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  #1  
Old Thursday, January 22, 2009
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Default The Principles Of Kemalism

(1)
Atatürk had died a comparatively young man. He was
less than thirty-five when the whole world first heard his singular
aehievements,
and he was not yet forty when
he started to play his historie role of emaneipating
the
people he belonged to. Even in this young age, he seemed
eqmipped with the intellectual aeeumulation
that his time
required.
Mustafa Kemal eertainly studied and weighed Turkish
politieal thinking, whieh was arefleetion
of historic events.
it is true that history generally develops as a eonsequenee
of aetions and reaetions of sU:eeessive smges. This prevail-
ing rule should also be applying to Turkey as welL. But
Turkish history of the Nineteenth and the early Twentieth
Centuries
has witnessed a remarkable
rapidity;
events
advaneed by leaps and bounds. Sueeessive efforts to re-
form the politieal system eould be observed in the first
half of the last century. Sultan Mahmud the Reformer
(1808-1839), who sueeeeded Selim the Martyr (1761-1808),
was inclined towards regeneration.
Besides annihila.ting
the irregular troops of the Janissaries, he helped to bring
about the
Hattı Şerif
of Gülhane
(1839), whieh was a
proclamation
of reform. Nevertheless, the latter did not
deal with the root eauses of the increasing politieal and
eeonomie dependenee of the Ottoman Empire on the great
powers. A group of edueated men, influeneed by eontem-
porary ideas, sueeeeded, after overthrowing Sultan Abdul-
aziz, in obtaining a grant of a new Constitution
in 1876.
Sultan .Abdulhamid the Second, who under the presure of
the prevailing eonditions, had granted a new Constitution,
withdrew it, sending Mithat Paşa (1825-1884), one of its
arehiteets, to exile and lowering upon Turkey a dark cloud
of reaetion. He suppressed independent thinking with every
means available, including a system of espionage hitherto
unknown.
Banishments
and secret exeeutions
were the
order of his day. This suppression eould not, however, pre-
vent, in the 1890's, the emergenee in Saloniea, the birth-
plaee of Mustafa Kemal, of the Committee of Union and
Progress. it is well-known that in 1908 an open rebellion
broke against the tyranny of Abdulhamid, who granted the
desired Constitution, only to repeal it less than a year later.
But the Maeedonian troops, with whieh marehed MustafaKema.l, appeared before Istanbul and defeated the Sultan's
garrison.
But the new government's
task was not less
problematica!. During the rule of the Committee of Union
and Progress, which lasted less than a decade, Bosnia and
Herzegovina were annexed by Austria-Hungary,
Bulgarian
independence led to further wars in the Balkans and Italy
embarked on Libyan shores. The Turanian ideal, dreaming
of a union of all Turks of Asia and Pan-Islamism, daiming
the unity of all Mohammedans, were the thoughts of this
period, characterized
by threats from without.
it was again during these years that Mustafa Kemal
was entertaining a new conception - the conception of the
Turkish ideal, which would survive the storm. Mustafa
Kemal was widely read in Ottoman history and the works
of the Turkish intellectuals. No doubt, he analyzed the
writers of the Tanzimat period (1839). Şinasi (1826-1871l
was the first one who touched upon popular sovereignty.
He published in 1859 the first volume of translation s from
various French poets, and more importantly
in the follo-
wing year, the first national non-official journal in Turkey.
In about two years, he was joined by Namık Kemal 0840-
1888), one of the most brilliant writers of attornan Turkey,
who could with grace, force and precision express many
complexities
of modern thought.
Ziya Paşa 0825-1880)
joined forces with Şinasi and Namık Kemal, and in 1867,
his quarrel
with Ali Paşa, the all-powerful
Vezir of
Abdülaziz, led to his flight from his natiye country. Namık
Kemal brought out several papers in İstanbul and London,
as the mouthpiece of the "Young Ottoman Society". His
revolutionary
plays and
poetry revealed a passian
for
liberty and love for his people. Mustafa. Kemal, in later
speeches, qucted Namık Kemal's verse, making optimistic
changes in the couplets. The poet tried to build up the
concept of popular sovereignty on the basis of accumalation
of individual sovereignty over one's own affairs, but he had
difficulty in coping with the Islamic interpretation
that
sovereignty belongs to God. He urged the Caliph, in accor-
dance with Islamic law, to consult with members of his
community, a relationship which mayaıso be defined as a"contract". The need to consult could very well be a justi-
fication for constitutional government.
Namık Kemal was
trying to reconcile republican ideas with Islamic theocracy.
That Islam could not be reformed to embrace contemporary
Republican institutions
was, nevertheless,
the opinion of
several Young Turks. Among them, Abullah Cevdet (1869-
1932) envisaged a "Westernized" future Turkey, but even
he could not suggest the abolition of the Sultanate and the
Caliphate. Ziya Gökalp (1875-1924) was perhaps most inf-
luential on the intellectuals of Republican Turkey. Mustafa
Kemal and Gökalp had met, for the first time, in 1909 in a
congress of the Union and Progress. lt is true that Gökalp's
theories of socialorganization,
based on Emile Durkheim's
concepts of sociology, had a hold up on the train of thought
of the Turkish Revolution. However, Kemal had an impor-
tant disagreement
with Gökalp on the racist concept of
Turanism. Mustafa Kemal was not only the leader, but
alsa the ideologue of the Turkish Revolution.
Mustafa Kemal had also studied all great movements
of history abroad. While a young man in Macedonia, he
was introduced to the French classics, especially the works
of Rousseau, Voltaire and Montesquieu, through his dose
friend Fethi Okyar, whom he later encouraged to form
an opposition party. While a young cadet in the War
Academy, he studied the French Revolution thoroughly.
Later, he made frquent references
to episodes in this
great event of history. According to him, it was the greatest
of all revolutions, but it failed in providing the greatest
happiness
for the French. He studied the movement of
independence and republicanism of the American Colonies
as well as the development of British democraey. He analy-
zed Russian Historyand
the Russian Revolution. He was
interested in both the successes and the failures of Peter
the Great. He said that his principles did not rest on
Bolshevism. On the other hand, in numerous statements,
he based the rights of man on his labour and produce. He
studied, apparently,
all great movements, but chose to
follow a road that he thought emanated from the parti-
cular conditions of his country. Above all, he believed thaTurkey was the first country in the world of colonies and
semi-colonies to bring to a successful end an anti-imperia-
list struggle taking place in the Twentieth Century.
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  #2  
Old Thursday, January 22, 2009
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Default 2

(2)

Granted that such was Mustafa Kemal's training and
self-education, quite a number of foreign scholars and wri-
ters ask their Turkish colleagues as to which works were ori-
ginally written by him. The Institute of the History of the
Turkish Revolution, founded on April
15, 1941,
and attached
to the Languages and History-Ceography
Faculty of An-
kara
University,
has shouldered
the responsibility
of
collecting and publishing
all what he has authored. Alt-
hough most of his works have been published by such
offical establishments, quite a few private publishing houses
and several individuals have brought out various volumes
of
interviews,
talks and
memoirs. A near-to-comp1ete
(Turkish and foreign) bibliography on Atatürk, including
his own works, has been collected by Muzaffer Gökm an ,
the form er Director of the Bayazıd Library in IstanbuL. This
is a three-volume
compendium of about 3,000 pages, the
first volum e of which has so far been published. it is
printed by the Turkish Ministry of Education under the
title of
Bibliography
of
Atatürk
and History
of
His Revo-
lution (Atatürk
ve
Devrimleri
Tarihi
BibliyografyasıJ.
The
n€xt two volumes are expected to follow. A new, annotated
bibliography,
in two volumes, was published in
1981
by
Türker Acaroğlu, who treats the best five-hundred
Tur-
kish and foreign books.
As to the original works by Atatürk, one may classify
them as follows: (a) the great
Speech;
(b) talks, statements,
declarations,
telegrams and announcements;
(c) memoirs;
(d) treatises
(and translations)
on military science; (e)
reports on the Gallipoli campaigns; (f) private 1etters; (g)
hand-written
and dictated notes; (h) unsigned
articles.
This categorisation
reveals a diversified form of writing,
which was perhaps inevitable in view of the fact that
Atatürk was a superb orator, an able analyst of history, a
narrator of important factual details and a formulator ofpolitical testaments. He even has an unsigned book on
geometry, and is alsa believed to have written poetry.
Foremost among his works is probably the six-day
Speech (NutukJ,
deliyered to a captive audience of delega-
tes to the Second National Congress, that took place on
October 15-20,1927.This was amarathan
feat of oratory.
The Iength and the character of the
Speech
is unconven-
tional, and its subject is a comprehensive aceount of one
of the most remarkable events in the many centuries of
Turkish history. it reveals the activity of the speaker from
the time when he felt himseıf called upon to Iead the
natian from threatened ruin to freedam and power.
After
eight years of uninterrupted battles on three
eontinents, Turkey laid down arms when its ally Germany
collapsed. The victorious powers reserved to themselves
the right to occupy every strategic point in Turkey whiIe
the Turkish troops were still fighting in far away pIaces
such as the Hedjas or Tripali. Allied men-of-war east
anchor before the Empire's capital. The stipulations of the
Treaty of Sevres (1920),which Mustafa Kemal Paşa analyses
in his
Speech,
prove that the powers which pretended to
fight for freedam were planning a peace of annihilation
for Turkey. They were after outright annexations, man-
dates, spheres of influenee and new vassal states. The
Greek troops, whieh Ianded at İzmir (Smyrna) on May
15, 1919,to ereet Greater Greece, treated the Turks of the
eity as subjugated people. But Mustafa KemıUreached the
shores of Asia Minor in the north, exactly four days Iater.
He described the cireumstances then in the following
words, which were alsa the opening paragraphs of his great
Speech:
"I landed at Samsun on the 19th of May, 1919. The situation
at the time was as follows:
The group of powers which
included
the Ottoman
Government
had been defeated
in
the Gree.t War. The Ottoman Army had been crushed on
every front. An armistice
had been signed und er severe
conditions, The prolongation
of the Great War had left the
people exhausted
and impoverished.
Those who had driven
the people and the country
into the general
connret had
fIed and now cared for nothing but their own safety. Valırleddin, the degenerate
occupant
of the throne
and the
Caliphate,
was seeking for same despicable
way to sava
his person and his throne, the only objects of his anxiety.
The Cabinet, of which Damad Ferid Pasha was the head,
was weak and lacked dignity and courage., lt was subser-
vient to the will of the Suıtan alone and agreed to every
proposal that could protect its members and their sovereign.
The Army had been deprived of their arms and ammunition,
and this state of affairs continued. The Entente Powers did
not consider it necessary to respect the terms of the armis-
tice. On various pretexts, their men-at-war
and troops re.
mained in Constantinople.
The Vilayet of Adana was occu-
pied by the French; Urfa, Maraş, Antep, by the British. In
Antalya
and Konya were the !talians, whilst at Merzifon
and Samsun were English troops ... The Greek Army, with
the consent of the Entente Powers, had landed at İzmir ....
The danger from ab road now averted, Mustafa Kemal
was moved to show his people how the new Turkey came
about and on which foundations
it was standing.
The
Speech
was a grant account of his political and military
performance. Several hundred pages that follow the above-
quoted opening
paragraphs
put emphasis
on the early
years of the new state. Being the single major source of
his leadership, it sets a high standard of factual detail.
The
Speech
ends with the following political testament
addressed to the future youth of Turkey, instructing
the
coming generations on resistance to defeat, occupation and
collaboration with the enemy;"O, Turkish Youth! Your primary
duty is forever to pre.
serve and defend Turkish
Independence
and the Turkish
Republic.
This is the very foundation
of your existence
and your future.
This foundation
is your most precious
treasure.
In the future, too, there may be ili-wili, at home
and abroad,
wishing to deprive
you of this treasure .. If,
same day, you are compelled to defend your existence and
the Republic, you must not tarry to weigh the possibilities
and eireumstances
of the situation
before taking up your
duty. These possibilities
and cireumstanees
may turn out
to be extremely
unfavourable.
The enemies
conspiring
against
your independenee
and your Republic may have
behind them a victory unprecedented
in the annals of the
world. It may be that, by foree and fraud, all the fortresses
and the arsenals of your beloved Fatherland
may be captured, all its shipyards
oeeupied, all its armies
dispersed
and every part of the eountry
invaded.
And sadder
and
graver, those who hold power within the eountry may be
in error, misguided and may even be traitors. Furthermore,
they may identify
their personal
interests
with the po-
!itical designs
of the invaders.
The eountry
may be im-
poverished,
ruined
and exllausted.
Youth of Turkey's
fu-
ture, even under such eireumstanees,
it is your duty to sav c
Turkish Independenee
and the Repub!ie. The strength
that
you ne ed is mighty in the noble blood that eourses in your
veins."
The
Speech
ends with these words. it was first published
in book form, in
1927,
in a two-volume edition printed in
the old Arabic script. it appeared in the Latin alphabet in
1934
in three volumes. Immediately after completing this
unique tour-de-force, Atatürk proceeded to change drasti-
cally the language he so ably used throughout his leader-
ship. The Turkish Language Society has published in 1962 a
purified but unabridged version of the same
(Söylev)
for
the younger generations. The
Speech
has been translated
into a number of languages,
including English, French,
German and Russian. Prof. Dr. Özdemir Nutku of Ankara
University has created a Documentary Play based on it
(1973),
Nazım Özgüneyand
Orhan Asena
(1970)
have
separately put the
Speech
into verse.
The Institute of the History of Turkish Revolution has
published selected speeches and statements
of Atatürk in
five volumes
0945,
1952, 1954, 1964
and
1972).
Several
individuals (such as Prof. Dr. Herbert Melzig, Nafi Demir-
kaya and Behçet Kemal Çağlar) before and after the Insti
tute's compilations, have published their own selections.
it appears that the series, initiated by the Institute, will
continue. Separate publications, such as
The Minutes
of
the
Sıvas Congress (Sıvas Kongresi Tutanakları
by Uluğ İğde-
mir,
1969)
or
Decisions
of
the Representative
Council (He-
yet-i Temsiliye
Kararları
by Prof. Dr. Bekir Sıtkı Baykal,
1974)
include hitherto unpublished
speeches by Atatürk.
Several of his talks have been printed by different govern-
ment and party organs as well as by private publishers or
individuals.
Directives
on Educatio;n (Atatürk'ün
MaarifeAit Direktifleri,
1939) by the Ministry of Education, Prof.
Dr. Enver Ziya Karal's selection of
Thoughts from Atatürk
(Atatürk'ten
Düşünceler,
1956), Mustafa Baydar's
Atatürk
Savs (Atatürk
Diyor ki,
1951J, Dr. Utkan Kocatürk's Ata-
türk's
Thoughts and ldeas (Atatürk'ün
Düşünceleri
ve
Fi-
kirleri,
1969), Çetin Altan's
Atatürk's
Social Views (Ata-
türk'ün
Sosyal Görüşleri,
1965) and Fethi Naci's
Atatürk's
Principal
Views in One-Hundred
Questions
(100 Soruda
Atatürk'ün
Temel Görüşleri,
1968) are cases in point. His
selected speeches also appeared
in Russian, Arabic and
Bulgarian.
Atatürk's memoirs and diaries have been published in
several places. His diaries, kept <in November-December
1916) while he was the Commander of the Si.xteenth Corps
in South-Eastern
Anatolia was published by the Turkish
Historical Society in 1972.Diaries of January 3-7, 1925, was
printed in the December 10 and 15, 1925issues of the
Vakıt.
His memoirs, dictated to Falih Rıfkı and encompassing the
years 1914to 1919 began to be published in the daily
Milli-
yet
and
Hakimiyet-i
Milliye
on March 14, 1926. The same
writer re-published the memoirs in book form in 1965. The
diary Cin five note-books) that Mustafa Kemal kept in
Karlsbad (Germany) in June 30-July 27, 1918 is under the
custody of his adopted daughter Prof. Dr. Afet İnan; it
awaits publication.
His three original writings (1909, 1911,1912) on military
affairs and two translations
(1909, 1912) appeared in a
single volum e in 1959. His
Reports on the Çanakkale
Cam-
paigns
were printed by the Turkish Historical Society in
1962.Ruşen Eşref published in 1930 an
lnterview
with Mus-
tafa Kemal, the Commander
of the Anafartas.
His private letters were collected by Sadi Borak and
published in 1961.Prof. Dr. Afet İnan put together his hand-
written and dictated manuscripts in 1969. He has dictated
several artides for the
National
Will
and
National
Sove-
reignty,
which he did not sign. Asım Us, one of Turkey's
the n leading journalist, republished in 1964 five artides on
the Hatay (Alexendretta)
question, which was dictated tohim for the daily
Vakıt
(January 22-27, 1937). Atatürk is
also the author of a book on geometry, printed in 1937 by
the State Publishing House and recommended to the teac-
hers of mathematics.
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  #3  
Old Thursday, January 22, 2009
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3
Although
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
did not want to
"freeze" the philosophy of the new state within the confines
of a parti cular doctrine, he nevertheless named six princip-
les in the 1930's, showing a general direction with roots in
reaIism. They were : RepubIicanism, Nationalism, PopuIism,
Reformism, Secularism and Statism.
Republicanism
was understandably
the first of these
principles. Mustafa Kemal entertained the ideas of a repub-
lican regime when he was a young cadet in the War Colle-
ge. The repubIican element was present not only in the
legacy of the French Revolution, but also some Iimitation
on the autocratic power of the Sultan was put within the
Ottoman institutions.
This occurred most notably in the
first 1876 Constitution, which nevertheless left the Suıtan
with the right to initiate legislation and cast a veto. Not
until the Young Turk Revolution was the Sultan required
to swear fideIity to the people. But it was the Ankara Go-
vemment which in 1921 gave the sovereignty of the people
constitutional recognition.
Mustafa Kemal, as a young officer first in Macedonia
and then in Syria, could see that the Ottoman Empire was
disintegrating.
Only a national Turkish state could replace
it. it was him who drew the map of the new RepubIic. The
territories would compose of the are as predominantly Tur-
kish, and the whole of Anatolia would constitute the ma-
jority of the country. The Hittites, the Frigians, the Greeks,
the Romans and the Seljuk Turks had been, throughout
history, sovereign on various different portions of Asia
Minor and hen ce their eventual disintegration. Even while
selecting Ankara as the new capital, he knew that he was
acting in proper evaIuation of historical facts.
With the estabIishment of the Grand National Assemblyin Ankara on April" 23 1920, the Republicwas
aIready İns-
talled as a legal system and working organizations.
Since
the empire was no more, its religious and political figure-
head was deprived of its importance and function. Hence,
Pı.epublicanism was intervowen with Nationalism. For Ata-
türk, the Republic also meant a democratic state. He belie-
ved that popular sovereignty ought to be protected by new
laws, a new cadre of legalists and a two-party system (which
he tried twice). The principle of the supremacy of Parlia-
ment was so well established that the suggestion of allowİng
the President (no other than Atatürk himselO was rejected.
(Later, the principle that the representation
of the will of
the people.in the Parliament could not be denied was utili-
zed by the Democrat Party governments
[1950-1960] to jus-
tify their hold on power. And when the suggestion of giyİng
the Prime Minister the power to dissolve the Parliament was
considered during the discussions on the 1961 Constitution,
it had to be immediately put aside on account of the convic-
tion that the assembly was supremeJ
Nationalism
was another pnnciple-new for the Turkey
of the 1920's. The policy which he considered to be clear and
enforceaıble was nationalist policy. He said that the re could
be no greater mistake than to be a Utopian. By "nationalist
policy", he meant:
"...Within our national frontiers,
to
work for the real happiness and development of our nation
and our country, relying above all ou'our own strength for
the preservation of our existence, to refrain from inducing
our people to pursue deleterious aims and to expect from
the civilised world human treatment and frİendship based
on reciprocity." He descrİbed the Turkish motherland
as
"abandoned",
looking like a "graveyard-without
life and
development". But he saw treasures beneath it, on which
lived a gallant people. He said that the Turks had gone
through a long and arduous struggle for the sake of the
integrity of their country. His objective was the reinforce-
ment and preservati0n of this integrity. For him, it was an
unrealisable aim to unite eve n all the Turks İn the world
withİn the boundaries
of a single state. This was a truth
that bitter and bloody conflicts had clearly demonstratedHe saw nothing in history to show that Pan-Turanism
or
Pan-Islamism could have succeeded and how these concepts
could find abasis
for their realisation. First of all, lust of
conquest was out of the question. Our people had substitu-
ted the bond of Turkish nationalism for the religious and
sectarian bonds. He said: "Ours is nationalist government.
it is out-and-out materialistic, with a penchant for realism.
it is a government which refrains from committing such
crimes as following illusory ideals, not to attain them, but
fancying that they will be attained,
to lead the nation
against rocks or to sink it in swamps and at last to sacri-
fice its existence." Just as Turkish nationalism was not
racist and irredentist, it was based on "full and complete
independence", by which Atatürk meant "unfettered inde-
pandence in the political, economic, juridical, cultura1, in
fact, in every sphere. Lack of independence in any one of
these spheres," he said, was "a negation of independence
within the fullest meaning of the terrn." Our nationalism
opposed all particularisms,
respected the patriotism of ot-
hers and favoured movements of national liberation. De-
cades had to pass before the United Nations would declare
that nations had sovereignty over their own natural
re-
sources, but Atatürk's Turkey had proclaimed this a wor-
king principle, giving the state responsibility for production
as well as protection. The Turkish Historical Society, (which
interpreted
history anew), the Turkish Language Society
(which led the drive to purify the language) and the People's
Houses (created in every province and district to become
centers of culture and artistic/literary
activities) were the
natural results of the same principle of sober nationalism.
Populism
was, in part, the result of Mustafa Kema,l's
early reading in history, philosophy and government. He
added a populist dimension to the democratic concepts of
the French R9volution. He fully believed that the people
were the real fontain-head of every secret of success and
of every kind of power and authority. Arter the First Cong-
ress of History was over, a delegate said to Atatürk:
"An
ıtalian writer Count Sforza has described you as a dictator.
"1, a dictator!" ejaculated Atatürk. He continued: "...Beforecarrying out anyidea,
i
convene the people's congresses,
where i discuss them, and i give effect to them only af ter
obtaining their sanction. There is the Erzurum Congress,
the Sıvas Congress-and the living proof, the Grand National
Assembly ... Let them say; we will march on!" Early in 1920
he stated that all power, sovereignty and governance rest
directly with the people, whom he desenbed a year later, in
the following words: .....We are poor labourers,
a poor
people, striving to save our existence and independence.
Let us know our character. We are a toiling people, forced
to toil for our salvation and existence. Every one of us has,
therefore, a right or a title, which we can earn only by
virtue of work. ldlers and those who wish to live without
work have no place in our society." He was the first to utter
radical statements portraying the condition of the Turkish
peasant in 1922: "Who is the owner and master of Turkey?
The peasant, that is, the real producer! Therefore, he has
the right and title to greater
comfort, happiness
and
affluence than everyone else." He believed that the econo-
mic policy of the Government
of the Grand National
Assembly was directed towards the achievement
of this
objective. He went on: .....Let us gather together, with
shame and reverence, before this exalted master, whose
blood we have spilt for seven centuries in different regions
of the globe, whose bones we have left behind in those
lands, the fruits of whose toi! we have expropriated
and
squandered, whom we have requited with scom and con-
tempt and whose kindness and sacrifices we have repaid
with ingratitude, insulence, oppression aand the desire to
degrade him into a bondsman." Mustafa Kemal did not use
the word "people" for or on behaIf of any social class. The
War of National Liberation was fought with the cooperation
of all classesthen a new country, a new society, a new State, brought to
pass by incessant reforms, which have won esteem both at
home and abroad. This is a short epitome of the Turkish
Revolution, as a whole." This summary is conspicuous by
the absence of any reference to the man who brought about
this great change. He said: "Our country will become out-
and-out modem, civilized and new ... The masses want to
be prosperous, free and affluent ... The nation has decided
to adopt, thoroughly and in the same form and essence, the
life and the means which contemporaneous
civilization
has assured to all nations. The nation is determined not to
permit centuries-old varieties of he and fraud to retard, for
a moment, its efforts in the sphere of innovation and re-
form ... We cannot liye within an orbit, shut off from the
rest of the world. For nations, which persist in conserving
certain traditions and beliefs which cannot stand the test
of reason, it is not only difficult, but also impossible, to prog-
ress." The modern Turkish society, with its new script, natio-
nal history, purified language, progressing art, advanced
music and technical institutions as well as equality of men
and women were the products of this understanding.
These
reforms were, at times, criticized for dealing with the above-
structure
trivia. But in the context of Atatürk's time and
place, they signified a cultural transformation,
with pro-
found symbolic meaning.
Secularism
meant the emancipation from the dungeon
of thoughts which Atatürk believed his people were impri-
soned. The proper way for such release was free researc-
hing and debating of creative minds. Having felt the limits
of non-secular life since childhood, Mustafa Kemal broke
with the hegemony of the mystic and scholastic thought.
In his natiye Macedonia, he witnessed how the Turkish
community was exploited; he saw the instrumentality
of
traditional and repressive framework in this exploitation.
Atatürk's later scientific approach and democratic unders-
tanding of society are linked with his secular emphasis.
Atatürk placed secularism as a fundamental
pillar of his
principles and equated it with the freedom of thinking, as
a method in creating a society and bridging the gap withthe advanced states. He saw in secularism a democratic
content, an emancipating thought and a new attitude enab-
ling one to grasp universal values. Religion could no longer
be decisive in creating social, political, economic, educatio-
nal and artistic rules and establishments. Changes would
be affected and solutions found on compromise as a result
of the democratic process. No religion could possibly re-
gulate such changes, and no progress could be made it left
within the confines of beliefs labeled as "sacred". To fight
injustice, repression or poverty or to understand the value
of education, problems of production, constitutional choices
or artistic options, the basis had to be, first and foremost, se-
cular. Governing was like a science, just as building a brid-
ge or erecting a factory. Secularism was, in short, not only
possible, but also desirable and inevitabIe in our contempo-
rary world. The practical results of this beIief were the
abolishing of the Ministy of Shariat, the Mejalla, the Shariat
Courts, the madrassahs and some other pious foundations
and the introduction of secular education. In a passionate
outburst, Atatürk had said: "We have got to go on. And
we are to progress whatever happens. We have no choice
now. Civilization is a blazing fire that burns and destroys
all who will not pay allegiance to her!"
Although
statism
became an officially adopted policy
in 1931, the infIuence of the state in economic life was a
reality since the proclamation of the RepubIic. In the early
years of the regime, there was scarcity of capital, know-
how and an experience d entrepreneur
class. In a long in-
terview with the daily
Vakit,
published on February 18,1923,
Mustafa Kemal put the economic question as the root cause
of Turkey's rise and fall. Recalling Attornan history in some
detail, he expounded how a gigantic empire was built, using
the Turkish element in it for extending both the Western
and the Eastem frontiers. Obliged to adopt a domestic po-
licy to suit such a conduct abroad, the rulers, he reiterated,
took it upon themselves to protect the different Ianguages,
religions and traditions of the multi-national elements they
had conquered, and to that end, granted them privileges
and exemptions. As against this, the Turks participated inprotracted
campaigns while they should be working in a
manner to meet their vital needs in their own homes and in
their own state. The crowned potentates carried the Turks
from one land to the other, and to please the conquered
people, they gaye away many of the rights and resourC'3S
of the Turks as favours, benefactions and bounties. Dİaster
followed when these royal favours were treated as acquired
rights, The foreigners were not content with what they gai-
ned. The Grand Porte borrawed from them so much and on
such exorbitant terms that it was impossible even to pay
interest. At last, the finances of the Ottoman State was put
under foreign control.
Atatürk drew several conelusions from the Ottoman
experience. Addressing the residents of the emancipated
town of Bursa, as printed in the daily
Vakit
of October 21,
1922,
he said: "The victory in which you rejoice today was
won by the determination
and power of our nation and the
bayonets of the Army of the Grand National Assembly. We
will continue our struggle in the field of economy. We will
become manufacturers ... "
In
1923,
he told another
Vakit
correspondent
that the
new Turkish State would be "an economic state". A year
earlier, he had diselosed the principle of nationalization and
sovereignty over the country's weatlh: "One of the most
important aims of our economic policy is, as far as our fi-
nancial and technical means permit, to nationalize econo-
mic institutions
and enterprises
directly concerned
with
public interests ..." This idea of exploitation of the country's
wealth for the good of the people was accompanied by eco-
nomic planning, which Turkey was the second state after
the Soviet Union to apply. Atatürk even introduced the idea
of such planning at the international
leveL. In a statement
to the daily
CumJıuriyet
of August
26, 1935,
he said that it
was essential for every country to bring its efforts for Hs
own economic development in line with reasonable, well-
conceived, over-all international
plans. He believed that
international potentialities be so combined as to allow every
nation to develop in accordance with its own characteristics
and that every nation be conceded the right to apply, withinits own confines and with due regard for its own peculiar
conditions, the generally accepted ideas as to world econo-
mic prosperity
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it is true that many of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's steps
forward were seen in the Westem family of nations, For
istance, the concept of republicanism was bound up with
the Greek and Roman republics. For centuries, the struggle
of the city-states for freedom had kept the republican idea
alive. In the age when Latin was the language of the cul-
tured people, the Roman example had even greater effect.
The Medieval doctrine was, of course, monarchic. But the
br8ak up of Medieval universalism
opened the way for
republicanism. Both the Renaissance and the Reformation
were important for the revival of the republican ideology.
Numerous republican
strains may be traced from the
English Puritan to the American Declaration of the Inde-
pendence. And the ideas of
1789
claimed universal validity.
It is also true that the ideas of revolution first appeared in
the American colonies and in Europe. Nationalism,
as
expressed in Montesquieu's writings and the French En-
lightenment or
Volhsgeist
of the German romanticists be-
long to the West. The modem origins of secularism should
also be traced to the later Middle Ages of Westem Europe.
And the first examples of secular administrations
can be
found in the early American states. The original home of
populist ideas as well as the interventionist
welfare state
is also in Europe.
But the Turks considered Westernization
as synony-
mous with modernization
and "becoming civilised". The
aim was to bring the Turkish society to the level of contem-
porary civilisation and culture. Atatürk aspired a new folk,
with a rational outlook, characteristic
of our age. He was
imbued with goals of a series of transformations
that inclu-
ded full independence, economic development, industrial
take off, the rule of scientific method over thinking, effec-
tive and honest government and the amalgamation of de-
mocratic education with republicanismTo become contemporary meant foremost the maturing
of the economic structure and the advancement of indust-
rial enterprises.
But no economic progress serving the
nation as a whole was possible without the full independen-
ce of the country. Atatürk knew that there would be foreign
interests wishing to intercede once they were conceded
some sort of political or economic presence in the life of the
nation. The remodeling of a society on such an independent
course necessitated trust in the principles of science. The
re-styling of human relations could no longer be based on
superstition, but the recognition of the right of science,
culture and arts to rest on independent thinking. Such was
alsa the philosophy of education during the Atatürk era.
Modernization is, of course. not a geographical term;
it is the totality of socio-economic structure. History teac-
hes us that civilisation was never und er the monopoly of a
single nation. When Julius Caesar referred to the cannibals
in northern France, China in the Far East and India in
South Asia were enjoying a magnificent civilisation. When
Europe was buried in the obscurities of the Dark Ages, Isla-
mic civilisation had aIready offered to the cultuı;:e of man-
kind AviCenna and Averrhoes. Similarly. a group of Wes-
tern European states held the torch of enlightenment
du-
ring a particular stage of histarical development. Wester-
nization. if express ed politically, may mean the idea of
democraey Cin the sense of parliamentary
and party go-
vernment) and sovereignty Cin the sense of subordination
of all government organs to a sovereign state); economi-
cally, it may indicate the substitution of the factory for the
hand loom and home craft.
But the correct evaluation of the West depends, like
many other things, on the acceptance of contradictions
within it. Such omissions, otherwise, put us in no better
pasition than the blind men who attempt to define an
elephant, each touching its trunk, leg or tail. The definition
of anything, as amatter
of fact. rests not only on its com-
posing factors, but alsa on elements which exert an İn-
fluence changing its characteristics, personality or identity.
Just like a tree has the capacity to turn into coal and earthas being composed of stems and leaves, the Westem society
too gathers in itself contradictions
in terms of origins as
well as present identity. One sees in the West inquisition
and fascism on the one hand, and rationalism andsocia-
lism on the other. Such a conglameration is, doubtless, a
composite of contradictions. But one cannot be content with
oversimplifications,
either. We have to define the West as
a community of states, situated generally along the North
Atlantic coast, which has destroyed feudalism in the age
of bourgeois democratic revolution and entered the path
of capitalist development in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth
Centuries. To have entered this path some two-hundred
years ago means that the West has been successful in reali-
zing progressive steps required at those histarical moments.
The societies that accomplished this forward move certainly
attained economic and political superiority over the rest of
the world. But this superiority
alsa manifested itself as
colonialism and imperialism, against which Mustafa Kemal
had fought and won.
This analysis is, however, no denial of Western contri-
butian to humanism. But it certainly takes issue with the
pretension that the West is the sole creatar of universal
culture. Mustafa Kemal never accepted the assertion that
all the valu€s which might be termed as humanistic contri-
butions had originated from the West and that the non-
Westerners were perhaps incapable of making any contri-
butian. it was him who gave self-assurance and dignity to
the Turks. He believed in the innate abilities of his nation.
He said that the leadership derived its entire ardour, enligh-
tenment and strength of conscience from the people. There
was an attempt to systematize Kemalism as an original
mavement, that could be an example to the other develo-
ping nations
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Old Thursday, January 22, 2009
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The
Kadro
mavement of 1933 and 1934 was an intellec-
tual drive, introduced by a monthly review bearing the sa-
me name, to systematize the principles of Kemalism. it was
brought out by six Turkish intellectuals, who believed thatrevolutionary
Turkey was based on principles peculiar tc
itself, but these theories needed to be elaborated as a system
of thought.
Kadro
was published to serve this very purpose.
This author's evaIuation that follows is based on the ori-
ginal issues of the said reviewand
alsa on private talks
with two of its leading initiators, namely, Şevket Süreyya
Aydemir
(1887-1876) and Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu
(1889-1974).
One of the two leading intellectuals of the
Kadro
move-
ment was Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, whose life looked as if
it was an axis of the great movements of his time. Apart
from his brilliant autobiography,
The Man in Search
of
Water
(Suyu Arayan
Adam),
his works on Enver Paşa
(three vols.l , Mustafa Kemal
(The Unique Man,
three vols.l,
İsmet İnönü
(The Second Man,
three vols.) and Adnan
Menderes
(The Drama
of
Menderes)
may actually be con-
sidered a series connecting the events and problems of the
last one-hundred years, written in a resplendentstyle.
Born
in Edirne (Adrianople), a historlc town on the farthest Euro-
pean frontier of Turkey, he found himself as a young (bare
seventeen) teacher serving in the Caucasus and embroiled
in the Pan-Turkic mavement of the early 191O's. He had
gone to the Turkish-speaking
Azerbaijan to help unite the
Turks on the basis of language and race, but he himself
had fallen there under the influence of anather movement,
namely, the Bolshevik Revolution, which had engulfed the
Caucasus in the early 1920's. Consequent1y, he participated
in the First Congress of the Asian Peoples in Baku (Sep-
tember 1920) and in the Azerbaijan
Soviet. Bocoming a
member of the Turkish and the Soviet Communist Parties,
he spent same years in Moscow studying economics at
the newly-established
Asian Peoples University. Upon re-
turning to Turkey, he started writing in the progressive
Aydınlıl?' (Enlightenmentl.
But gradually
adapting himself to the Turkish envi-
ronment, he started to believe that new Turkey would pro-
bably follow a line of development peculiar to itself, that
it will not experience a classical capitalism, but will resort
more and more to state Ieadership and intervention.expressed th€se views Cinpage 24), as early as 1924, when
he and Prof. Sadreddin Celal published
Lenin and Leninism,
on the occasian of the passing away of the Soviet leader.
Such views later led to schism with his own party and the
Comintern. This did not, however, prevent his arrest and
conviction to ten years by a court in front of which he de-
fended univ€rsal socialism. He re-gained his freedam in
about a-year-and-a-half,
just enough for him to prepare
two works entitled "Alternatives of Economic Development
for Present-Day
Turkey"
and "Altwnatives
of Political
Development for Contemporary Turkey". He was arrested
once more, but acquitted at the and, the four-months impri-
sonment in betwe€n giving him the opportunity to pr€pare
a paper on "The Periodical Cycles of the Turkish Curr€ncy
and the Need for a Central Bank".
Şevket Süreyya was aIready systematizing same wor-
kable hypothesis for Turkish economic development when
he was given a pasition in the Ministry of Education. The
elementary train of thought, traceabl€ in the future issues
of the monthly
Kadro,
was summarized in a talk by him,
on January
15, 1931, delivered at the Turkish Club in An-
kara. In his talk, which Şevket Süreyya entitled as "the
Turkish Revalutian and !ts Principles", he underlined that
Turkey was still going through a revalutian, that this was
neither an administrative
change, nar mere reform, and
that it had international
significance in terms of its origi-
nality and influences. He defended the view that it passes-
sed all required theories, which was not yet systematized.
He suggested that a dynamic cadre of thinkers ought to
arrange, organize and classify the principles of our revalu-
tian and lead it to further conquests to meet the demands
of the time. This talk is generally regarded as the beginning
of the
Kadro
mavement.
The other creatar of the
Kadro
was Yakup Kadri, a
leading novelist and a prominent man of letters. Same fo-
reign critics have told this writer that Yakup Kadri was
among the greatest writers of our century. Each one of his
novels was a penetrating
study of a different era. In
The
Rented Mansion (Kiralık
Konak),
he analyzed the declininglife of the Tanzimat; in
The Night
of
Decision (Hüküm
Ge-
cesi) ,
he appraised the breakdown of the Union and Progress
Mavement of the Parliamentary
period; in
Sodom and Go-
mora,
he brought to the open the life of İstanbul und er
occupation; in
the Alien (Yaba.n),
he contrasted the Anato-
Uan peasant with the educated towns-people; and in An-
kara,
he compared the two states of the city during and
after the War of Liberation. Yakup Kadri assessed each
decade, with i15political and social characteristics,
coupled
with the perception
of an analytical
man-of-letters
who
could draw superb literary profiles. Yakup Kadri was the
link between Atatürk
and the board of writers of the
monthly review. it was him who defended the views of
this group of six intellectuals in front of Mustafa KemaL.
Part of Yakup Kadri's memoirs mayalsa
be found in
the
Artificial
Diplomat
(Zoraki Diplomat).
covering his ambas-
sadorship to Albania, Iran and Switzerland.
The
Kadro
mavement recognized Atatürk as the leader
of the Turkish Revalutian. However, the elite had failed to
arrange
methodically
the principles
that govemed
the
deeds of the leader. The need for systematization,
first
mentloued by Şevket Süreyya in a talk in 1931,was further
elaborated
in his
Revalutian
and the Cadre (İnkılap
ve
Kadro)
and in the issues of the monthly review.
What were the theses elaborated in them? Contempo-
rary society £in the world) had a signal and dominant cont-
radiction. that is, the struggle between capitalism and its
product, the proletarian
class. According to this view, the
colonies and the semi-colonies were only passive and de-
pendent entities. The socialist theory expected them to play
a subordinate, an inferior role in support of the working
class.
Kadro
differed in this interpretation.
it maintained
that Turkey could pass through a dissimilar route than
one saw in the contemporary industrialized societies of the
West.
Kadro
maintained
that (a) Turkey could avoid the
intensive class struggles that Europe had experienced, and
that (b) the colonies and the semi-colonies could play a
much more substantial,
significant
and self-reliant
role
than envisaged by the dominant socialist thinking of thetime. According to the
Kadro
movement, then, there were
two,
and not just one, international
contradictions or conf-
licts. In the second conf1ict, Turkey had aIready taken its
placej moreover, Turkey was leading a movement. it had
aIready taken a position, in favour of the colonies and the
semi-colonies against the Western metropoles and had sol-
ved that conflict (within its own national boundaries)
in
favour of the former.
Kadro
maintained that the most dis-
tinctive mark of Kemalism was its anti-imperialistic
cha-
racter. By virtue of what it had accompIished, this country
was aIready an example, aleader
to the group of societies
that resembled it. Mustafa Kemal had emphasized as early
as
1923:
"The present struggle of Turkey does not belong
to Turks only. The cause defended by us is the very cause
of aLLoppressed nations of the East." And again he said:
"I see the awakening of the Eastem peoples as I now see
the sun rising at daybreak. Imperialism and colonia1İsm
will be swept of the globe, and İn their place will rise an
era, inspired by a new understanding
of concordance and
collaboration, where there shall be no discrimination
of
colour or race."
According to the
Kadro,
the historical mission of Tur-
key was two-fold:
(1)
to be a successful example, for the
entire dependent peoples, in frustrating
imperialismj and
(2)
to eliminate the gigantic contradictions
and conflicts
that the typical industrialized Western capitaIist countries
have 8xperienced. In short,
Kadro
believed that such great
internal upheavals could be avoided. In the Western coun-
tries, where prlvate enterprise was the center of economic
activity, no miraele had yet been achieved to prevent inter-
class conflict,
Kadro
maintained. One can see a drive to
create a "elassless society" without going through class
struggles in Atatürk's speeches and attitudes as mu ch as
in the objective f10w of the Turkish experience. But this
required a systematization
and a methodology that should
be developed by an active group of cadres of leadership.
This strategy necessitated,
above all, an interventionist
state that would bring together all significant economic
activity that involved advanced technique and big capital.
it meant planned statism encompassing not only economielife, but alsa education, health, construction
and similar
topics important for the society at large.
The
Kadro
defended these views issue after issue, ably
and without falling into contradictions.
Its main contribu-
tion, namely, the analysis pertaining to the significance of
movements of national liberation and Turkey's place in
them, may be summarized as follows: (l) The movements
of national liberation are, by virtue of their historical origin,
the results of an economic and political conflict between
the colonizing countries on the one hand, and the colonies
as well as the semi-colonies on the other. This conflict ema-
nates from the very conditions created by the application
of machinery to industry and the concentration
of such in-
dustry in the hands of a few foreign centers. (2) The aim
of the movements of national liberation is to elimina-te this
contradiction, namely, the dependence of a group of coun-
tries and peoples on a set of others. (3) The removal of this
conflict is possible not by an introverted
passivity of the
dependent societies, but by the active and armed, national
struggle of the same a:gainst the dominant states. (4) The
ownership of the means of production lies at the basis of
the conflict. To avoid falling from one contradiction
to
another, (following victory at the end of a national struggle)
it is necessary to put advanced technologyand
important
economic activity under the control of the whole society. In
short, the purpose of the movements of national liberation
are two-fold : externally, to eliminate political and economic
dependence of foreign centers; and internally, to do away
with class domination aand hence with class struggles. (5)
Anather histarical mission of the national liberation mo-
vements is to bring to an end feudal relations and rem-
nan ts of institutions that suit the Middle Ages as much as
to prevent the birth of a new class war between capital and
labour.
Kadro
aimed not at the prevention of the struggles
of the working men, but the dominatian
of the private
entreprenseurs.
it was their belief that any movement of
national liberation unable to eradicate
these two contra-
dictions would, in the final analysis, be termed as deficient,
incompetent and reactionary.
(6) The Turkish national li-
beration movement, likewise, aims at a classless societynationally and the removal of the world conflict interna-
tionaIly.
(7)
All the colonial and semi-colonial peoples, irres-
pective of race and language, are expected to unite in this
double aim. (8) A mavement of national liberation is not
only
80
political, economic or
80
legal matter; it is an act of
re-birth of all nations participating
or expected to partici-
pate in such a movement. (9) Such movements hold high
the independence
and sovereignty of the nation. What is
at stake is not only the conquest of such independence and
sovereignty, but also their maintenance
and development.
Such an aim, by virtue of its nature, is against individualis-
tic, group or class hegemonies. (10) Turkey is a represen-
tative of national liberation, because that country has ta-
kGn up arms against colonialism, which is one of the grea-
test conflicts of our time, and has also brought down from
power the forces which represented the very conflict in the
domestic seene.
A detailed ddense of these views were taken up by the
Kadro.
it tried to define, for the first time among the Third
World countries, the place, the importance, the characte-
ristics and the probable results of the national liberation
movements and modern Turkey's connection to them.
Kadro
has considered itself
80
Kemalist publication.
it believed
itself to be loyal to the mission of explaining to the Turks
and the world at large the system of Mustafa KemaJ.'s
thought and actions. it defended the progressive and the
constructive aspects of the Turkish Revolution.
There is no dOll'bt that the most distinctive
mark of
Kemalism was its anti-imperialistic
character. The Turkish
Revolution ha,s been a source of inspiration for the elites
and the people of the former colonies in Asia and Africa.
Turkey's option for statism in the early 1930's related to
ideological commitments
lying at the basis of the new
Republic. It alsa derived from
80
pragmatic
consideration
of the country's economic experiences during the first de-
cade of Republica,n rule. it was assumed that the state
enterprises
would be more "national" than capitalist for-
mations and that the state would not encourage the exploi-
tation of the worker. Moreover, the Western economy, based on free enterprise,
was going through a big crisis,
which made it easier for the
Kadro
writers to defend their
principle of "transition to independent
economy". Premier
İnönü's inaugural speech on the Sıvas railway line, in which
he emphasized "moderate statism", indicated a search for
a new scheme of economic policies. An artiele written by
İnönü for the
Kadro,
entitled "The Statist Character of Our
Party", reiterated
the necessity for the state to lead the
process of industrialization.
Alsa, there was no sizable pri-
vate capital, at that time, that could be nationalized. Owing
to the effects of world economic crisis, Turkey had suffered
extreme price faIls in agrarian products. FinaIly, Atatürk's
fact-finding tour of the country between October 1930 and
March 1931 had convinced him of the need of state inter-
ventian to Iift the peasant out of his poverty. At its 1931
ConvEmtion, the principle of statism was identified as a
distinguishing
feature
of the Republican People's Party,
and in 1937, the same beeame a Constitutional artiele. The
Statc Plan, completed in 1932, laid emphasis on state fi-
nancing
of investments,
produetion
and marketing
in
textile, mining, chemicals, paper mill and ceramies. Turkey
avoided the web of internationalloans
and seeured a growth
rat e of about 9
%.
The
Kadro
mavement
was a signifieant
attempt
to
secure the systematization of the Turkish Revalutian. it was
protected by Atatürk and İnönü, but eritieism and eomp-
laints about the
Kadro
were often made to both. Same Left-
wingers described it as adiversion
from the Left, and same
Right-wingers
considered
it outright
Marxist. Diseussion
over it did not cease even after the
Kadro
stopped publi-
cation in 1934.
Whatever
impaet Kemalism might have made in the
world, espeeiaIly in terms of providing a model for anti-
imperialistie struggle and of development, the Turkish na-
tion had found in Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
what it was
waiting for the last two-hundred years. Same nations pro-
duce, at eritical periods, just the man to match the chaIlen-
ge of time. Such was the fortune of Turkey. With elear
visian, Atatürk refashioned anatian.
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Old Thursday, January 22, 2009
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Post in an appropriate manner. Just see how jumbled they look. Copy paste isnt a big deal. But one must read what one is posting at least for once, edit and arrange properly and then submit.
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