KARACHI IS CRYING


Karachi's recent violence has exposed a weak and disorganized state of affairs in the city. Karachi being a commercial hub means a lot to Pakistan's economy. Our national economy cannot remain unaffected if this largest city is not peaceful.

Karachi is the largest city of Pakistan with an estimated population of around 20 million. Karachi contributes about 55% to Pakistan's GDP, that is, about US $98 billion, projected to reach $130 billion by 2015 provided peace is restored in the city and its suburbs. All national and international surveys, reports, and analyses confirm that Karachi is the mainstay of Pakistan's economy. Of course,
Karachi's high share in GDP is due to its large industrial base. Karachi has 15,000 formal industrial units in its five industrial zones while there are 360 markets spread all over the city. It is estimated that the daily loss to the national GDP is Rs 2 billion for every hour that Karachi remains non-operational. Violence has forced several established businesses to close permanently. About 40% of businesses are on the verge of collapse because of the recent unrest in Karachi.

Karachi is facing civil war-like situation immaturity and short-sightedness on the part of the political parties have triggered violence in the city. PPP has a vote bank in Karachi, but as a party it has a limited influence. Responsibility in many ways lies with the MQM, because it has the ability to implement its decisions. Meanwhile, a serious threat to MQM's control of the city is emerging, as Pashtun population now is in close parity. It's hard fact and MQM has to realize.

July has been a bloody month. However, this is not the first time when the city has been subjected to ethnic-bloodbaths. The Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) walked out of the federal and provincial governments and this was a message that peace between the various power-brokers in Karachi would be affected. What happened afterwards Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) founder Altaf Hussain invited the army to initiate an impartial crackdown on criminal elements, in Karachi irrespective of their political affiliations, to free the metropolis from the grip of armed terrorists.

Addressing MQM activists at the Lal Qila ground in Karachi, Hussain said that the government was duty-bound to contain the seemingly unending killing spree in Karachi.

“[Apart from Rangers] we want the army to take control of Karachi (and launch a crackdown). If they feel that anyone from the MQM is involved (in criminal activities), that person should be arrested,” he said. However, he cautioned the army and Rangers against targeting the MQM alone. “If anyone from the PPP or ANP is found to be involved (in such activity), they, too, should be apprehended,” he said.

The Awami National Party (ANP) has opposed the restoration of the local bodies system of 2001 in Karachi and Hyderabad and the implementation of the commissio-nerate system in the rest of Sindh, terming the move “undemocratic”.

“The ANP considers separate systems for Karachi and Hyderabad and the rest of Sindh as an unannounced compromising step of the government to pave the way for creating a Mohajir province,” ANP President (Sindh) Shahi Syed said while speaking at a news conference at the Mardan House.

He said his party always offered unconditional support to the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) in order to strengthen democracy but it was ignored by the latter in spite of the fact that it was also a coalition partner of the PPP.



A report issued by the Human was quite expected. Over 100 people were killed in a strike that followed the decision. Public transport was badly affected and innocent citizens were indiscriminately killed by sharp shooters of major political parties which mobilise people on the grounds of ethnicity and linguistic identity.

When the events of early July settled, the peace between MQM and Government was again shaken; PPP leader, Zulfiqar Mirza inadvertently expressed his views against Altaf Hussain. Mirza also made some sweeping and irresponsible remarks against the mohajirs who arrived in Karachi after the partition. The statement unfortunately resulted in further violence and killings of innocent people and the loss of private and public property.

With the unofficial alliance of all non-Muhajir representatives and MQM's breakaway factions operating under the guise of Sunni Tehreek, there is a greater likelihood of street battles erupting and getting out of control. PPP controls the federal agencies such as the Rangers and FC but further escalation of violence and tension will have an adverse impact on the democratic and consensual decision-making. Given the current configuration, MQM is rightly worried about being pushed into a corner. But then it cannot totally absolve itself of the responsibility as it was and remains a major actor in Karachi's politics and governance. Karachi's economy cannot function without the inclusion of

Rights Commission of Pakistan said that a total of 1,139 people were killed in the city during the first six months of the current year and 490 of them fell prey to targeted killings on political, sectarian and ethnic grounds.

HRCP chairperson Zohra Yusuf, sharing the statistics, observed that a continuous surge in targeted killing reflected the government's inefficiency to handle the situation that was deepening the sense of insecurity among the citizens. She was of the view that the government was not taking decisive action against culprits to appease its coalition partners.

According to the HRCP report, 65 women were killed during the first half of the current year — 24 by their relatives and 26 by unknown assailants. It said that four of the victims were burnt to death, three died on railway tracks; two were killed by robbers and another two by Lyari gangsters. Three women fell victim to honour killing and one was killed by police, it stated.

Separately, the report said, 37 men lost their lives in the ongoing Lyari gang warfare over the past six months. Among the 56 victims of ethnic strife 51 were men and one woman, the rest being children.

According to the report, of the 490 victims of targeted killings, 150 were apparently killed for their association with various political, religious and nationalist parties, 56 for their ethnic background and eight on sectarian grounds.

The statistics show that 250 people killed in the city during the period did not have affiliation with any political party. A total of 139 such killings had been reported during the other communities given the interdependence of economic and social forces. The transport business is largely operated by the Pathans so they simply cannot be isolated from the power matrix and decision-making. As the second largest community, they also have a right to claim their share.

Violence and killings will not change this. The Pakhtun population of Karachi cannot be washed away or, more appropriately, done away with. The Pakhtuns also should not get their rights by indulging in bloodshed. Their struggle has to be political. Of late, it seems, though, as if they have decided to fight their way through, and this will only lead to massacre.



Besides the political settlement, which is the first step towards peace, the state machinery has to be improved to maintain order. The Karachi police is now good for nothing. During Benazir Bhutto's second tenure, it actively played its role to curb violence in the city, which eventually tormented the MQM. Consequently it had to pay a heavy price for that. The hundreds of criminals it had arrested were released from jail through various political deals, some during Nawaz Sharif's second tenure and later through Musharraf's patronage. They came out and methodically killed police officials involved in operations against them and forced others to run away.

These different organisations have deep-seated grudges. So, no one in the police can afford another onslaught on them, and the police is content as being silent spectator. This situation is further worsened by the fact that its personnel are now heavily infiltrated by party sympathisers, largely affiliated with the MQM and other parties. The police is no longer an independent and unbiased organisation to maintain peace in the city.
The Rangers that have been permanently deployed in the city have little knowledge and understanding of the situation as they have lesser interaction with the common man. The police has much more understanding of the social setup and the current state of affairs in the localities prone to violence. The Rangers by its design are not for peace keeping, but should only be employed in emergencies. Their continuous deployment would result in sad and violent incidents such as the killing of the young man in broad daylight. Ever since that gruesome incident, the Rangers feel depressed and are somehow ineffective.

Now the authorities have come up with another alarming decision; the deployment of the Frontier Constabulary in the city. This organisation is almost wholly Pakhtun and trigger-happy. Their induction at the moment Karachi is smouldring is grossly unwise, if not malevolent.

We have described the problem, now we have to look for the solution? One, the MQM has to recognise and come to terms with the new realities of Karachi. This will help it in accepting a political settlement with other communities. Two, Pakhtuns and other ethnicities must have the possibility of getting political representation.

The way to do this is to divide Karachi into five or eight districts with their own local councils. This will allow different ethnicities to have a say in running their day to day affairs. One community having control over all of Karachi through a metropolitan corporation will always be a conflict-ridden body.

Third, the police force, in fact the entire law enforcement mechanism that includes the judiciary and the jails, needs to be built up brick by brick. Relying on the Rangers – who should be withdrawn from the city – or the FC and ultimately the army, could at best be short-term measures. The police has to take control for the law and order to be maintained.



As always, Karachi needs democratisation of power; and robust accountability mechanisms and strengthening of the state as the mediating agent between diverse interests and lobbies. There can be no other alternative to a responsive local government, a municipal police and effective law-enforcement agencies. The notions of cosmetic, brutal “clean-up” operations are recipes for failure for they cannot change underlying imbalances in the state and society. The democratic option is clear. The major political parties will have to agree on a common agenda for reform and negotiate it.
The 141st Corps Commanders' Conference was held at General Headquarters. Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani chaired the meeting.

Among other issues, the participants also discussed the security situation in the Country in general and Karachi in particular. The Forum expressed concern over the law and order situation in Karachi and its ramifications / implications on National economy and expected that the measures recently undertaken by the Government would help redress the situation.

An army intervention has never resulted in systemic changes. Karachi is no exception. Above all, it belongs to its resilient, inventive citizens who want peace, security and opportunities. Ending violence in Karachi and creating equitable opportunities should, therefore, become a top priority of political parties. Otherwise, they may fail us once again.

corresponding period of the previous year.

About the victims of targeted killings on political grounds, the report suggested that 77 activists belonged to the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), 26 to the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), 29 to the Awami National Party (ANP), 16 to the Mohajir Qaumi Movement-Haqiqi (MQM-H), seven to the Sunni Tehrik (ST), nine to the Ahl-i-Sunnat Wal-Jamaat (ASWJ), two to the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam and one each belonged to the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), PML-Functional (PML-F), Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz (JSQM) and Punjabi-Pakhtun Ittehad (PPI). Four members of the banned outfit Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan were also killed on political grounds, it said.

The HRCP report observed that in the first six months of 2010, the figures of targeted killings were comparatively low as 109 people had fallen victim to the menace with 34 belonging to the MQM-H, 22 to the MQM, 11 to the PPP, 16 to the ANP, four to the ST and three each belonging to the JI and SSP. The other parties lost one or two of their activists during the period.

According to the statistics of other violent crimes, the report said 123 people were killed on account of personal enmity during the first half of the current year as against 113 reported in the corresponding period of the previous year.

A total of 41 policemen have been killed so far this year compared to 32 gunned down last year in the city, the report said..

Quaid assessed the situation as "parting of the ways" and so it proved to be.

The convention rejected Quaid-e-Azam's amendments. Indeed one Hindu leader even said that he represented nobody. Quaid understood that his last self-imposed mission of Hindu-Muslim unity had been a complete failure. Disillusioned with the narrow communal approach of the Hindu leadership to the constitutional question, Quaid assessed the situation as "parting of the ways" and so it proved to be.

This marked a major point of departure in Jinnah's life, an even sharper veering off from the road of Congress and all it represented than Nagpur had been eight years earlier. He had delivered his Swan song to Indian Nationalism. The dream stirred by Dadabhai's ringing voice in Westminister's commons, nurtured by Morley and Pheroz Shah, enriched by Gokhale and Montagu, all those long last liberal giants were dead. Nor would the ocean now dividing him from Congress ever be bridged. A few months later, Quaid formulated his Fourteen Points in which he lucidly summed up the Muslim demands. These were neither the voice of despair nor a challenge but nevertheless the first inkling we have of Quaid’s ultimate decision that if he could not unite Hindus and Muslims, he would not at least unite Muslims and if necessary unite them against Hindus.

At the first Round Table Conference held in London in the winter of 1930-31, Quaid clearly explained what he wanted self-government for India and security for the minorities. But the Indian delegates could not reach to any understanding either at this conference or at the second conference which was held in late 1931. In the result, the communal issue had ultimately to be decided by the Prime Minister who gave his award in 1932.

Sickened by the Hindu sentiment, the Hindu mind, the Hindu attitude on the one hand and the Muslim leaders who were either the flunkeys of the British Government or the camp followers of the Congress on the other, he decided to settle down in England and practise law before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.

After the constitutional proposals had been published in the form of a White Paper and almost all Indian leaders had found them most unsatisfactory, Quaid again pleaded for unity. Speaking at the Council of the League in April 1934, he said:

“India looks forward to a real, solid, united front. Can we even at this eleventh hour bury the hatchet, and forget the past in the presence of imminent danger and close our ranks to get sufficient strength to resist what is being hatched, at Downing Street and in Delhi.”

It is up to the leaders to put their hands together and nothing will give me greater happiness than to bring about complete cooperation and friendship between Hindus and Muslims. But the Congress and the League could not agree on any modifications that could be suggested to the constitutional proposals.

It was during Quaid's stay in England that he met Allama Iqbal during the Round Table Conference session. In due course, the poet philosopher came to exercise a decisive influence on the thinking of the statesman and converted him to the idea of Muslim homeland in the Subcontinent. His views "Jinnah later acknowledged, were substantively in consonance with my own and had finally led me to the same conclusions as a result of careful examination and study of the constitutional problems facing India".

Elections to the Central and Provisional Assemblies were held in the winter of 1936-37 under the 1935 Act. At the time of election campaign, it seemed almost certain that the Congress and the League were going to cooperate in working the Act. The election manifestoes of the two parties were similar. But on the eve of elections, Nehru remarked that there were only two parties in the country -- The British Government and the Indian Congress. Quaid was amazed at this statement and immediately replied: "There is a third party, namely, The Muslims".



Shortly after the elections, the results were known. Quaid once again offered to cooperate with the Congress by saying: "We are free and ready to cooperate with any group or party if the basic principles are determined by common consent. In March 1937, when the Congress decided to accept office, Quaid strongly urged for the Congress-League cooperation. But the Congress refused to form coalition government with the League and laid down such terms for cooperation which amounted to the absorption of the Muslim League into Congress.

The Congress found the intoxication of power a bit too exhilarating. Its ministries adopted measures which the Muslims found offensive from the point of view of their religion and culture. For instance, the idolatrous Bande Matram song was sung before the Assembly proceedings began. In the United Provinces, special efforts were made to popularise Hindi at the expanse of Urdu.

The Muslims also resented the decisions of the Congress Government to hoist the Congress flag on public buildings. It was in March 1937 that Dr. Allama Iqbal had written to Quaid: "From the Muslim point of view the cultural problem is of much greater consequence to most Indian Muslims. At any rate it is not less important than the economic problem". But it seems that it was the Congress rule in the provinces more than anything else which convinced Quaid that the Muslims had special interests of their own and these must be safeguarded.

These developments were reviewed by Quaid at the Lucknow Session of the League which was held in October 1937. Quaid then laid special stress on the need to strengthen the League. This was necessary, he said, for reaching a settlement with the Congress. He also emphasised that for all practical purposes, the Congress was a Hindu party and it could not look after the special interests of the Muslims. "On the very threshold of what little power and responsibility is given, the majority community has clearly shown their hand: That Hindustan is for Hindus."

But Quaid's sole purpose in having a powerful League was to suggest to the Congress leaders that they should settle the Hindu-Muslim problem on some reasonable term. Accordingly, in November 1937, he appealed to the Congress leadership to settle 'with the League the various issues which then confronted to India. Quaid also regretted Gandhi's interpretation of his Lucknow speech as" a declaration of war" which he had made purely in self defence. He assured Gandhi that he was still working for a Hindu-Muslim settlement. Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Gandhi exchanged several letters.

Quaid also negotiated with Nehru and later with the new Congress President, Subhas Chandra Bose, but no settlement could be reached because the Congress leaders were not ready to accept the Muslim viewpoint that Muslims had special interest and that League could be regarded as the spokesman of the Muslims. But Quaid did not give up his efforts to bring about an understanding between the Congress and the League. In January 1934, when he visited Allahabad, he appealed to the Congress leaders to cooperate with the League and settle the Hindu-Muslim problem so that India could advance politically.

Later in September, in a speech at dinner of old boys of Osmania University, he said, “---Within the honest meaning of the term, I still remain a nationalist. I have always believed in a Hindu-Muslim pact. But such a pact can be an honourable one and not a pact which will mean the destruction of one and the survival of the other".

In March 1940, he finally made up his mind to demand the division of the Subcontinent and the establishment of an independent Muslim state.
By the end of 1939, Quaid-e-Azam appears to have finally made up his mind to put forward the demand for an independent and sovereign Muslim state. The experience of the tyranny, oppression and injustice of the Congress rule during the last two-and-a-half years, the highly favourable response to the call for the observance of the "Day of Deliverance" on the exit of Congress ministries and the success of the League candidates at the by-elections reflecting the immensely growing popularity of the Muslim League, convinced him that Muslim India was ready to support this demand without stint.

Quaid's Lahore address lowered the final curtain on any prospects for a single united independent India. Those who understand him enough to know that once his mind was made up, he never reverted to any earlier position realised, how momentous a pronouncement their Quaid-i-Azam had just made.

There was no turning back. The ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity had totally transformed himself into Pakistan's great leader. The ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity had ceased to think in terms of composing differences. He had taken the view that these differences should be recognised as hard facts and the Hindus and Muslims settle down their respective homelands to construct their politics on lines best suited to their own genius and traditions.

What made Quaid decide to abandon hope of reconciliation with the Congress? No single incident perhaps but the cumulative weight of countless petty insults slights and disagreements added to the pressure of time and age.

Congress insults stupidity, genuine and imagined anti-Muslim feelings, fears, shattered dreams, passions turned to ashes, pride---all contributed to the change in Quaid.

By Muhammad Yasir Kayani

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Success is not final, failure is not fatal; it is the courage to continue that counts.

The security landscape is marred with target killings in Karachi along with the mounting assaults and ambushes by the militants against security forces in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Federally Administered Tribal Areas and Balochistan.


Pakistan, the world's sixth most populous country and second biggest Muslim one, is facing violence and divided. If the definition of security is a state being free from danger, then it is not applicable to the status quo prevalent in our country. It is an inkling of the worst which is yet to come, as terrorism is the popular cliché to portray our homeland. Even if Pakistan decides to stay in the shallow end of the pool or go out in the ocean. The security landscape is marred with target killings in Karachi along with the mounting assaults and ambushes by the militants against security forces in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Federally Administered Tribal Areas and Balochistan. The abysmal security situation deteriorated further, after the killing of former al-Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden. Be it the assassination of Akbar Bugti, Benazir Bhutto, and numerous suicide attacks in the country puts a question mark on the role of security agencies in Pakistan. As far as the concept of security in Pakistan is concerned, since its existence Pakistan is living in a state of security paranoia whereas signing defence pacts like Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) and the Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO) is a clear depiction of a security less state. Unfortunately, these pacts did not prevent the war of 1965, 1971 and Kargil. To understand the murky security scenario, it is important to sit in a time machine way back to 1980s and one can see that today we are reaping what we had sown in 1990s by taking U-turn in our policy toward Taliban. Pakistan and US continuous intervention in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, and the role of Pakistan as the US most allied ally, playing the central role to arm jihadi groups in Afghanistan is another side of the story. It is their wars and introducing Kalashinkov culture in Pakistan which is now used in students movements, ethnic and sectarian clashes, kidnapping, military government raids, and militant uprising. It is for this reason that Pakistan is ranked as having the highest per capita gun ownership rate in the world, which is an alarming sign of increased intolerance and crime in our society.


stan as the US most allied ally, playing the central role to arm jihadi groups in Afghanistan is another side of the story. It is their wars and introducing Kalashinkov culture in Pakistan which is now used in students movements, ethnic and sectarian clashes, kidnapping, military government raids, and militant uprising. It is for this reason that Pakistan is ranked as having the highest per capita gun ownership rate in the world, which is an alarming sign of increased intolerance and crime in our society.

Subsequently, waging of guerrilla war against former Soviet Union's presence in Afghanistan with the US backing, Pakistan was seeking strategic death in Afghanistan to counter Indian activities (though Indian intelligence agencies are working in the form of consulates is still present in Afghanistan). And US wants to withdraw former Soviet Union in order to reach warm water. It can provide US the access to the Central Asian Republics, considered the heartland since the time of Alexander the Great. Gwadar Port and Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean is an eye soar for US, India and Israel. Pakistan is confronted with security crises along with the worst crises in human security chart by Pakistan Institute for Peace Studies. The nature of terrorist attacks in the last three months and their security features reveal a mix trend including suicide attacks, militants killed in the operational attacks by the security forces.



Despite the role of Pakistan as frontline state in the war on terror, Pakistan is still asked, rather pressurised to do more in order to destroy the safe havens (volatile tribal belt), so that Pakistan to get aid which is never used for civilian benefit todate and is purely available for defence purposes by Pakistan Army and all governments. The very word to do more is an emblem of trust deficit between US intelligence agencies and Pakistan intelligence agencies, specifically ISI which is facing undue criticism by the world media and propaganda by the external intelligence agencies working against ISI and our national integration.

It is a universal fact that the intelligence agencies are backbone of any country, and Pakistani media is unknowingly criticising its own security forces which is again a gruesome security threat for the geo-strategic position of Pakistan. Richard Halbrooke said, “there is no way that the international effort in Afghanistan can succeed unless Pakistan can get its western tribal belt under control.” Radicalisation of Pakistani society in Zia-ul-Haq era, misuse of Islam by jihadi groups on the American payroll, are important factors in the deteriorating security of the country. Therefore, lack of check and balance on madrassah system where extremist and fanatic ideas are incarnated in the minds of the poor and illiterate teenage, extreme poverty, unemployment, illegal supply of small and big weapons to masses and lack of government capacity show the precarious nature of Pakistan's stability. As far as the military operation in FATA is concerned, one should keep in mind what Viceroy Lord Curzon at the end of 19th century, “No patchwork scheme will settle the Waziristan problem”. Dialogue with Pakistani Taliban and militant leaders in Balochistan should be the course to address the security issues as both the world wars were settled on the table and not in the battlefield. Furthermore, for the amelioration of security system in Pakistan laws governing the manufacture, sale, transfer and licencing of small arms and ammunition should be given importance and checked vigilantly by the security forces. Role of intelligence agencies should be made more affective, Foreign Office should give the list of foreigners residing in Pakistan to ISI, all the political parties should forge unity of action against security issues under one umbrella, so that the economy of the country prosper in the fields of science and education.

By Rabia Basri

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Success is not final, failure is not fatal; it is the courage to continue that counts.

Why are you posting articles in this section and where are the sources?

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Work until your idols become your rivals.