ram. The Sikhs were hopeful of the victory as the urban Hindu members opposed Chhotu Ram. This made Sardar Buta Singh a very strong candidate. But Chhotu Ram won the seat with 56 votes while Sardar Buta Singh bagged only 28 votes. The defeat enraged the Sikh parties who protested and left the Chamber. This shows the environment of the communal relations within the Punjab legislature. The non-Muslims had been with theUnionist leadership but with reservations. They never gave a free hand to the leadership in communal and other political issues which had made this coalition strong as well as vulnerable. They being far away from the communal tangles had been running the governmental affairs successfully but on the other hand, ignoring the real and core issues such as communalism was erroneous which ultimately proved harmful. Even then, every community was pursuing the communal agenda remaining within the coalition government. In 1937, the non-Muslim members of the Punjab Legislative Assembly intrigued against Sir Sikandar and made a united effort to force the Premier to leave the office through a no-confidence motion. They collected 16 lakh rupees under Sardar Baldev Singh but not a single Muslim favoured this anti-Sikandar conspiracy.

Provincial Elections of 1937

The Indian Act of 1935 brought major changes in the constitutional status of the Punjab. The provincial Council was renamed as the Punjab Legislative Assembly with increased number of its members (175). All the members were to be elected by the increased number of voters. The voting qualification was the education, being widow or mother of the officer or military men martyred in war, being tax payee, being tenant or land-owner of specific quantity of land or public servant. The Sikhs were given 18 per cent, Hindus 24 per cent and Muslims 48 per cent share in the Assembly seats. The division on the communal basis to Kripal C. Yadav was a continuity of the divide and rule policy of the British who intended to damage the national cause of India but as a matter of fact no community objected to it; they only protested on the allocation of number of seats in the assembly. According to the contradictory demands, the Sikhs had demanded 30 per cent seats or the partition of the Punjab at the Round Table Conference during 1930-3219 which made the communal issue in the Punjab very complicated and sensitive as well. Before the general elections of 1937, the situation was undemocratic in the province and the political tycoons were hardly opposed in their constituencies. In the elections of 1930, Dr. Gokal Chand Narang (EU), Ch. Chhotu Ram, Ujjal Singh (EU), S. Sampuran Singh (EU), Raja Narender Nath (EU), S. Joginder Singh (EU), Mukand Lal Puri (EU) from the non-Muslims and Jamal Khan Leghari (EU), Ahmad Yar Daultana, Mubarak Ali Shah, Raza Shah Gilani (EU), Mohammad Hayat Qureshi (EU), Feroz Khan Noon (EU), Ch. M. Zafarullah Khan (EU), Ch. Shahab-ud-din (EU), Pir Akbar Ali (EU), Abdul Ghani (EU) and others from the Muslims were the prominent figures who returned to the provincial legislature as unopposed (EU). It shows the environment of elections where influential families were playing the role of a pressure group or Qabza group. Maulana Mazhar Ali Azhar and Zaman Mehdi Khan won bye-election in 1934 and entered the Assembly.

The elections of 1937 started with submitting the nomination papers in November 1936 and polling was planned from December 1936 to January 1937. The Unionist Party having no threat from any other political party launched its candidates and in many cases it was decided beforehand that the winning candidate would be an existing Unionist member. Being confident so the Unionist Party did not contest elections as a democratic party. According to Ian Talbot it did not arrange any public gathering to convince the voters about the manifesto. They believed that the government officials were there to do this job. They did not need to approach the masses because some specific groups had a right to cast the vote but the common Punjabis were deprived of this basic right. Furthermore, the Unionist Party was existing as a ruling class having no ideology to follow therefore, they were least interested in securing public sympathy.

Interestingly, the elections were the first electoral event which attracted a huge number of contesters and all the parties participated with full democratic zeal and only a few returned as unopposed to the Assembly while before 1937 most of the candidates had faced no difficulty in re-capturing their seats. The Sikhs and the Hindus joined hands against the Unionist government which was being perceived as a Muslim domination over the minorities. The Shiromani Akali Dal contested elections on the basis to save Indian freedom, anti-Communal Award pledge, Sikh rights, anti-Shahidganj struggle, Kirpan issue, etc. The Akali Sikhs and the Congress made adjustment in numerous constituencies during the elections which encouraged them to make more joint efforts in the political sphere. The Sikhs expressed grave concern over the Muslim domination in the Punjab and vociferated against the Unionist Muslims. The League came down to the regional politics which disturbed the makeshift arrangements in the provincial political arena. Jinnah who was said to be a non-entity in the Punjab was there in the Punjab when the Gurdwara Movement was launched by the Sikhs in 1920s. He seemed favouring the Akalis when they were tortured by the authorities. He was the leader who resigned from the assembly when the Rowlatt Act was enforced. He was there in the Punjab when the Shahidganj issue was dragging whole of the Punjab to a dreadful chaos. KL Guaba and Allama Mashriqi requested Jinnah to interfere while the Governor and the Unionist leaders were waiting to end the Muslim-Sikh clashes. It is interesting that the cross-communal party (the Unionists) had been waiting for Jinnah (a communalist to the Unionists) to cool down the communal frenzy in the province over the Shahidganj issue.

The Congress got majority in 8 provinces out of 11 while the League won only two seats in the Punjab. Beside 16 independent candidates, the party position was as under:

Results in Punjab

Party-----------------------------Seats
Ahrar-----------------------------02
Muslim League --------------------02
Shiromani Akali Dal----------------11
Khalsa National Party--------------13
Hindu Mahasabha------------------12
Punjab Unionist Party--------------98
Ittehad-i-Millat--------------------02
Indian National Congress-----------18
Congress Nationalist Party----------01
Source: KC Yadav, Elections, 133-34.

The results reflect the trend of the Sikh voters towards the Akalis who performed well and got recognition as the sole representative of the Sikh panth. The main objective of the League to contest the elections was to announce its entry into the regional politics to challenge the Unionists who had refused to accommodate the League leadership. It was a mere ppearance and first show on the part of the League and the real work were yet to be done in the future.

The Unionist Party maintained its hegemony in the Assembly but it secured 70 per cent votes in the rural and only 25 per cent votes in the urban constituencies. Apart from this, it did not send any candidate in the eight urban constituencies reserved for Hindus. The sweeping election results put the anti-League parties into power but this defeat did not discourage the League because the results were not out of expectation. The League leadership being realist could not expect a miracle regarding the results after facing an extreme difficulty in finding candidates for the constituencies. Jinnah was sure that it was astarting point for the League and with its first direct entry in the regional politics it could make the local leadership realize that they had a short time to survive. Amarjit Singh rites that the League sent 44 candidates in the constituencies which is not a correct figure. Only 10 candidates in the Punjab contested elections from the League platform which shows that the League leadership had no high expectations. With 102 seats in whole of India retained the League which came up as a sole representative party of the Muslims. The Congress launched 57 Muslim candidates in the Punjab but only 26 reached the Assembly. The party secured less than 50 per cent of the total votes in India.Therefore, it was satisfying for the League that the Congress too had not performed well in the Punjab. To Uma Kaura, “The only redeeming feature for the League was that the performance of Congress in the Muslim majority areas was also not impressive.” The League was the only party which voiced for the rights of Muslims. Although the Punjab Unionist Party got majority in the Punjab Assembly yet it had no representation in other provinces of India.

Overall Results of the Elections of 1937

Province-----------Actual Seats-----------Cong. Won-----------Percentage
Bengal ----------------250 ----------------35-------------------- 32
NWFP---------------- 50 ------------------19-------------------- 38
Punjab ----------------175 ----------------18 --------------------10
Sindh ----------------60 --------------------8--------------------13
UP ---------------- 228 --------------------133 --------------------58
Source: Uma Kaura, Muslims and Indian Nationalism, 108-9.

The results of the Punjab repudiated the Congress’s claim that it was representative of all the Indian communities. In UP, the Congressite Muslims were strong but “no Muslim was returned on the Congress ticket.” The Akalis had an understanding with the Congress because it mainly wanted to knock down the other Sikh parties. The SGPC33 provided workers, finances and support on the religious basis to the Akalis who floated huge sums of money to win the elections against the rival Sikh parties. This abuse of Gurdwara funds by the Akalis was mentioned in Governor’s letter. The Punjab Governor Emerson concluded that the “Akali successes would have been fewer had they not used religious funds for the purpose of bribing the electorates.” The real show of power in the regional politics started after the elections. The elections produced stunning implications which carved profound impact not only on the politics of the Punjab but also at all-India level. The notable incident of the elections 1937 was the Congress betrayal of the League in the UP Assembly which according to Bimal Prasad upset the Hindu-Muslim understanding not only in the UP but also throughout the Subcontinent.

The Congress leadership opposed the Unionists’ which was not a sane strategy because the Unionists and the British had similar agenda for the united India but the Congress could not benefit from this enthusiasm. The anti-Muslim policies of the Congress ministries confirmed the Two-Nation theory and forced them to follow the League regarding their political rights. The anti-Muslim drive of the Congress’ governments created favourbale atmosphere for the League leadership who had already been complaining of the cruel mentality of the Hindu majority towards the Muslims. The debate in the British Parliament on the anti-Muslim activities of the Congress ministries was discouraged for the reason that such debate might result in communal clashes in India. The avoidance of the subject by British Parliament ramified that there was something wrong on the part of the Congress ministries which could produce tension between Muslims and non-Muslims. Jinnah passed a remark on the abuse of power by the Congress ministries that “the Congress was like a poor man who had won a great deal of money in a lottery; that it was intoxicated with power.” He also reiterated that ignoring the League by the Congress was not a reasonable policy. The Congress leadership would commit a greatest blunder if they thought that the constitutional problem would be solved without the consent of the League. He further warned that the Congress should “respect the other parties” if it sought some agreed solution to the on-going constitutional deadlock.

The Muslims faced several problems under the Hindu majority on the social issues and Congress rule on the political rights. Even the Hindus tried to get their number increased through false evidences. In January 1939, Hasan Nizami in an editorial wrote that the Congress considered the League as an impractical party and the Hindu-British patch-up against the League was evident. He suggested that Jinnah should focus on census of the Muslims. He explained that census was going to start shortly and the League could work against the irregularities expected in the census. The non-Muslim machinery was the real cause of such irregularities because the non-Muslim officials deliberately registered the ‘Hindi language’ as the mother tongue of the Muslims which resulted in decrease of the Muslim voters. Nizami Quoted his own example and expressed that he should have been registered as voter according the eligibility criteria but his name was not there in the voters’ list. He further requested Jinnah to take the census issue into consideration because nine crore Muslims were associated with the League therefore it was necessary to collect the real figures of the Muslim population.

Popularity of the League

The League secured two seats in the Punjab and displayed weak performance in the other Muslim majority provinces in the elections which provided the anti-League parties an opportunity to project it as an end of the political career of Jinnah and the party. But as matter of fact, this failure did not rebut the League and its leadership because many had foretold that the League would win only a few of the Muslim seats in the coming elections. The stature of Jinnah remained as important and effective as ever before. He was the only Muslim leader who could face the Congress leadership on equal terms. The results did not pull him down in the eyes of the Muslims. His friendly relations with the prominent Muslim families throughout the country maintained his political position effective. Ahmad Yar Daultana, the Muslim Unionist, had a great respect for Jinnah. Sometimes family members of the prominent leaders shared their interests with him. Ahmad Yar Daultana wrote to Jinnah, “I have considered you my leader during the last 25 years and have always been loyal to you.” He had a contribution in creating congenial environment for Sir Sikandar Hayat and Jinnah who later came to a pact at Lucknow in October 1937.

Jinnah was confident of the League’s success in the future politics therefore he removed the shortcomings of the party and “assured…that within a short time the League would become a strong party capable of fighting any other party in the country.”His prophecy came true and the Muslims of the Punjab converged in the fold of League. Even the Punjab Premier under the peculiar circumstances had to line up under the leadership of Jinnah. The Pioneer appreciated the League’s success and wrote that Jinnah had got a firm footing in the Punjab “within about a year of his launching the programme.”

According to the Jinnah-Sikandar Pact in October 1937 at Lucknow, the Unionist leader promised Jinnah to bring the Unionist Muslim members to the League fold in the provincial Assembly. This issue has generated an interesting debate among the scholars as to why Sir Sikandar Hayat went to Lucknow after winning the Premier’s office. The factors might include the Hindu-Sikh unity, popularity of Jinnah, grouping within the Unionist Party and Congress’ Mass Contact campaign in the Punjab.

The first reason might be the Muslim Mass Contact Movement of the Congress that moved Sikandar to approach Jinnah because the Sikhs and Hindus intended to topple Sir Sikandar’s government. They launched a campaign to root out the League and Unionist influence from the Muslim majority region. The Akalis were with the Congress as Master Tara Singh supported Nehru and stated that the Punjab “Premier was a stooge for the British, and that he was consolidating the Muslim position in the Punjab.” The other cause could be the grouping within the Unionist Party which was divided into factions and the League was causing further rifts among the party members. The Punjab Muslim League though had negligible strength in the Assembly, yet it enjoyed the support of highly respected figures like Dr. Muhammad Iqbal. Sir Sikandar tried to capture the League so that no rival could challenge his position in the province. The other reason might be the sympathy of the Muslim members with the League within the Unionist Party as Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan disclosed later that Jinnah himself deployed him to create a pro-League atmosphere among the ruling Muslims.

Sir Sikandar was well aware of the sensitive situation of the party and that grouping within the party could weaken his political grasp in the near future, therefore he decided to join hands with Jinnah. Furthermore, he was clear that only the League leadership could voice for the Muslim rights at the national level whose support was necessary to strengthen his position. KC Yadav is of the opinion that Sir Sikandar joined hands with Jinnah under the British motivation. The writer took it as a supposition rather than referring to any document. Perhaps, his non-consultation of the Punjab Governor’s
Fortnightly Reports convinced him to misinterpret the situation. The correspondence between the Punjab Governor and the Viceroy clarifies that the Jinnah-Sikandar Pact was a personal decision of Sir Sikander and it was astonishing for the British as well. Actually, Sir Sikandar came to the conclusion that only Jinnah’s support could save him from the formidable Congress and Akali Sikhs who had already been united in the Assembly an year before. Sangat Singh concluded that “the Unionists committed the same blunder which the Akalis had committed earlier by making Akali legislators to accept Congress discipline.”

The Congress-Akali unity in the Assembly alarmed Sir Sikandar who sought the League support. According to Qalb-i-Abid, Sir Sikander because of the World War II could not afford the desertion towards League because this tilt and popularity of the League could upset the Sikhs. Though, the threat from the Congress and Akali Dal seems to be potent however, no simple factor pushed Sir Sikandar to have a pact with the League instead all major and minor neuroses convinced him to come to terms with the League.

The Jinnah-Sikandar Pact strengthened both the Unionis Party and the League but at the same time, it also resulted in the bitterness between Muslims and Sikhs in the Punjab. Sir Sikandar could not visualise what side-effects the pact would have on the future politics. The Sikh apprehensions increased because the pact declared the Unionist Muslims as the League members while the League was perceived as the enemy of the Sikh interests in the Punjab although they had no evidence to prove the League as an anti-Sikhs party. The political interdependence had bound them into coalition which the Sikhs had absorbed as a necessary evil. The other attraction was the official and social benefits which were possible in the unity under which the cross-communal phenomenon was being projected. The Jinnah-Sikandar Pact shattered confidence of Sikhs, nevertheless they became satisfied on the clause of the Pact which maintained the existing arrangements in the Assembly.

This clause saved the non-Muslim and Muslim Unionist coalition by sidelining the League. Sir Emerson was pleased on the position of Sir Sikandar and wrote to Linlithgow on 12 November 1937 that the popularity of Sir Sikandar among Sikhs and Hindus had saved the Punjab coalition government. The Premier enjoyed cordial relations with Raja Narendra Nath who forced Dr. Gokal Chand Narang to cancel the united Hindu conference in Lahore which was being held against the Unionist Muslims. The Sikhs disapproved the Jinnah-Sikander Pact and projected it as a conspiracy against the nationalists and communal harmony. A meeting at Rawalpindi was arranged in November 1938 under Sardar Baldev Singh. The Akali and Congress flags were waved together and it passed anti-Unionist remarks. The speakers also advised the Sikh audiences to join the Congress. Sajjad Zaheer, a Communist ideologue, commented that the Jinnah-Sikandar pact was “a short-sighted policy on the part of the League.” But the actual position was that, the League lost less and gained more from this pact. It brought a revolutionary shift in the power of the Muslim politics. The government officials and common Muslims perceived the League as the real power of the near future. Jinnah was perceived as leader of the Premier so the public started complaining to Jinnah against the provincial and central government. For example, in August 1938, the people appealed to Jinnah to help the job-hunting Muslims. The impression emerged that Sir Sikandar could not dare to overlook Jinnah’s orders.

The popularity of the League was a sign of the downfall of the Unionist government. The Unionists’ performance went so low that ultimately it resulted in its political decline. In December 1937, the Governor had to report that the Unionist Ministers were not arranging public meetings while the Communist and the Congress leaders had been working actively in contacting the masses. To him, the Premier kept him busy in the trivial administrative issues in the province. All such changes proved fatal for the Unionist Party while the decay of the Unionists was a sign of League’s dominance.

Gradually, the League started making its position stronge in the Punjab but the unjust policies of the Congress ministries did more than other factors in popularizing the League among the Indian Muslims. Even before the passage of the Lahore Resolution of 1940, the Muslims were mentally prepared to give full support to the League. In January 1939, about 25,000 Muslims gathered in Patna to attend the League meeting. The press presented the League as the sole representative party of the Indian Muslims. Hasan Nizami expressed that the British and the Hindus should witness this recognition of the League and honour the reality otherwise it could be dangerous for them. He further reiterated that hatred was growing against them day by day. He also appreciated Jinnah for his sagacious dealing with the rival parties on the communal matters.

The Congress leadership took no prudent action in dealing with the communal issue at the crucial stage instead they tried to let down the League and its leadership. The Sikhs also remained adamantly with the Congress which narrowed their role in the politics.

In the sum, the elections of 1937 were a starting point for the League’s participation in the regional politics and after the elections it prospered day by day as far as the massive support was concerned. It did not loose its base, ideology, working tempo and confidence though it got two seats in the first contest. The culmination point of its effort was the passing of the Lahore Resolution in 1940, just over 2 years, when it declared a political war against the philosophy of united India which all the outstanding factions such as the British, Hindus, Sikhs, and nationalist Muslims believed in. A defeated party could not be as assertive in the political domain as the League did. Moreover, if the League was following the British dictation, then it was not supposed to go against the will and ideology of the British masters. The League’s agenda dictated by the British should have been observed by the Unionists as well. If the League was backed by the British, then the Unionists and British should not have opposed the Lahore Resolution and the League leadership. Considering the League as a sister party, (if the Premier had revived the League under the British dictation) the Sikhs, Hindus and Unionist Muslims should have strengthened the position of MA Jinnah. But to the contrary, all of them, along with the British made joint efforts to deny the true status of the League which ratifies that the League was not depending on the British support but it was truly a representative party of the Indian Muslims which never compromised on question of the Muslim rights.

The League leadership proved its sagacity in the political affairs and caused cracks in the anti-League and pro-British fort in the Punjab. Therefore, the elections of 1937 did not damage their image but popularized them among the masses of the Punjab. The Muslim massive response made the League so assertive and confident in the political domain that it adopted the character of a mass party within a short span of time.

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Default Paf vs iaf....

Pakistan Air Force vs. Indian Air Force



Pakistan Air Force (PAF) and Indian Air Force (IAF) are the two regional forces frequently at war and engaged in a never ending arms race. History has proved PAF to be superior whenever the two forces were involved in air combat. This was primarily attributed to sound professionalism and training of PAF crew, great serviceability and upkeep of war reserves and a slight technological edge of PAF over IAF. IAF analysts concluded that PAF’s possession of air to air missiles and a single operational squadron of supersonic mach 2 (twice the speed of sound) fighters and their absence with the IAF provided PAF pilots with a tremendous advantage and were demoralizing for the IAF aircrew. IAF’s numerical superiority was effectively neutralized and proved of little avail in the conflict.

Given the importance of air power in modern warfare, a crucial factor to analyze the outcome of any conflict between Pakistan and India becomes analyzing the viability of each air force. Both the forces realized this fact learning from various conflicts and strived since then to achieve technological edge over the other. PAF suffered a lot in this regard in past two decades as Pakistan was one of the most sanctioned countries in the world and sanctions were focused mainly on military hardware. As a result of sanctions, PAF resorted to explore black market spares for existing fleet at lower prices and made a turn towards Chinese emerging technology. A fair number of Mirage airframes and engines were purchased from nations that had mothballed and retired them, at a throwaway price. Many of these were refurbished and made fully serviceable, some through indigenous effort and some through foreign contractors. Moreover, PAF inducted a huge number of F-7P and F-7PG aircrafts from China spending comparatively less revenue and modified them for air defense role. The joint venture of China and Pakistan also came into existence in the form of JF-17 aircraft which matched the capabilities of any modern jet at a fraction of price. This happened primarily because of sanctions that PAF has a mixture of war assets and technologies difficult for the enemy to jam and intercept. I would comment that PAF always kept a minimum deterrence level with IAF smartly and efficiently spending a very fraction of money that IAF did.

The capability of air forces at the dawn of 2011 is beyond the number and quality of jet fighters. Electronic Warfare capabilities form an important element of modern warfare. Based on this proven fact, capability of any air force is measured by the technology of ground based sensors, network centric operations capability, strength of Airborne Early Warning and Control Systems, Avionics suite on the airborne platforms, security of communication and information, sophisticated weapons with accurate delivery mechanisms and Multirole capabilities of jet fighters. These indicators enable prompt decisions from higher echelons in war scenario and thus inflicting heavy strikes in the enemy territory without being noticed and intercepted by enemy radars. The rule of the modern air combat is simple: None of your aircraft gets noticed by enemy radars and none of enemy’s aircraft gets blanked from your radars. Both IAF and PAF have been working hard in last few years to achieve maximum technological edge in terms of electronic and network centric warfare. In subsequent paragraphs, I will analyze and compare both air forces based on various indicators and capabilities specified above.

Combat Aircrafts

PAF Capability

Pakistan Air Force has a great history to cherish when it comes to air combat. This was not because of the number of combat aircrafts but the sound professionalism of its crew. PAF today carries approximately 450 combat aircrafts on its fleet of different variants.

The most capable fighter in PAF service remains F-16 Fighting Falcon. 40 of the F-16 Block 15 models were delivered to PAF from 1983 to 1987. Deliveries of another 28 F-16s were stopped after the 1990 arms embargo imposed on Pakistan under the Pressler Amendment but 14 of these were later delivered during 2005-2008. The present F-16 fleet is being upgraded with MLU (Mid-Life Update) modification kits and Falcon Star Structural Service Life Enhancement kits by Turkish Aerospace Industries. The MLU package will include new APG-69 radars, Joint Helmet Mounted Cueing Systems along with new communications, targeting, data link and electronic warfare systems. This upgrade will enhance the capabilities of more than a decade old fleet of F-16s which would help reduce the yawning technological gap with the IAF.

In 2006, 12 F-16C and 6 F-16D Block 52+ models were ordered with a further 18 aircraft optional. 14 of the optional fighters were ordered in 2010. The first batch of 3 F-16C/D fighters landed at PAF Base Shahbaz, Jacacobad, on 26 June, 2010. An addition of 28 F-16s with latest avionics suite would make it a very potent weapon against any IAF aircraft and boost PAF’s conventional deterrence. And this enhancement of PAF’s deterrence will be achieved at a fraction of the cost of purchasing a new weapon system of a similar class like the French Mirage 2000-5s. The 28 F-16s are priced at less than three million dollars a piece in the international market. Their mid life upgrade would cost about seven and a half millions per piece making their unit cost to be about ten million dollars. A comparable plane from Europe would cost at least five times as much, besides taking a much longer period for full assimilation.

The JF-17 Thunder, a new fighter jointly developed by China and Pakistan, is currently being inducted by the PAF and it is expected to gradually replace all Dassault Mirage III/5, Nanchang A-5 and Chengdu F-7 aircrafts by 2015. A total of 250-300 aircrafts are planned to be built, with later aircrafts featuring improved airframes, avionics and engines. Currently 14 aircrafts are in service and the first JF-17 squadron is officially made operational. The first Pakistani-built JF-17, manufactured at the Pakistan Aeronautical Complex, was rolled out and handed over to the PAF on 23 November 2009. The Thunder may be classified as a ‘Medium Tech’ plane when compared to USAF’s F-22 and French Rafale, but in the India – Pakistan scenario especially in the air defence role it should serve the nation well for at least two decades. Its advanced AI radar, avionics, defensive suites and BVR capability would make it a very potent aircraft against any IAF fighter.

The upgrade of old F-16s, induction of new Block 52 models and locally developed JF-17 multi role combat planes provide PAF with BVR capability thus ending exclusive IAF BVR edge over PAF. PAF is also planning to add a few number of American and Chinese BVRs to its inventory with capabilities matching to its adversary having maximum target range of 40 Km. The great avionics suite coupled with BVR capability will surely drive nuts to IAF pilots in air combat.

The other air defence fighter in PAF fleet is the Chengdu F-7, of which two variants are in service; 120 F-7P and 60 F-7PG. An upgraded variant of the F-7M, F-7P incorporates many PAF-specific modifications such as Martin-Baker ejection seat, two extra weapon stations for a total of 5, an extra 30 mm cannon and an Italian-designed FIAR Grifo 7 multi-mode radar. F-7P was inducted in the late 1980s and early 1990s, intended to supplement a fleet of more advanced F-16 fighters. The Grifo 7 radar was later upgraded to the Grifo 7 mk.II version. The F-7PG variant incorporates a “cranked delta” wing which improves take-off, landing and turning performance considerably, as well as extra space in the nose to accommodate the much improved Grifo 7PG radar. F-7 replaced around 250 Shenyang F-6 fighters which were the PAF’s workhorse throughout the 1970s and 1980s. F-7 is also used to perform limited strike duties.

The second most numerous type is the French-designed Dassault Mirage III and Dassault Mirage 5, which differ mainly in nose shape and avionics fit. Mirage III fighters are geared towards performing multiple mission types, including interception and strike, whereas Mirage 5 fighters are more focused towards strike missions. Around 150 Mirage fighters are in service, many of which are second-hand examples procured from other countries, making the PAF the largest operator of the type in the world. In the 1990s and early 2000s, 33 Mirage III and 34 Mirage 5 fighters were upgraded under Project ROSE (Retrofit of Strike Element) with modern avionics, significantly improving their capabilities. Mirage III ROSE fighters are configured for multiple mission types such as air superiority and strike, whereas Mirage 5 ROSE fighters specialize in the day/night strike role. Through painstaking research and staff work PAF succeeded in reequipping a substantial portion of its Mirage fleet with AI radar whose performance eclipsed that of the F-16 radar. Modified to carry the all aspect heat-seeking air to air missiles, excellent AI radar, addition of defensive electronic suites and the speed to match the adversary, the PAF Mirages have been converted into potent air defence platforms.

The Nanchang A-5C (or A-5III) is a Chinese-designed light bomber. Inducted in 1982 to help defend against a possible attack from the Soviet Union, it replaced the last of the PAF’s B-57 Canberra bombers and around 100 were procured in total for a reported flyaway cost of USD$1 million each. Numbers were reduced later and around 42 remain in service. Retirement of the type was initially planned in the late 1990s and shortfall in capabilities was to be met by upgraded Mirage 5 fighters modified under Project ROSE, but the aircraft’s excellent flight safety record ensured it stayed operational.

PAF is planning to induct a number of the Chinese Chengdu FC-20, an advanced PAF-specific variant of the Chengdu J-10. 36 fighters equipping two FC-20 squadrons are expected to be delivered by 2015 and, according to some reports, the FC-20 fleet may eventually be increased to 150 fighters.

Because of a limited number of combat aircrafts, PAF crew has been sweating hard day and night for keeping the fleet at maximum level of operational readiness. Together, all branches of PAF are delivering unprecedented serviceability rates of around 85 percent and efficient management of all resources. The aggressive spirit and readiness status of the PAF was one of the principal factors amongst many others that eventually made India blink first and withdraw without any preconditions before any encounter.

IAF Capability

IAF operates approximately 471 fighters and 269 bombers of British, Russian and French origin. Russian aircrafts dominate IAF inventory which have not proved worthwhile for India in past air battles. IAF has always kept numerical superiority over PAF and today IAF has a technological edge over PAF as well. This is attributable mainly to a decade of sanctions imposed on Pakistan. PAF, being aware of this fact, is not far away from minimizing this technological gap and will be a much superior air force by 2015 in terms of technology.

The primary air superiority fighter flown by IAF is Sukhoi Su-30 MKI. The Sukhoi Su-30MKI is a multirole combat aircraft jointly developed by Russia’s Sukhoi Corporation and India’s Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) for the Indian Air Force (IAF). A variant of the Sukhoi Su-30, it is an all-weather capable, heavy class, long-range air superiority fighter which can also act as a strike fighter aircraft. The aircraft features state of the art avionics developed by Russia, India and Israel which includes display, navigation, targeting and electronic warfare systems. Other key avionics used in the aircraft were sourced from France and South Africa. Sukhoi Su-30 MKI is highly maneuverable and it has the capability to carry all aspect medium and long range laser guided, radar guided, TV guided and infrared homing seeker air to air missiles on 12 hard points. Anti-Ship missiles, Cruise missiles and Cluster bombs can also be hung on few of its hard points. This single aircraft fulfills all IAF needs for attaining air superiority over PAF.

The Mikoyan MiG-29 is the IAF’s dedicated air superiority fighter and forms the second line of defence for the IAF after the Sukhoi Su-30MKI. The IAF operates 69 MiG-29s, all of which are currently being upgraded to the MiG-29SMT standard with state of the art avionics, upgraded radar and air-to-air refueling to increase endurance. According to Indian sources, two MiG-29s from the IAF’s No. 47 squadron (Black Archers) gained missile lock on two F-16s of the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) which were patrolling close to the border to prevent any incursions by Indian aircraft, but did not engage them because no official declaration of war had been issued. The Indian MiG-29s were armed with beyond-visual-range air-to-air missiles whereas the Pakistani F-16s were not.

The Dassault Mirage 2000 is a French multirole, single-engine fourth-generation jet fighter manufactured by Dassault Aviation. The IAF currently operates 51 Mirage 2000Hs. India has assigned the nuclear strike role to its Mirage 2000 squadrons in service with the Indian Air Force since 1985. In 1999 when the Kargil conflict broke out, the Mirage 2000 performed remarkably well during the whole conflict in the high Himalayas, even though the Mirages supplied to India had limited air interdiction capability and had to be heavily modified to drop laser-guided bombs as well as conventional unguided bombs. Two Mirage squadrons flew a total of 515 sorties, and in 240 strike missions dropped 55,000 kg (120,000 lb) of ordnance. Easy maintenance and a very high sortie rate made the Mirage 2000 one of the most efficient fighters of the Indian Air Force in the conflict.

The Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-21 is a supersonic jet fighter aircraft, designed by the Mikoyan-Gurevich Design Bureau in the Soviet Union. In 1961, the Indian Air Force (IAF) opted to purchase the MiG-21 over several other Western competitors because the Soviet Union offered India full transfer of technology and rights for local assembly. The Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-21 serves as an Interceptor aircraft in the IAF. The IAF currently operates about 200 MiG-21s, 121 of which have been upgraded to MiG-21 Bison standard. While the MiG-21 Bison is likely to be in service till 2017, the remaining aircraft are expected to be phased out by 2013. The MiG-21s are planned to be replaced by the indigenously built HAL Tejas.

The HAL Tejas is a lightweight multirole jet fighter developed by India. It is a tailless, compound delta wing design powered by a single engine. It came from the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) programme, which was started in the 1980s to replace India’s ageing MiG-21 fighters. This aircraft features modern state of the art avionics including Night Vision Goggles (NVG) compatible glass cockpit, Forward Looking Infrared (FLIR) and state of the art radar. The aircraft contains secure communication equipment and data links. This aircraft will perform as good as PAF indigenously developed JF-17 thunder aircraft in air combat.

The Mikoyan MiG-27 is a variable-geometry ground-attack aircraft, originally built by the Mikoyan design bureau in the Soviet Union and later license-produced in India by Hindustan Aeronautics. On 27 May 1999, during the Kargil War, one Indian MiG-27 was lost together with a MiG-21 while supporting Indian ground offensive in Kashmir region. Both pilots ejected and one of them, Flight Lieutenant K.Nachiketa was later captured by Pakistani forces and the other one Sqn. Ldr.Ajay Ahuja is believed to have ejected safely, but was subsequently killed by the Pakistanis. Since 2001, the Indian Air Force lost 13 MiG-27s in different crashes.

The SEPECAT Jaguar is an Anglo-French jet ground attack aircraft, originally used in the close air support and nuclear strike role by the Indian Air Force. Indian Jaguars were used to carry out reconnaissance missions in support of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka between 1987 and 1990. They later played an active role in the 1999 Kargil War with Pakistan, dropping both unguided and laser-guided bombs, the IAF defining its role as a “deep penetrating strike aircraft”. The Jaguar remains an important element of the Indian military as, along with the Mirage 2000, the Jaguar is viewed as one of the few aircraft currently capable of performing the nuclear strike role with reasonable chances of success. The Jaguar was also used in small numbers for the anti-ship role, equipped with the Sea Eagle missile.

Analysis

Despite numerical superiority, MIG aircrafts have a big crash rate in IAF. IAF analysts have attributed increasing rate of MIG crashes to poor maintenance practices and low level of professionalism in IAF pilots. MIG aircrafts are inferior in quality to American counterparts and thus very difficult to maintain. This consequently decreases the serviceability rate and influences the operational readiness of IAF. Moreover, Russian jet engines have been a major source of problem in IAF MIG aircrafts which have been nicknamed “Flying Coffins”. IAF maintenance crews are not as diligent, their mainly Russian/Soviet technology is generally less reliable and less effective than advertised, and a large part of their fleet of MiG-21s and MiG-27s are outdated. PAF aircraft are either of Western stock or Chinese and are far more maintenance friendly. Pakistan has also been upgrading their aircraft massively and has incorporated a complex combination of technology from across the globe – from China to Brazil, from Europe to the US. IAF aircraft are mainly of Soviet/Russian origin and are not designed for easy maintenance. The Soviets designed aircraft for mass production and on the view that combat aircraft would have short lives in a full scale conflict. As such, ease of maintenance was the last item on their mind. Even the latest Indian acquisition of Russian aircraft, the Su-30 MKI is known for being highly maintenance intensive and extremely fragile. Modifications to the Flankers have made them even more difficult to maintain – and example being that IAF sometimes faces tire shortages because the increased tonnage of the Indian FLANKERs make their tires burn out very rapidly.

A big technological gap was created once IAF claimed to have Beyond Visual Range (BVR) capability. BVR missile firing capability provides the first shot opportunity to any Air force, especially against a non BVR capable adversary. Indian AF has been practicing BVR missile launches since last two decades and now IAF is learning advance tactics with foreign Air forces in order to effectively employ its BVR missiles. Today IAF has a big inventory of Russian origin BVR missiles and BVR launching capability on majority of aircrafts in IAF fleet. The truth behind the scene was revealed during a BVR missile firing camp conducted by IAF when all fired BVRs from various platforms missed their targets. Failure of missiles to successfully engage the targets really undermines Russian claim of “Fire and Forget” of their missiles performance.

On the other hand, due to various unavoidable reasons PAF was denied this capability and thus was forced to continue relying on the short range IR missiles. Today after a decade of BVR technological gap, PAF has got the capability of launching BVRs on F-16s and JF-17s. PAF gained BVR capability after signing a biggest ever single export order deal with U.S in the history of AIM-120 AMRAAM programme. The missiles will be carried by the PAFs newly ordered F-16C/D Block 50/52 aircraft and its existing F-16A/B Block 15s, which will acquire AMRAAM compatibility as part of a mid-life upgrade. Pakistan is also expected to acquire the Chinese-developed SD-10 (PL-12) AAM with its JF-17 Thunder lightweight fighters. SD-10s would also be part of any potential Chengdu J-10 order.

Air Defense Capabilities

PAF Capability

In any future conflict, a strong air defense becomes absolutely essential for both PAF and IAF. Acquisition of fresh radar sensors, their automation, security of command and control systems, a larger and varied inventory of surface to air missiles and more cohesive inter-service co-ordination are some of the areas that figure high in the priority list of both the forces. The air defense set up has following components – namely – armed interceptors, surface to air missiles, ground based sensor network and aircraft mounted radar platforms.

PAF has invested efficiently in this area by procuring a wide range of American and Chinese ground based modern radars. These radars have been deployed at optimum locations and elevated platforms to look deep inside enemy territory. Moreover, this variety of radars means variation of technology and thus making it difficult for the enemy to apply counter measures for jamming and interception. These radars have integrated Electronic Counter Counter Measures to block any high power jamming transmissions from the enemy platforms.

The limitation of land based radars of not being able to look beyond a limited distance at low level due to curvature of the earth has given way to the high speed low level intruders to remain un detected. Therefore, there was a requirement to attain a capability of aircraft mounted radar platforms with state of the art technology. This capability named AWACS (Airborne Early Warning and Control System) was pursued largely by PAF in few recent years. Despite the up gradation of existing three DA-20 mounted state of the art platforms, PAF has added four SAAB-2000 (Swedish) and four ZDK-03 (Chinese) airborne early warning and control system aircrafts to its inventory. These aircrafts are capable of providing round the clock defense to Pakistan’s aerial frontiers. These systems employ various Electronic Intelligence (ELINT), Communication Intelligence (COMINT) and Electronic Counter Measures (ECM) features to prevent against jamming by high power transmissions from hostile elements. These platforms contain multifunctional displays with state of the art technology having target detection range of approximately 450 Kilometers. The use of these aircrafts has been envisaged in multiple support roles of air defense operations, strike guidance, escorts, army and naval support missions. These systems have integrated IFF capability and they along with other ground based equipment have a communication and radar jamming capability. PAF has procured these systems at a fraction of price once compared to very costly American based systems.

PAF operates numerous combat aircrafts for air defense operations. Till 1990, F-16s were the front line air defence interceptors with the PAF: the Mirage and F-7s were less effective. After their successful modifications, IAF now has to contend with equally, and in some cases more potent interceptors. PAF had managed, at a fraction of price, to maintain a credible deterrence despite overwhelming odds.

Surface to air weaponry is an important element of air defence of any air force. It is an integrated part of huge air defence network which includes ground and air based radars and combat aircrafts. PAF contains a big variety of surface to air missiles capable to target any modern jet fighter. The variety of surface to air missiles includes Crotale 4000, Spada 2000, HQ-2, HQ-9, RBS 70, Anza, Mistral and Hatf. These missiles can be launched from various portable platforms and can intercept enemy missiles and aircrafts at the range of approximately 30 Kms.

IAF Capability

India is in the middle of a massive modernization effort in its air defense infrastructure. Since the year 2004 India has started integrating military and civilian assets, chiefly airfields and radars, for better air defense surveillance. India has also integrated software technologies and imported hardware into the air defense surveillance mechanism. Russian, French and American hardware and software are helping India a lot. India has to watch China on the North, Pakistan on the West and Bangladesh in the East. In addition, Sri Lanka is also a hot pot of problems. The gaps are in the areas of air surveillance detection and operational readiness. In the age of nuclear-armed Pakistan and China, a delay of a few seconds can be devastating. IAF is planning to buy sophisticated air defense equipment to reduce operational gap between detection of adversary and consequent action by interceptors.

India, with its vast airspace, maintains an advanced Air Defence Ground Environment System. This system, along with the civilian Air Traffic Control, is responsible for the detection, identification and, if necessary, the interception of aircraft in Indian airspace. The Air Defence network is also in the process of being upgraded to cater for ballistic missile threats.

The radar picket line of India, which lies about 150km behind the border, consists of a number of radar clusters. These comprise three radar stations separated at a distance of the sum of their radii. The equipment issued to these clusters generally comprises one license-made Soviet ST-68/U and two P-18/-19 radars. These are then flanked by two P-12/-15 radars. The ST-68/U acts as the Control and Reporting Centre (CRC). This may have changed somewhat as the ST-68U, which was plagued with some nagging development problems, has largely replaced older Soviet-made equipment. Moreover, India has been license producing the French designed TRS-2215D 3-D surveillance radar for a number of years and has derived indigenously built radar – PSM-33 Mk.2 from it. These have probably supplanted most of the older Soviet-bloc equipment. It should be pointed out, that these radars are all long-range surveillance types with ranges in excess of 300km and good performance against targets flying at all altitudes – even those employing electronic countermeasures (ECM). These radar pickets are responsible for giving accurate information on the intruding force to the Air Defence Control Centers (ADCC) located behind the radar picket line. The picket line and the ADCC are separated by a first layer of air defence weapons which are the first to engage the intruders.

The backbone of the Indian Air Defence Ground Environment system is the THD-1955 3-D long-range surveillance radar. This radar, originally of French design, has been license produced in India for a number of years. This radar, though somewhat elderly, still has sterling performance characteristics and is capable of maximum detection ranges of up to 1000 km, though in peacetime the Indian Air Force usually limits its power to a 400km detection range.

India’s air defenses currently rely on a mix of MiG-21/-23/-29 and Mirage 2000 interceptors and thirty-eight squadrons of surface-to-air missiles. The SAM units comprise 30 squadrons of SA-3b Pechoras and 8 squadrons of SA-8b OSA-AKM systems and are deployed to protect key air bases as well as some major military/industrial centers. In addition, a large number of L-40/70 radar directed 40mm anti-aircraft guns and man-portable Igla-1M SAMs are deployed to provide a ‘last-ditch’ tier of ‘hard-kill’ defenses. It should be pointed out, however, that this system is geared up to the defence of point targets and not for overall area defence. It also lacks a viable capability against ballistic missiles. With this in mind, the Indian Air Force has begun a massive modernization of its strategic air defenses.

The first signs that India was modernizing its air defenses came when a massive order was placed for Sukhoi Su-30 combat aircraft. These aircraft are primarily long range interceptors; capable of intercepting targets at ranges exceeding 120km. India’s interceptors are equipped with a mix of French and Russian air-to-air missiles. Owing to the large number of these aircraft at the disposal of the IAF, it is impossible for their air defence potential to be ignored.

To counter the dual nuclear threat from China and Pakistan, India plans to make a comprehensive ballistic missile defence system one of its major defence priorities. India’s first efforts in this field can be seen in the much delayed Akash SAM. This medium range SAM will provide a limited ATBM capability to India. Moreover, India has announced plans to develop a two-tier ballistic missile defence system to deal with incoming ballistic missiles. The system is to use satellites for communications and a unique two layered defensive line using surface-to-air missile for any incoming ballistic missile attack. India has also been enhancing its ballistic missile detection capabilities by purchasing two Israeli Green Pine radars and a large number of Aerostat radars.

Indian Air Force has been pursuing a programme for the acquisition of Airborne Early Warning & Control System (AWACS) capability for over twenty years. This quest finally ended when a contract worth 1 billion US$ was signed for supply of three Israeli built “Phalcon” radar systems for mounting on IAF’s IL-76 aircraft, in August, 2003. Phalcon developed by Israeli Aerospace Industries is known to be the latest and most sophisticated AWACS of the world. However, mounting Phalcon system on IL-76 aircraft was not very wise because IL-76 is not very agile and does not contain any weapon for self defense.

Another Electronic Warfare platform held with IAF is Boeing – 737 which is equipped with Israeli system and integrated with latest state of the art powerful radio jamming system. IAF has also inducted Gulf Stream III as Stand off/Escort Jammer which is fitted with Italian EW suit. Above all, IAF has integrated Electronic Counter Measures (ECM) capability to all of its combat fighters.

Analysis

As India urges to deploy a sound ballistic missile defense program, most of its ground based sensors are ageing and getting old. The available and installed ground based sensors actually are insufficient to cover Indian borders from south. Ballistic missile defense programme would surely give IAF a technological edge over PAF in preventing any nuclear ballistic missile strike. PAF must take a serious note of this and maintain some deterrence level with IAF in ballistic missile defense. PAF has got an upper edge in terms of area coverage provided by ground based sensors. They are of varying nature, much sophisticated and cover length and width of the country. Pakistan operates a bewildering variety of radars from varying sources. The most modern units are TPS-77 3-D long range radars. These are supplemented by some older American, Chinese and British long range radars. PAF air defense network is very comprehensive and well integrated once compared with IAF air defense network. Pakistan’s Air Defence Command was formed over a decade before India’s. It exercises control, surveillance and coordination over all Pakistani airspace. The ADC Headquarters is based in bunkers 5 to 10 meters below ground and has four rows of consoles with 20-25 men operating them. All units – aircraft, airbases and AAA units – are represented on screens. In fact, the ADC HQ set-up is regarded as being one of the most modern in existence.

Moreover, IAF AWACS platforms are not sufficient to maintain a round-the-clock watch over Pakistan airspace and other borders. India has a big border and needs a handful of airborne radar platforms to keep and eye on all the border areas round the clock. IAF AWACS technology is not very comprehensive and effective once compared to PAF AWACS technology.

C4I Structures


PAF Capability

PAF has worked extensively for improvements in C4I (Command, Control, Communications, Computers, and Intelligence) structures and a revamped, modernized air defense and communication network. Working on the principle of network centric warfare, communication between all the radar sensors installed across Pakistan is shared at a central location which makes it swift for the higher echelons to make quick decisions. The information sharing between ground based sensors, airborne radar platforms and red hot air defense alert combat fighters is very secure, encrypted and fast. The information sharing between unmanned aerial vehicles and ground based decision making agencies is based on real time data link. In few recent years PAF has been able to develop a strong optical fiber network between different bases and centers. Moreover, the radio communication between the air and ground crew is encrypted and secure.

IAF Capability

Indian Air Force has invested heavily in its quest to achieve network centric capability. The biggest milestone accomplished in this regard was the launch of Air Force Net (AFNET) with state of the art communications infrastructure having the potential for network centric operations. The deployments of AFNET and other systems have put the IAF in the forefront of Network Centric Warfare (NCW) enabled nations. This quantum leap in the field of communication & information technology will help IAF field units to train and develop tactics, techniques and procedures to realize the full benefits of network-enabled capabilities. AFNET integrates information sharing between Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), Airborne Early Warning and Control System (AWACS) aircrafts, space based assets, combat fighters operating in AD role, air defense sensors, air defense weapons and command and control authorities incorporating real time data links, optical fiber links, encrypted radio links and satellite communication network.

Analysis


Indian Air Force leads the arena of network centric warfare as India has invested so much in its space programme. India has many satellites in orbit which are also being used for military reconnaissance and network centric warfare. India will surely achieve a total space control over Pakistan if the situation demands. Indian satellites will also assist in many of the operations of Indian military against Pakistan. Pakistan needs to gear up its space programme for assistance in military operations and network centric warfare capabilities. It is pertinent to mention here that Pakistan has a leased satellite, PAKSAT-1, in the 38 degree East longitude geostationary orbit. The government of Pakistan has granted approval for the replacement of PAKSAT-1 by a new communication satellite PAKSAT 1R by 2011.

PAF has invested heavily to build a very strong command and control structure for its air defense network. Today PAF C4I structures are very well integrated and comprehensive once compared to IAF. The data from all PAF air defense sensors is collected and transmitted through secure and fast communication lines to one central location. This integrated approach helps in swift decision making and reduces the gap between detection of enemy aircrafts and action by friendly interceptors. IAF has got a very modern C4I network infrastructure but it is not integrated. In my opinion, IAF will be able to develop a very comprehensive, satellite based command and control infrastructure in near future supported by state of the art air defense network. This kind of setup will make it nearly impossible for any foe to penetrate in IAF aerial territory.

Force Multipliers


PAF Capability

The C-130 Hercules has been the PAF’s primary tactical transport aircraft since its induction in the early 1960s. Currently around 5 C-130B and 7 C-130E models are in service, upgraded with Allison T56-A-15 turboprops and extended fatigue lives by Lockheed-Georgia Company. C-130 Hercules aircrafts have been modified for Reconnaissance roles assisting PAF Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) with real time data links to transmit information.

The C-130 is supplemented by 4 CASA CN-235 STOL transport aircrafts. Heavy-lift transports comprise 3 Boeing 707s transferred from Pakistan International Airlines since 1986. The other transport aircrafts include Airbus A310, Cessna Citation V, Gulf Stream IV, Embraer Phenom, CASA and Harbin Y-12.

In December 2009 the PAF received its first of four IL-78 aircraft which is capable of aerial refueling as well as transporting cargo. Aerial refueling capability was first demonstrated during the High Mark 2010 exercise on 6 April, 2010 when two of the PAF’s Mirage III fighters were simultaneously refueled in the air by the IL-78. Aerial refueling capability will enable Pakistan to strike deep inside the enemy territory and increase the endurance of its fleet of jet fighters. IL-78 aircraft is equipped with three-point Russian UPAZ refueling equipment. Fuel tanks are fitted in cargo hold for aerial refueling role which can be removed for transport role.

PAF includes a good variety of Helicopters armed with state of the art avionics for Search and Rescue (SAR) role. These helicopters include Russian Mi-17 and locally produced Alouette III helicopters.

Acquisition of drone capability ranks higher in the priority list of Pakistani Government. Each and every individual in Pakistan is aware of the word “Drone”. PAF has been working since last 3 years to gain this capability indigenously and from international suppliers. PAF has successfully added locally manufactured SATUMA Jasoos II and Italian made SELEX Galileo Falco Unmanned Aerial Vehicles to its inventory. A small scale assembling facility for Falco UAV has also been established at Pakistan Aeronautical Complex (PAC), Kamra. The primary role of these vehicles is Tactical Reconnaissance, Training and Surveillance. A huge effort is being made to develop or purchase strike capable drone aircrafts. Burraq is the Unmanned Aerial Vehicle under development by PAF and NESCOM which will be armed with Laser Guided Missiles and Laser Designator.

IAF Capability

Indian Air Force uses IL-78 aircrafts for aerial refueling which allows IAF fighters to remain airborne for longer periods, hence enhancing their effective range. Aerial refueling also allows aircrafts to take-off with greater payload (by carrying less fuel during take-off). The IAF currently operates 6 Ilyushin IL-78MKIs for aerial refueling roles.

Transport aircraft are typically used to deliver troops, weapons, supplies and other military equipment to the IAF field of operations. The IAF currently operates different types of transport aircrafts for different roles. The major transport aircraft in IAF fleet remains IL-76 which is used for strategic or heavy lift operations in military transport roles. Ilyushin IL-76 aircrafts are planned to be replaced by mighty C-17 Globemaster aircrafts. IAF operates Antonov An-32 in bombing roles and Para-dropping operations. Indian Air Force has also inducted one C130J Super Hercules transport aircraft from USA recently.

IAF maintains a fleet of helicopters to support ground troops by providing air cover and by transporting men and essential commodities across the battlefield. The primary helicopter in IAF use is HAL Dhruv which serves in transport and utility roles. HAL Chetak is another light utility helicopter used primarily for training, rescue and transport roles in the IAF. Other light and medium utility role helicopters flown by IAF include HAL Cheetah, Mi-8, Mi-17, Mi-26 and Mi-35 used in transport roles and search and rescue missions. IAF has ordered 80 Mi-17V-5s to replace and augment its existing fleet of Mi-8s and Mi-17s, with an order for 59 additional helicopters to follow soon.

IAF currently uses the IAI Searcher and IAI Heron Unmanned Aerial Vehicles for reconnaissance and surveillance purposes. The IAI Harpy serves as an Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicle (UCAV) which is designed to attack radar systems. The IAF also operates the DRDO Lakshya which serves as realistic towed aerial sub-targets for live fire training.

Analysis

Indian Air Force and Pakistan Air Force have shown great interest to boost their drone capability in recent past. New battle lines are being drawn for a spy drone versus spy drone face-off between India and Pakistan. Even as Islamabad continues to badger Washington to give it armed drones like `Predators’, New Delhi is quietly working towards bolstering its fleet of reconnaissance and `killer’ Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs). While India is currently way ahead of Pakistan in the drone race, armed UAVs in the hands of Pakistan could change the ballgame altogether.

Training and Exercises


PAF Capability

Superior weaponry by itself cannot amount for much without a high standard of training. PAF has always laid great emphasis on this aspect and to a large extent PAF’s excellent track record despite severe limitations can be explained because of this approach. With the increasing sophistication of modern fleet of combat planes, sensors and weapon systems, advanced training aids and modern training techniques have become essential. A substantial investment has been made and further planned in this field in the shape of simulators, some that have been inducted and a number of them are in the process of being procured. Sensors that help in realistic air combat training are included in the prioritized list. The standard of training maintained in the PAF is recognized all over the world. It is this trustworthy repute that today the Pakistan Air Force has the credit of providing initial and specialized training to the personnel of over thirty allied countries.

PAF operates numerous aircrafts for primary, basic, intermediate fighter conversion and operational training. These aircrafts include locally assembled MFI-17 Mushshak and MFI-395 Super Mushshak, Chinese made K-8, FT-5 and FT-6 and American made T-37. Huge effort and investment has been made to procure and install aircraft simulators and emergency simulation systems for efficient on ground training of pilots for handling complex situations and emergencies in air. Training of ground crew and maintenance personnel has also been revitalized in few recent years through national and international technical training programs.

PAF conducts various national level exercises to assay its professional skills and capabilities. These exercises involve various practices including air to land targeting with missiles and bombs on firing ranges. High Mark exercises were conducted in 2010 with participation of drone planes and JF-17 Thunder aircrafts. The exercises also involved army and naval contingents to show an integrated approach to deal with any eventuality in case of war. PAF conducted Saffron Bandit exercise to train the aviation force against extremism.

PAF also participates in various international exercises with allied countries. PAF F-16s frequently participate in combined exercise of Pakistan ad Turkey code named “Anatolian Eagle”. PAF also conducts a joint air power employment exercise with Royal Saudi Air Force in which air operations are being executed in near realistic environment. Recently PAF F-16s traveled across Atlantic to participate in one of the most reputed international exercises named “Red Flag”. These exercises give PAF pilots and technicians international exposure and hone their combat skills.

IAF Capability

Indian Air Force operates a combination of aircrafts for pilot training. The HAL HPT-32 Deepak is IAF’s basic flight training aircraft for cadets. The HPT-32 was grounded in July 2009 following a crash that killed two senior flight instructors, but was revived in May 2010 and is to be fitted with a parachute recovery system (PRS) to enhance survivability during an emergency in the air and to bring the trainer down safely. The HPT-32 is to be phased out soon. HAL HJT-16 Kiran mk.I is used for intermediate flight training of cadets, while the HJT-16 Kiran mk.II provides advanced flight and weapons training. Kiran will be replaced by the HAL HJT-36 Sitara. The BAE Hawk Mk 132 serves as an advanced jet trainer in the IAF and is progressively replacing the Kiran Mk.II.

IAF practices its fire power and combat skills in various international exercises with many countries across the globe. These exercises give IAF pilots an excellent chance to demonstrate their air combat skills and learn a lot more from other pilots. Exercise “Cope India” is carried out regularly with USAF pilots which gives IAF pilots a great chance to assess and modify their combat skills. IAF also participates in “Red Flag” which is an international experience with participation of many air forces in the world. IAF pilots also get varying terrain experiences from mountains to deserts in different international exercises with Oman, UK, Israel, South Africa and France. Showcasing its precision strike capabilities during day and night, Indian Air Force carried out a massive fire power blitzkrieg using its frontline aircraft such as SU-30 MKI, Mirage-2000, MIG 27 and MIG 29, at the Pokhran ranges in Rajasthan. Indian Air Force (IAF) aircrafts also carried out a local fire power demonstration blasting away targets by day, dusk and night in exercise, “Vayu Shakti-2010”, at Pokharan in Gujarat state.

The Indians deserve credit for developing the tactics and training programs required to fully employ their advanced aircraft. IAF carried out various international and local exercises over varying terrains to provide valuable training to its pilots in few recent years. Today IAF pilots are very well trained for any kind of air combat against any possible threats.

Analysis

“Great pilots are made not born…A man may possess good eyesight, sensitive hands and perfect coordination, but the end product is only fashioned by steady coaching, much practice and experience.
– Air Vice Marshal J.E. Johnson, RAF

To begin a comparison of the two countries’ fighter pilots’ capabilities is not an easy task. While it is quite common for a defence analyst to compare air forces based on the quantity and quality of weapons systems, it is very rare to find an objective study of pilot capabilities. In fact, most analyses quantify combat capability as a product of numerous factors, such as aircraft, logistics, maintenance, munitions, etc. But the human factor (pilot ability, training, and tactics) is rarely included because its measurement is very subjective and its impact on the equation so little understood. Few will argue, however, that differences in pilot capability do exist, and some aspects of the human factor should be included in the equation if we are to achieve accurate comparisons in combat capability.

There seems to be a general consensus of opinion today that in a comparison of strength between the Indian and Pakistani air forces, the Indian advantage in numbers is counterbalanced by the Pakistani advantage in personnel, training, and tactics. Since India has been successful in narrowing the technology gap, which Pakistan possessed over India for three decades from the early 1960s to the late 1980s, some Pakistani defence policymakers have put even more emphasis on the perceived Pakistani advantage in personnel. In fact, some would argue that the Pakistani fighter pilot, his training, and his tactics are so superior that even though the Indians have now caught up in technology, the Pakistan Air Force still has an overall edge in combat capability as long as the quantitative edge does not proceed above 3:1.

Conclusion

India and Pakistan are the two peace loving nations who had numerous armed conflicts, border skirmishes and military standoffs against each other. The arms fanaticism from both nations is evident from the allocated amount of defense budget every year. In my opinion, possibilities of a full scale armed conflict between India and Pakistan are very meager. Any such eventuality will bring both countries at the brink of a nuclear war. IAF and PAF can sustain conventional war for duration of a few weeks owing to limited logistic reserves and spares. None of the air forces would be able to achieve a complete air supremacy over the other. Indian Air Force has always enjoyed numerical superiority over Pakistan Air Force since independence. IAF has also maintained a clear technological edge over PAF since last two decades primarily because of military sanctions imposed on Pakistan. PAF has been able to narrow down the technological gap in few recent years while keeping the minimum level of deterrence with IAF smartly and efficiently. IAF’s superiority in technology and number is effectively counter balanced by sound professionalism and diligence of PAF crew. It is manifestation of great will and valor of PAF air crew that it is ready to stand firm against a Beyond Visual Range (BVR) capable adversary. Today PAF is on the edge of finishing the yawning technological gap by inducting modern state of the art weaponry to its fleet. IAF has provided extensive training to its pilots to effectively employ BVRs by participating in various international exercises. It is the right time for PAF to understand the likely changes of the future combat scenario and develop tactics which can ensure effective utilization of PAF BVR capability. India has got a well established space program assisting in military operations. Pakistan needs to boost up its space research and development and its role in network centric warfare. Efficient ballistic missile defense program is another area to ponder by Pakistani government.

IAF on the other hand needs to completely revitalize its air defense sensor network to close any possible gaps for the intruders. IAF air defense command and control system is also required to be centralized and integrated. The quantity of Airborne Early Warning and Control System (AWACS) aircrafts held in the inventory of IAF are not enough for providing round the clock defense of aerial frontiers. Indian Air Force needs to induct a few more such aircrafts in its fleet to provide round the clock vigil across all frontiers.

A special analysis By M. M. Usman

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Default Aim and objective of Pakistan...

Aim and objective of Pakistan
By
Anwar Jalal


Two nation theory is the pedestal on which Pakistan came into existence Though many did not agree with the rationale of two-nation theory but few could dispute that Pakistan came into existence on its basis. However, what was the real aim of Pakistan. This is disputed and is being debated since its inception by political thinkers and researchers since the day one.In this regard there are mainly two views. One view contends that Pakistan was created for Islam.

The other one argue that its purpose was to safeguard the political., religious. cultural as well as economic interests of the muslims of India. In simple words the first view is that Pakistan meant to be Islamic state while the other insist that Pakistan was to be a Muslim State. The supporters of the first view base their arguments by referring to the thoughts and concept of Illama Iqbal and some speeches of Quaid Azam and also refer to some well known slogans raised and chanted during the struggle for Pakistan . Like wise they contend that Illama Iqbal, considered as the creator of concept of Pakistan, demanded in his address a separate state for the muslims of north India so that they could adopt a system according to Islamic laws

About Quaid Azam concepts they refer some of his following like statements. We have to fight a double edged battle, one against the Hindu Congress and the British Imperialists, both of them being capitalists. The Muslims demand Pakistan where they could rule according to their own code of life and according to their own cultural growth, traditions and Islamic laws.” (speech at the Frontier Muslim League Conference on November 21, 1945)

In August 1941, Quaid-e-Azam gave an interview to the students of the Osmania University to a question that What are the essential features of religion and a religious state? Q A said —- that —- In other words, the Islamic state is an agency for enforcement of the Quranic principles and injunctions Similarly they also refer to- the slogan—-Pakistan Ka Matlab Kia ? La Illaha Illa Allah ,chanted during Pakistan movement The contender of the second view– Muslim state – have their own arguments Besides other arguments they also quote from different speeches and statements of Quaid Azam with the aim to prove that he (Q A ) never meant Pakistan to be a theocratic state. Some of their arguments are as under – If Pakistan was being created for Islam why the religious political parties and most of Ulema(religious scholars) opposed it. Quaid Azam and other League leaders were though muslims but they were all secular regarding politics. Quaid Azam well known speech of 11 August 1947 to the constituent assembly in which he declared that religion has nothing to do with the affairs of the state “you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the state. ” The first Law minister of Pakistan appointed by Quaid-e-Azam was Mundle ,a Hindu. IF Quaid Azam meant to make Pakistan as religious state he would have appointed some muslim scholar instead of him on that very important post.

Besides the above arguments the supporters of this view also bring forth counter arguments in response to the arguments of the first view. Regarding Illama Iqbal concept they affirm that of course he did talked about Islamic state but he never meant it to be theocratic state if looked in proper context of his thoughts and philosophy. No doubt he dreamed and wished for such independent muslim state in the muslim majority areas of India where the Islamic principles and laws may be applied in such way where it should also be compatible with the modern thoughts and requirements With it they also add, that except some random excellent views and comments , Iqbal had not sorted out a detailed and feasible plan for it at the moment ( though he did urge the need for Ijthihad in this regard ). As for Quaid Azam views they argue that of course he too have exalted the great and high principles of Islam and its importance and efficacy in his various statements however this did not mean that he wanted a theocracy. They contend that his views are quoted with out context otherwise his approach was secular and liberal.( Secular does not mean anti religion as often wrongly understood mainly due to the propaganda of orthodox ) they refer different quotations from the speeches of Quaid Azam which show that his concept of Pakistan was of modern and liberal state.

Apart from the above arguments the holders of this stance also bring forth arguments by recounting the political background of Pakistan movement Illama Iqbal had presented his well known Address in 1930 while Muslims league under Jinnah for a long time continued efforts for reaching some sort of arrangement with the congress and the British government where the political cultural and economic rights of the muslims could be given constitutional guarantee. For this he made many efforts encompassing a whole decade and it was after league and Jinnah become convinced that no such guarantee could be granted then in march 1940 Pakistan resolution was passed which stated that in the light of lot experience ML has reached to the conclusion that only separate state could be the only solution of muslims political problems. Of course on that occasion Jinnah did talk of two nations and elaborated the two nation theory – However that did not mean that the demanded state was aimed for Islam .Here it could be further said that if congress would have not been adamant in granting what the League were demanding then league would have never passed the Lahore resolution . Supporters of this view elaborate that though ML did pass Pakistan Resolution however as politics is the name of seeking different possibilities .and a politicians has several alternative options so Quid Azam too as a politician had several options for the protection of Indian muslim material interests and preservation of cultural identity .

Among which one was though division of India but it was not inflexible . Jinnah continued talks with both British government and Congress leaders , even after the 1940 resolution , for seeking some other constitutional ways of the Indian problem It means that Pakistan was not the final and un negotiable option before League and Jinnah. Similarly League and Jinnah accepted the cabinet mission plan in 1946 though it had rejected the demand for Pakistan and instead a sort of loose federation or say confederation was proposed. The acceptance of that plan by league and Jinnah meant that creation of separate state was not their main and ultimate demand.

As in the cabinet mission plan muslim could have got the safe guards of their rights for which they were demanding since long so league accepted it. The arrogant and imposing attitude of Nehru and Patel and the prejudiced policy of congress regarding the plan compelled Jinnah to withdraw his earlier acceptance of the plan, otherwise India would have not been divided . ( A prominent Indian politician Jaswant Singh has also said that in his book- Jinnah , Partition and Independence ) The positive response of Jinnah regarding the cabinet mission plan shows that if the establishment of Islamic state was his basic aim he would have been totally adamant for exclusively independent muslim state and would have never shown any elasticity .About the Islamic factor in the movement they ( adherents of this stance ) are of the view that the slogan of Islam raised during the movement of Pakistan was , in the first place , not the official slogan of Muslim league as nor Quaid Azam nor the top leaders of the movement raised it , rather it was being chanted by the workers at the lower level and secondly it was just for motivating the muslim masses and mustering their support while basic end was protection of political cultural and economic interests of the muslims of north India. According to them if some sections of league adopted the slogan of Islam for its movement. it was justified and was a proper approach seen in the context of the situation of that time .They argue that raising of such slogan was aimed for the success of such movement which had a very great objective. Political system of Pakistan and Jinnah observation about Islamic principles. Regarding the statements of Jinnah about the Islamic principles in the constitutional and political system of Pakistan the supporters of the later view point ( modern muslim state )

Argue that in political affairs his approach was of course , that of secular and liberal politician while with this he was a muslim too . Though Quaid Azam never claimed nor thought of himself any saintliness or holiness, but as common and simple muslim he was fighting for the rights of muslims of India with all sincerity which even his worst but honest opponents can not deny , It was due to his being muslim that he considered Muslims as separate nation and who had different interests from those of Hindus- and because of it he was holder of two nation theory What Quaid Azam thought about the lofty principles no believing muslim can disagree with. About the Islamic ideal and principles ,.in particular those related with social economic aspects , his observations were that it were not only fully compatible with the modern world but in several respects were also more better and suitable compared to westerns ones.

Here it need to be mentioned that his approach towards religion different from that of the orthodox religious class , who mainly confine Islam to the petty fiqi issues or hadood laws or insist only in its form , For Quaid Azam, the spirit of Islam was of real importance . In this regard his views were in line with that of Iqbal, though he was not scholar of Iqbal caliber however the source of his Islamic insight was, besides his own personal reading , the views of Alama Iqbal and some other enlightened scholars. In line with his distinctive solemnity he sincerely believed that Islamic ideals and principles, in particular those related with the socio and economic aspects and rule of justice etc had great value and importance so he earnestly thought that these principles and ideals must be guiding source for the constitutional set up of Pakistan.

Though religion as understood and preached by Mullahs was never the aim of Quaid-e-Azam however in spite of his all secularism he was also not averse to the Ideals of Islam — It is reasonably supposed that had he been alive for some time he would have recommended such set-up for Pakistan where both the Islamic ideals and modern thoughts essential for progress would have been fully accommodated and Pakistan would have been such modern welfare Muslim State which would be secular and also the bearer of moral and spiritual culture.

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