Why Muslim League-Q got defeated?
 

[FONT="Comic Sans MS"][SIZE="4"][COLOR="Blue"][B]Why Muslim League-Q got defeated?
by Zia Shahid
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The general elections 2008 results are as interesting as thought provoking. Nearly the whole spectrum of PML(Q) ministers including their central leader Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain got routed and the euphoria in the headlines on the morning after reverted that of 1970. This is time to explore the factors that contributed to the defeat of stalwarts like National Assembly Speaker Chaudhry Ameer Hussain, Sheikh Rashid, Khurshid Mehmood Qasuri, Ejazul Haq, Humayun Akhtar, Jehangir Tareen, Omar Ayub Khan, Wasi Zafar, Dr. Sher Afgan, Chaudhry Shahbaz Hussain and Sikandar Bosan.

The PML(Q) was widely believed to enjoy the patronage of President Pervez Musharraf and the elections results prove that the majority of the people of Pakistan dislike Musharraf government for one reason or another. As the election gradually turned into a direct contest between pro- and anti-Musharraf forces, the people’s verdict ensured that the PML(Q) was a casualty by default.

The positives of the Musharraf regime like economic improvement or the elimination of corruption at the highest crust were offset by the fact that the fruits of the economic growth failed to reach middle and lower classes. The response to this oft-repeated query at the government briefings in recent years failed to impress the general public.

The dazzling details of the mega projects with their financial outlay scaling billions of dollars failed to please the common man, befuddled by the spiralling prices of everyday commodities. The proverbial man in the street was unwilling to sit idle, waiting for the mythical trickle down benefits a la late Mehboob-ul-Haq to reach him. As the governmental measures were insufficient to redress his grievances, he has stamped his displeasure on the ballot paper.

The PML(Q)’s election campaign revolved around its developmental work especially those in the health and education sectors. To be fair, the PML(Q) spent heaps of money on development projects and accomplished a lot, especially in the province of Punjab. However, the PML(Q) government at the Centre amounted to little more than a fig leaf. Both Zafarullah Jamali and Shaukat Aziz lacked both popular approach and popular credentials. Shaukat Aziz’s carefully prepared presentations, depicting a rosy picture of the economy, were tailor-made for the bankers, industrialists and traders but the same failed to cut any ice with the masses. The political leadership of the ruling party grumbled that the unprecedented foreign currency reserves or mammoth mega projects could not fetch the public support. The perennially conflict between the technocrat and the politician circles haunted the smooth business of the government. At one point, the Chaudhry brothers even demanded the resignation of Shaukat Aziz but President Musharraf was able to quell the rebellion. Nonetheless, the PML(Q) government remained a tight fiscal manager to the end. The low priority assigned to the common man’s welfare boomeranged to the party candidates on February 18 with devastating results.

The PML(Q) emerged from the ruins of the erstwhile PML-N after the departure of Mian Nawaz Sharif and his retinue for Saudi Arabia. The PML(Q) was established with the express support (read patronage) of the establishment and could not expect genuine public support like the PPP or the PML-N. The PML(Q) formed the government after the general elections 2002 but the real powers and the decision-making authority continued to be exercised by the president cum COAS Pervez Musharraf. Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, being essentially a politician, prefers a negotiated solution to intricate political problems. However, most of his attempts to resolved issues like the Balochistan insurgency or the Lal Mosque siege scuttled at the ramparts of the ruling military clique. Consequently, the PML(Q) had to shoulder the blame, albeit somewhat unfairly, for most of the debacles that occurred over the past five years. Even if the PML(Q) leadership might not have been party to the conflagrating decisions, the accruing public anger reared to vent its ire against the PML(Q) government. Apart from the ideological vote bank of parties like the MQM or the ANP, the major chunk of the votes cast on February 18 bear an anti-government sentiment.

The public perception that President Musharraf wanted to see the PML(Q) triumphant at any cost, too, proved counter-productive for the PML(Q). President Musharraf used to publicly own the PML(Q) till the beginning of 2007. However, the situation underwent a metamorphosis when back door channels opened between the president and late Benazir Bhutto. It is beside the point whether the move was a result of the pressure exerted by the US and its Western allies or an outcome of the presidential think-tanks in Islamabad. The return of Benazir Bhutto was facilitated by the promulgation of the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO), endorsed by the ruling party. This turn of the events prompted the Saudi government to seek the return of its protégé Nawaz Sharif. The entry of two political heavyweights automatically relegated the PML(Q) to a lower rung. The president‘s public appeals for electing moderate and progressive forces were presumed to include parties like the PPP and the ANP as well. At this juncture, the Anglo-Saxon propaganda machine entered the fray with the plank that an effective strategy for war on terror necessitated that President Musharraf joined hands with Benazir Bhutto. Mohatarma was herself on record to have stated that President Musharraf had gone back on his promises to scrap 58-2-B, eliminate the restrictions on former prime ministers and hold free and fair elections. Reportedly, the PML(Q) forcefully resisted the negotiated package between the president and the PPP. As the president needed the PML(Q)’s support for his presidential election, the idea was shelved, albeit temporarily. However, the perception that the president could envisage working with the PPP, did not redound to the political prestige of the PML(Q).

Even before Benazir Bhutto landed at the Karachi airport on October 18, it was clear that the road to power lay open before her. All the vibes and subtle signals pointed in this direction. There were voices of dissent among the ranks of the PML(Q), which believed that such an impression would spell its electoral doom. However, the PML(Q) was forced to swallow the bitter pill of NRO. Despite that, it could not evade the appellation of Qatil League in the wake of the tragic events of Rawalpindi on December 27. The PML(Q) delegation was not allowed to visit Naudero to offer condolences. As Benazir Bhutto had herself nominated Pervaiz Elahi as one of her potential assassins, the public wrath at her assassination could only have been directed at the PML(Q), which has borne the brunt of public revenge at the polling booths.

The PML(Q) designed its electoral strategy on the dual planks of its development record and strong electable candidates. However, the party failed to exonerate itself of the responsibility for the crises of flour, gas, sugar and electricity. The PML(Q) largely failed to take off the stigma of Shaukat Aziz government. Shujaat Hussain approached Lal Mosque priests and Mushahid Hussain admitted mistakes vis-à-vis the judiciary and the media but it was all too little, too late. Meanwhile, Nawaz Sharif had successfully associated himself with the lawyers’ movement. The lawyer community supported the PML-N across the country. The restrictions slapped on the media had alienated the press and that, too, went against the incumbent political party.

The advertisement campaign of the PML(Q) either harped upon the strain of its development work or drew upon the trite allegation of being corrupt or anti-state. The masses were anxious to hear about commodities crisis instead of ideological clichés. The PML(Q) failed to promise the change so eagerly sought by the common man.

A major factor behind the defeat of the PML(Q) is the curious tradition of each military regime lasting for roughly a decade. Both Ayub Khan and Ziaul Haq ruled for 10 years each. Now that Musharraf has been at the helm of the affairs for eight years, the public desire for change has resulted in the election results on Monday.

The majority of the people of Pakistan have not yet owned the war on terror as it rages across the northern tribal belt in Pakistan. It is widely believed to be an American war, imposed upon Pakistan. Some rather muted statements by Benazir Bhutto regarding Waziristan and Dr. Qadeer Khan had raised fears for her security. Even if the investigation into her assassination is far from over, the arrests made so far unmistakably point towards the warlord Baitullah Mehsud. In this context, the repeated assertions of allegiance to President Musharraf on the part of the PML(Q) established it as the primary source of political strength for President Musharraf. As the masses opposed the policies of President Musharraf, they decided to hit the PML(Q) to weaken the president. The PML(Q) hoped against hope that the establishment would bail them out but Sheikh Rashid has reportedly observed that the president had switched over to neutrality several months ago. On the contrary, the election results are being flaunted as a proof of the transparency of the electoral process.

The PML(Q) has been comprehensively defeated. Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain is an immaculately well-mannered person. While conceding his defeat, he has vowed continued support for President Musharraf. Whether President Musharraf needs his support any longer is an entirely different proposition. An even more interesting question pertains to the likely flux of defections from the ranks of the PML(Q) during the next few days. It is all part of our political kaleidoscope, chequered but enthralling all the same.
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