The Great Game
August 4, 2009


A report released by the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House of Commons, while focusing on the causes of Britain's less than satisfactory performance in the fight against militancy in Afghanistan, also makes certain pertinent observations about Pakistan's situation, especially in the context of the War on Terror, which need comments.
It would be hard to deny that the Army continues to have a predominant role in the affairs of the state but, quite evidently, its causes are rooted in the ground realities that did not provide the civilian order an opportunity to assume an undisputed control for a period stretching long enough for it to become the norm of running the country. The Army intervened to assert its authority and upset the civilian applecart, barely when it appeared to have been properly arranged, like, for instance, Gen Zia's coup that ousted a most popularly elected leader Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Thus, democracy could not find its feet in the politics of Pakistan. The present government, coming into office after eight years of General Musharraf's dictatorial rule and inheriting a bitter legacy, would need more time to take full control of its policies. Nevertheless, the report's apprehensions about the nuclear insecurity emanating from Pakistan are unfounded since its assets are now under strict command and control. It should have taken note of the existence of unsafe nuclear material in some other places of the world.
Pakistan is indeed crucial to a successful campaign in Afghanistan, as the report points out. Pakistan cannot be blamed for not doing enough to defeat the forces of militancy and extremism; it has stretched its resources to the maximum. However, important NATO countries have to overcome their reluctance to commit themselves fully to achieve the required results. Instead, the report aptly says, the drone attacks by the US are muddying the waters and by no means helping to win the hearts and minds of the tribesmen, whom Pakistan is left to deal with. Besides, nothing tangible is in sight about the promised economic and social development of the troubled areas. The longer it takes to deliver on the ground, the worse will be the situation on the War on Terror. Washington is also paying little heed to Islamabad's complaint that outside forces, New Delhi and Kabul, are interfering in Balochistan and FATA, aiding and abetting the insurgents. Unless the US corrects its own perspective, the countries that have joined up in this cause would continue to suffer along with it.


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Revitalising Parliament
August 4, 2009


A heavy agenda awaits the Parliament in days to come. After the SC verdict, the fate of 37 ordinances passed after the November 3 emergency has to be decided. With a strong opposition in Parliament the government will have to work hard to evolve a consensus on controversial issues. A PML-N leader has already said his party would carefully study each and every ordinance before voting.
The government has to play a leading role to make the parliament active. Issues like the formation of the Islamabad High Court urgently need to be taken to the relevant parliamentary committee. Important, and in cases highly controversial questions, have to be taken up in days to come, including the fate of Gen. (retd) Pervez Musharraf. A number of political parties are strongly in favour of prosecuting the former dictator. President Zardari's spokesman Farhatullah Babar has however maintained that humiliation already undergone by the former dictator, combined with exile, is sufficient punishment for him. There is also the divisive issue of the NRO, which according to the Attorney General has ceased to exist while Information Minister Kaira believes the SC verdict has had no bearing on the NRO. In case the Ordinance was to be put to vote, it would be opposed by the PML-N, Q- League and a number of smaller groups.
The Parliament cannot afford to move in a leisurely fashion as it has done in the past. To ensure the passage of ordinances and laws the treasury has to activate its whips to ensure quorum, which has often broken in the NA and Senate. Relevant ministers and secretaries have to be present in the house during debates on motions and question hours. The Parliament has to realise that unless it puts is act together, its space is going to be encroached upon by the courts or the street power, which is by no means a healthy trend. It has to concentrate more than it is doing on law making and on debating matters of vital national importance. The grievances of Balochistan and South Punjab have to be taken up on an urgent basis and decisions taken. Prime Minister Gilani says the joint strength of the PPP and PML-N is not enough to strike down 17th amendment and 58(2) b. For this a strategy needs to be worked out with the PML-N.


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Gojra riots
August 4, 2009


PRESIDENT Asif Zardari showed his commitment to the Christians of Pakistan by intervening personally in the crisis that resulted from the burning of Christian homes in Gojra, by sending Minorities Affairs Minister Shahbaz Bhatti to the area to persuade Christians to end their protest, as the government was taking due action. Though the laying of blasphemy charges came as a shock to the local Christian community, there is no justification for the protests to turn violent. Matters must be settled in a peaceful manner, preferably in court. There must be no excuse for a pogrom. Indeed, the inclusion of blasphemy in the Pakistan Penal Code, which covers all religions, was designed just so that no one took the law into their own hands, on the excuse of blasphemy. That part of the PPC was extended to enhance considerably punishments against Islam in the Zia era, but it should not be interpreted as a blanket permission to target non-Muslims, as unfortunately it seems to have been, even though Islam has a long tradition of tolerance of minorities.
There is also the saying of the Quaid-e-Azam, in his address to the Constituent Assembly, which promises the minorities in Pakistan tolerance. Thus the concern of the President, and of the Punjab Chief Minister, who announced compensation of Rs 500,000 for each bereaved family, is easily understood. This episode should not have happened, but it did. Something is obviously wrong in the republic, which needs fixing.


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Deadlock persists
August 4, 2009


THE reason for the failure of the fourth round of talks between the two major components of the Sindh coalition is the MQM's reluctance to withdraw the petition from the Sindh High Court against the ban imposed by Chief Minister Qaim Ali Shah against the sale, lease or purchase of land by the City District Government Karachi. Since the MQM leadership has lost any hope of the resolution of dispute through negotiation with the provincial government it has now decided to take up the issue with President Zardari. The MQM is the only party in the present ruling set-up that is not only opposed to the abolition of the Devolution Plan but also to any change in the existing system of local governance. One wonders how much ground the PPP can concede to the MQM on the issue when its leadership is not comfortable with the idea of devolving the authority of provinces to the lower tiers of the administration. It seems difficult to break the deadlock that persists despite a series of meetings between the two coalition partners.

1. After Mehsud.


WHILE the reported death of TTP Chief Baitullah Mehsud can rightly be claimed as a great victory in the fight against the local Taliban, it would be dangerous to conclude that this signals the end of militant extremism in the country in any way. Mehsud was a highly dreaded persons and was accused of orchestrating the assassination of Benazir Bhutto though he had denied the accusation. The TTP had however claimed responsibility for a number of deadly terrorist attacks inside Pakistan, that caused devastation and killed scores of innocent people, including the attacks on the Police Training Center at Manawan and the ISI office in Lahore. He was accused of having established centers for the training of suicide bombers and of recruiting hundreds of youth for the purpose. That there was a dramatic decline in the incidents after the army blockaded South Waziristan would justify the accusation. Baitullah Mehsud was the organisational brain in the TTP. In December 2007, he rallied a number of disparate militant groups around him to form the TTP while in February this year, he succeeded in forging alliance with Mullah Nazir and Hafiz Gul Bahadur, thus forming Shura Ittehad-ul-Mujahideen (SIM) to secure his position against a military operation that he feared was imminent. As thoroughly ruthless man he frequently resorted to assassination to remove any person who had the potential to challenge his authority, Qari Zainuddin being his latest victim. His death would be a major set back for the militants across the country. The earlier departure of Nek Mohammad and Abdullah Mehsud from scene failed to put an end to militancy. Baituallah Mehsud is leaving behind an experienced second and third tier of leadership, thousands of fighters and an apparatus of inflicting terror. The top leadership of Swat TTP is not only alive but has also succeeded in saving the major chunk of its fighters. The military operation in Swat has succeeded in dislodging the Taliban from major towns but has failed to eliminate them with the result that they have spread to other areas. In days to come there is a possibility of retaliatory attacks to avenge the death of Baitullah Mehsud. The government cannot therefore afford to relax its vigilance.
Militancy has deep roots in society and unless the environment, which provides it nourishment is taken care of, the death of Mehsud would be no more than a temporary set back to those challenging the writ of the state. The government has to adequately address the phenomenon of poverty in general and of land hunger in rural areas in particular. It has to provide education that enables the youth to undertake meaningful economic activity. An unemployed and disoriented youth is liable to fall victim to extremism and militancy.


2. Alarming prospects.


IF Balochistan Minister for Excise and Taxation Rustam Jamali's murder was indeed a random act of violence, it would make no difference to the way this sad incident would be interpreted by the already disturbed and alienated inhabitants of the province. Though some preliminary evidence would suggest this was an attempted car-snatching, not a targeted killing, the fact that several Baloch leaders have been killed in the recent past would definitely cause many to wonder the accuracy of the afore mentioned theory.
This is exactly what happens when the state refuses to respond to problems the way it should. When institutional weaknesses disallow for there to be clear debate on the government's stance on, say, the Balochistan issue, it is automatically assumed by the polity that any and all unsavoury incidents are a part of the establishment's plan to "rectify" the situation. Even if the establishment isn't involved in a particular incident, it certainly has cultivated an image for itself that suggests otherwise. Another example of the state not responding properly to specific situations is the law and order situation in Karachi. True, our commercial capital is one of the larger cities of the region. All that money and all those people make for a high crime rate; it is the same thing all over the world. But when political expediency prevents the government from taking action against political parties that patronize, or perhaps lead, huge networks of crime, there is bound to be uncertainty and a haze over any and all actions of the state. There is no confidence in the efficacy of the law enforcement and investigation agencies.
An atmosphere where there is disbelief in assurances from the police and judiciary that issues will be settled as per the due course of the law is a breeding ground for conspiracies theories, which even if they aren't true, have the potential of being followed up on. The late Mr Jamali came from a notable family of politicians. In his death, the province's and the country's loss is immense.




3. It's not cricket.


THE malaise that is afflicting Pakistan cricket is one of incompetence at the very top. The present PCB Chairman, Mr Ijaz Butt, is simply not up to the job, and there must be something wrong in the system of nomination that puts him in the job. True, apart from a playing career that, while not distinguished, was certainly more distinguished than his predecessor, he has also had more than one stint at the PCB. But being part of the PCB when it was still very much an amateur show, does not qualify anyone to become head of what, because of TV rights and a share in ICC revenues, has become a multimillion-dollar enterprise. The PCB head should be someone with a revolutionary agenda, with new ideas and concepts, like Imran Khan. That assumes that the appointment, as at present, will continue to be centrally controlled. The best course would be to allow the PCB to have its own constitution, and proceed to the election of a President. However, if that is not to be followed, then the appointment should be carefully considered. Mr Butt should not be allowed undue credit for the winning of the ICC TwentyTwenty trophy, because the real test of a team is Test cricket, not the shortest format of the game. And in that, Pakistan has crashed to a humiliating defeat against Sri Lanka, against which it won the TwentyTwenty final. The defeat by Sri Lanka in 50-over one-dayers is merely an addition. It is clear that Mr Butt has failed the test. He must make way for someone better qualified.


4. Protecting minorities.


THE gory incident in Gojra is yet another grim reminder of the state of minorities in the country. The Prime Minister, who visited the area along with the Punjab's Chief Minister, placated the Christian citizens of Gojra by promising to review blasphemy laws in addition to pledging Rs. 100 million in compensation to the families whose homes were burnt down by the marauding mob. Few rational individuals would find fault with amending the blasphemy laws which are heavily tilted against the minorities of the country and allow Muslims to get away scot-free when they hurt the feelings of other religious communities in a far worse manner. But the fact of the matter is that Gojra's incident would have taken place no matter what the law was; the letter of the law wasn't allowed to be applied in the first place by the mob. In which case, it means the fault lies with the capacity of the police department to deal with such situations and their competence. Law and order is a provincial subject. The Chief Minister, who also holds the Home portfolio, needs to get his act together.

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CSS 2009, 2010, 2011 Qualifier

1. Future of TTP.


THE TTP did not announce the death of Baitullah Mehsud for a number of days presumably because it has yet to agree on a successor. To many this would be indicative of internal rifts. There are reportedly a number of claimants to the leader's mantle including Baitullah's right hand man Hakimullah Mehsud, co-tribesman Azmatullah Mehsud and spokesman Mufti Waliur Rehman. As Baitullah was heading a coalition of militant groups, difficulties in contacting them might also have stood in the way of choosing the successor. It remains to be seen if the TTP manages to remain as united as it was under its deceased chief. However, the attack by Mehsud loyalists on rival Turkestan Bhitni's recruiting centre in Tank, leading to the death of 20, indicates that the apparatus he created remains intact and highly lethal.
The Pakistan government is likely to come under pressure from Washington to make use of the confusion prevailing in the TTP and press ahead with the much awaited operation in South Waziristan. While there is a need to increase pressure on the militants to maintain the momentum, the decision to induct ground troops in the Agency must not be taken in haste. Baitullah's death presents the government an opportunity to bolster the authority of the Mehsud tribal elders despite most having been eliminated by the TTP chief. The matter needs to be discussed with the present and former parliamentarians from the area who are reportedly unhappy over the patronisation of Turkestan Bhitni by the army. Similarly there is a need to probe the effect the killing of the TTP chief might have produced on militant leaders in the two Waziristan Agencies like Maulvi Nazir, Hafiz Gul Bahadur, Maulvi Sadiq Noor. It remains to be seen if they are amenable to reason now. What with its inhospitable terrain and battle-hardened tribesmen armed with modern weapons, the operation in South Waziristan would be no cakewalk. Diplomacy must therefore never be abandoned. While Baitullah is no more on the scene, his terror apparatus remains intact. This was indicated by a number of events on Friday. A search operation in Swat led to the killing of six militants while in Buner 50 laid down arms. In Lower Dir, five schools were torched and seven militants shot. Fearing a reaction from the TTP network in Punjab, the government had to launch a crack down on seminaries and suspected hideouts leading to scores of arrests. The government faces the onerous task of fighting the militants while simultaneously trying to improve the working of its security agencies. Whether the TTP remain united or not, the government cannot afford to lower its guard.


2. Turmoil in Parliament.


THE government's attempt to pass the election law amendment which abolished the BA condition for candidates ended abruptly with the PML(N) walking out in protest. The passage of the bill had been approved by the Cabinet because court decisions had made the condition nonexistent, and there was now simply the question of amending the laws accordingly. The PML(N) did not walk out because it opposed the bill, but because of the manner of its presentation, and the absence of any consultation with it. The PML(N) was protesting one of the fuzzy areas in the life of a coalition, but it ended up highlighting something of which it too has been guilty of while it was in government: the tendency of the executive to regard the legislature as a mere rubberstamp. It is bad enough for a single-party government to take that view, but for a government which depends for its survival on the support of other parties, the most important not being even in the Cabinet, it is a risky strategy, which should not be risked. The executive should keep in mind that Parliament is the forum where all parties with representation there will express their thoughts about whatever legislative measures that the government will present. If the parties, especially those without representation in Cabinet, do not use Parliament to express their views, they will be left no other option except undemocratic means of expression. Therefore, the ruling party does not take a serious view of such protests out of a fanatical loyalty to the democratic ideal, but because it is its own best interest. However, the government could have pre-empted this PML(N) move by allowing it to debate the amendment act. As it is, the PML(N) has brought the bill back into debate by its walkout. Apart from this bill, the government should offer the rest of its legislative agenda for examination as to which bills the (PML)N, or indeed any other party, wants to debate. The government should keep in mind that nothing transpiring on the floor is final, so the parties should be left to speak in Parliament.



3. A mere semantic shift.


THE Obama administration's strategy to replace the terminology in vogue in the Bush era to describe the US-led invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan with another set of words, seemingly less offensive to the Muslim world, has failed to cut much ice. The reason is very simple. The policy, both in essence and in appearance, has remained the same. Mr John Brennan, head of the White House homeland security office, in a speech before a Washington's think-tank argued that the US now regarded these wars as "war with Al-Qaeda" and its extremist allies since the previous terms were acutely evocative of hard feelings among Muslims. He was right in assuming that the expression like "war against jihadists" was counterproductive because the word 'jihadists' signified to purify oneself or a holy struggle for a moral cause and, thus, provided the insurgents a handle to exploit and gain recruits. He also dismissed expression, 'war on terrorism' or a "global war", since they did not portray the real purpose that was to eliminate Al-Qaeda.
The choice of words could induce the people to review their perceptions but the effect would be soon lost if there is no corresponding, concrete and tangible shift in policy. Drone attacks on the Pakistani soil, the widespread surveillance programme and the possibility of indefinite detention of terrorist suspects are obvious examples of the continuation of the hateful policies of the Bush administration. This semantic shift is likely to be treated with derision.



4. Intolerable insult.


THE incident of an American security official pointing a gun at a local police official as he was passing by the US Embassy in Islamabad with his family is highly offensive to the dignity of the country. The SHO has also alleged that the security man, who holds a diplomatic status, used abusive and humiliating language against Pakistan. Washington must realise that the fault lies with the arrogance of power that certain senior US officials at times show to register their country's global dominant status, little appreciating that it might filter down to the junior level and could be seriously mishandled. Understandably, the disgraceful behaviour has provoked countrywide adverse reaction and the Foreign Office has felt compelled to take notice. Its spokesman has been quoted as saying that the diplomat could be deported after declaring him as persona non grata. There should be no second thoughts and the concerned person should be expelled from the country without further delay.

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CSS 2009, 2010, 2011 Qualifier

1. Musharraf's prosecution.


PM Gilani's promise to prosecute former President Musharraf in case of a unanimous resolution by Parliament has been rightly interpreted by many as government's disinclination to initiate proceedings against him under Article 6 of the Constitution. Mian Nawaz Sharif has termed this an attempt to protect the former military ruler. Former President SCBA Aitzaz Ahsan has maintained that after the July 31 Supreme Court judgement, it is not binding on the government to take the matter to Parliament and it is within its right to straightaway get a case of high treason registered against him. So far the only defence offered for the government's hesitation is by Federal Minister Khurshid Shah who says the action could open a Pandora's Box as the former President is likely to rope in those who assisted him. While Musharraf mentioned in the November 3 order that he had been discussing the situation, which justified the action at a number of forums, he did not specifically say the decision was taken at any of these forums. As he was the COAS at the time, discipline required that the armed forces carry out his orders even if they disagreed with them. It can thus be maintained that he alone bore the responsibility for imposing the emergency. Those who demand Musharraf's trial maintain that unless Article 6 of the Constitution is invoked, military adventurers would not be deterred from overthrowing elected administrations in days to come. Failure to indict Musharraf would indicate that civilian governments continue to lack the will to bring coup-makers to justice and Parliament is spineless and ineffectual. Lack of action would turn out to be demoralising as it would again show that while elected civilian leaders overthrown in coups can be dragged to courts and humiliated before being hanged or exiled, those in uniform despite violating the Constitution remain exempt from punishment determined for them in the basic law.
While Mian Nawaz has assured the government his party opposes any unconstitutional change in the set-up and warned of strong public sentiment against the former President. There is a need to heed the wake-up call. On Sunday, Baloch leader Shahzain Bugti held Musharraf responsible for the promotion of the secessionist sentiment in the province. Instead of leaving the issue of Musharraf's future to the street power or the courts, the government should itself get the case registered. The courts should then decide it on merit so that justice should not only be done but also seem to have been done.


2. Fate of local governments.


THE delay in presidential assent to the proposed appointment of administrators in place of district nazims, coupled with contradictory statements made by PPP ministers and other government functionaries over the timeframe given to the Law Ministry for furnishing its report to the Presidency, have made the confusion worse confounded about the fate of local governments. While Farhatullah Baber maintains that the Law Ministry would submit its report by the next week, Minister of State for Law and Justice Afzal Sindhu believes that it has yet to decide whether to endorse the appointment of administrators.
PML(N)'s desperation to get the existing Devolution Plan abolished is not hard to fathom but Punjab Law Minister Rana Sanaullah must have deliberately overlooked the ongoing tussle between the coalition partners in Sindh just to prove his point that there was consensus among all the provinces over the appointment of administrators in local governments. The MQM is resisting the move and has challenged Chief Minister Qaim Ali Shah's order to ban the sale, purchase and lease of land by the District Government of Karachi. The issue remains unresolved despite a series of meetings by a recently constituted committee comprising members of both parties. The MQM's reluctance to endorse the abolition of the existing system of local governance would certainly make it difficult for the PPP's Sindh leadership to implement the proposed appointment of administrators.
Little wonder the PML(N) doesn't want to settle for anything short of abolishing the system though it is more like throwing the baby with the bathtub. The system has not been as bad as being painted; it has provided relief to the common man at his doorstep. The focus should be on making it more effective instead of going through a fresh experimentation that the country can hardly afford when it is confronted with serious challenges.



3. Death of a dacoit.


WHILE the death of Rehman Baloch, commonly called Rehman Dacoit, would bring relief to those who have suffered at his hands or were living in dread of his exploits, the manner of his death, by police encounter, would raise eyebrows. In the eyes of many, it is hard to differentiate between target killing and death by encounter. The question is that if the law enforcement agencies knew that he had been ruling the roost in Karachi's Lyari area, committing crimes freely for years, why they did not act to stop his activities and try him in a court of law. Interestingly, he is reported to have escaped from police custody on several occasions although he was involved not only in robberies but also in the commission of a large number of other crimes and the Sindh government had put Rs 5 million on his head.
The law and order situation in the country as a whole continues to be dismal, and Karachi, the hub of industry and commerce, gets the cake. Hundreds have died as a result of target killing by rival groups there in recent months. On the other hand, though global economy is showing signs of picking up, we have not been able to show any recovery despite heavy injection of money from outside. Somehow, our leadership has so far failed to appreciate the connection between crime and economy. Otherwise, it would have paid the utmost attention to improving the law and order situation. Would that the death of Rehman Dacoit ginger it up!




4. Pre-Ramzan inflation.


SADLY enough, the rise in the price of kitchen items before and during Ramzan has become a permanent feature. While this is a poor reflection on corrupt elements in the merchant community that easily succumb to evil practices like the hoarding of kitchen items to create an artificial shortage for profiteering purposes, the government on its part cannot escape the blame for not doing enough to crack down on those who are responsible for shortages and high prices. At the end of the day, it is the general public that has to bear the brunt of the government's indifference and the merchants' greed. In this point it is worthwhile mentioning that there has been and abrupt 20 percent hike in the price of food items like meat, sugar, pulses, etc. The situation is so bad that even in Sunday Bazaars where the shopkeepers are meant to follow the official price list, the customers are complaining that they are being over charged. It appears as if the price inspectors and special magistrates are not attending to their job of inspecting the markets. The Punjab government in these times of distress and skyrocketing inflation must take concrete measures to stabilize prices.

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CSS 2009, 2010, 2011 Qualifier

1. Challenging task ahead.


WHILE the Prime Minister's reaffirmation to reconstruct the militancy-hit Malakand Division is welcome, it is pertinent to stress that the job should be taken up in all earnestness and without loss of time. The people, who had moved to safer places in other parts of the country when the fighting between the terrorists and the military was raging, are already returning to their homes. Too much delay in rebuilding their homes and businesses is going to disappoint them, and is likely to create space for extremists to exploit. And as Prime Minister Yousuf Reza Gilani promised, the development ought to be in all comprehensiveness as well. That should include an understanding of the actual message of Islam, which stipulates a reorientation of the old-fashioned madrassas. Besides, there is need to lay a wide network of schools and colleges to impart modern knowledge and set up the infrastructure for socio-economic development to bring the local population into the mainstream of Pakistan's life. It is good that Mr Gilani paid a visit to the valley to get the real feel of the sufferings of the people, gather an idea of the extent of the task involved and addressed the local people at Saidu Sharif. He was accompanied by Punjab Chief Minister Mian Shahbaz Sharif, COAS Gen Ashfaq Kayani and Chairman Special Support Group Lt Gen Nadeem Ahmad. Mr Gilani's words that the militants were divided and on the run, and his statement that the Army would stay in Malakand Division to ensure against their regrouping and till the reconstruction work was complete, must have given the local population an added sense of security and lifted its spirits. To fulfil Mr Gilani's promises, the authorities would have to demonstrate deep commitment. Completely rooting out the menace of extremism by itself is a challenging task, let alone the sustained effort required to undo the damage their acts of brutality caused. A vital input - funds - is not forthcoming in the required amount. Except for the government's Rs 50 billion and the US contribution of around $330 million, not many Western nations have come forward to donate, though they would never cease talking about the danger to their security emanating from the soil of Pakistan. It seems that either the government has to mount a hectic effort to persuade the so-called Friends of Democratic Pakistan to chip in enough money or dig deep into its own thinly furnished pocket. In any case, it must slash non-development expenditure and exercise austerity.


2. Deaths in Balochistan.


THE killing by the Balochistan Republican Army of its remaining 10 policeman captives may well reflect that organization's mindless brutality, but it also represents the failure of the government, which well knows the solution to the problem, but has not implemented it, or even moved towards its implementation. The BRA has killed the remainder of its police hostages left from the initial bloodletting, in which it killed eight of the 18 policemen it had kidnapped on July 30, along with 11 labourers, from Chhattar in Naseerabad district. In a vain attempt to stop that incident, four members of a pursuing police party, including a DSP, were killed. However, the labourers were all released by the kidnappers.
The government, in the person of the President, Asif Zardari, who is also co-Chairman of the PPP, had already apologized to the Baloch for past wrongs. The Balochistanis not only shared in the PPP's mandate in the Centre, but also installed the PPP in the province itself, with its own Chief Minister for the first time since 1977. President Zardari had set up a committee to prepare for an All-Parties Conference on the province. Recently, in his Sharm Al-Sheikh meeting with Indian PM Dr Manmohan Singh, Prime Minister Yousuf Reza Gilani had the issue of Balochistan included in the final communiqué, which caused Dr Singh a lot of trouble in the Indian Parliament.
Apart from the genuine grievances of the Baloch, which include a continuing refusal by the central government to implement truly the provincial autonomy given by the Constitution, there are two other potent factors. First, so many years of military rule, under which the Baloch suffered more than others. Second, the accusation made to Dr Singh: that India (and Afghanistan) were supplying the Baloch money. Baloch nationalists should remember that they only do themselves a disservice by taking Indian help, and the only path for them is dialogue. The government should also remember that its only path out of the situation is that same dialogue.




3. An ugly incident.


THE clash at the Punjab University between the IJT and the University administration that left a number of students injured leaves a bad taste in the mouth. Broadly speaking, this is a far cry from the discipline that should be the trademark of prestigious educational institutions like the PU. Things got out of control when the IJT activists refused to remove the admission stall it had set up. Though the university administration says that what the IJT was doing was an illegal act, the fact remains that it takes two to tango. One cannot help but hold both sides responsible for the violence. Two of the students were so badly injured that they had to be shifted to the hospital and therefore the possibility of more violence coming from both sides to avenge themselves cannot be ruled out. The university administration must exercise restraint and try to hammer out an amicable solution. Incidents of the sort would only bring a bad name to the University and tarnish its image as one of the premier institutions of higher learning in the country. While there is no disputing the reality that the energy and zeal of the students has to be provided with proper outlets within the parameters defined by the academic world, they are also supposed to maintain discipline. There is also no point in the university administration becoming harsh with them.



4. Persisting with VIP culture.


FEDERAL Religious Affairs Minister Allama Hamid Saeed Kazmi has good news for intending pilgrims: those who missed the draw over the past two years can perform Haj now. At a press conference in Islamabad on Monday, he briefed journalists about the number of pilgrims performing Haj under the official scheme and the arrangements made for their accommodation while keeping it secret that the ministry did not have to hold draw because the number of applications were far less than the available slots. It is, however, disturbing to find the government restoring the Haj quota of the President, the PM and the members of Parliament. The decision badly reflects on the current democratic dispensation, which does not tire of reaffirming its pledge to do away with the VIP culture. Those running the Ministry of Religious Affairs should not ignore the fact that the additional cost for the "all-expenses-paid" junket of the 'privileged 7630' will be borne either by the government itself or by ordinary pilgrims. The decision therefore needs to be reversed.

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CSS 2009, 2010, 2011 Qualifier