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Old Friday, April 23, 2010
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Exclamation Why is the president scared of political actors? By Shaheen Sehbai

WASHINGTON: President Asif Ali Zardari claims, almost unabashedly, that he has surrendered his constitutional powers voluntarily and happily but the fiendish smile he always carries on most media events betrays this claim. He is in the habit of fighting until the last moment when ultimately, and quickly, he surrenders without any qualms. He calls it smart politics. But this politics has turned him into a laughing stock, at home and abroad.

His latest outbursts in Bahawalpur, (bharaks in Seraiki) against political actors out to get him was a typical manifestation of this ‘fight-to-the-last’ mindset. A top lawyer, who has enjoyed considerable respect despite his PPP roots, says Zardari cannot outgrow the jail syndrome he had developed during his long years of incarceration. In jail the first priority is to survive, protect yourself, your assets and then, if you succeed, your kith and kin and finally your politics and future. Even in the Presidency, Zardari thinks he is in a jail, a well protected, better decorated jail.

Inside the prison, the first objective for an influential, moneyed person is to develop a network of loyalists who can bypass the jail procedures, the manual, deceive the jailors, provide facilities to make life easy, bribe or negotiate with captors and judges and find conduits to communicate with the outside world. This is what Zardari did in his years of jail. He developed the hard core of his cronies — a jail doctor, a hospital owner, a business caretaker, a protocol provider, a media handler, a few political artists, a number of mafia-type jobbers, some trouble shooters, a couple of well-dressed attack dogs and a bunch of gun-wielders who he calls as his loyal security guards.

This was his entire world, political and business included, when he suddenly found himself into the national hot seat after a colossal tragedy in which his own wife was assassinated. He quickly got his jail team with special skills around him and suppressed every other sane voice, adviser or friend who talked about the new larger than life role that destiny had thrust on him.

The recipe he chose was one of total disaster and within two years he has reached the point when he had to surrender all that he declared was vital to his power and survival, political and financial. Yet he smiles and claims victory.

His presidential powers are gone, despite the best delaying tactics that he could deploy. His strategies have failed miserably, examples being not restoring the judges, toppling the Sharif brothers in the Punjab, resisting the nullification of the NRO, getting money from the so-called Friends of Pakistan, appointing his own judges, taking over the ISI, dictating the India and Afghan policy, running the day-to-day government, buying over the media and finally keeping the PPP under his thumb.

Almost all of these failures were pointed out by the “political actors” Zardari is so scared of. It were these very critics and unofficial but sincere advisers who were telling him to take these decisions in time but he did not and thus faced disaster after disaster.

Some of the above failures may not be entirely visible as of now but the damage has been done. For instance, the courts have yet to decide, but quickly, how his Swiss accounts are to be treated, or whether he can keep the offices of the president and the PPP co-chairperson, or whether he was qualified to contest for the office of president.

Whatever more is to come will also be largely because of the pressure and guidance of these very “political actors” because they have been proven right day after day, week after week and all along. When the Swiss cases will be opened, the credit will go to the courts but also to these actors whom Zardari genuinely dreads.

In all this mayhem that he created around himself, Zardari has adopted the policy of “offence is the best defence”. He has now shown that he unleashes his attack dogs as his first response against critics. They make wild accusations and tall claims and trash the opponents without any decency. They humiliate everyone, be they the respected judges, senior politicians, credible mediapersons or powerful generals in uniform.

If their attacks do not succeed, these attack dogs quickly recede into their shells claiming “we are Jiyalas of PPP and we will defend our leadership, come what may.”Then the leadership crumbles and concedes even what should not have been given up, had a decent and honourable principled negotiating process been adopted. They just run for their lives to survive and fight another day. They have no shame.

What should a civil society, a democracy and freedom-loving media, an honourable judiciary and a polity trying to get out of the aura of corruption, do to meet this situation wherein a president who parachuted to power just because his wife was killed, has now taken control with the help of his typical set of loyalists and cronies.

How should they handle the “offence-is-the-best-defence” policy, which is being practised as against the rhetoric of “democracy is our best revenge.” But all this can be handled as Zardari has no long-term plan or strategy. His powers are gone but he still holds the reins of his party. His close associates, who talk freely against him when sitting in private drawing rooms, say he will stick to the Presidency to keep his immunity if the courts force him to quit either the PPP office or the Presidency.

These close confidants claim he has almost decided that until Bilawal returns, his sister Faryal will be the next co-chairperson of the PPP if he is made to quit the office. In any case, the PPP post is called that of a co-chairperson, when it actually should be co-chairman.

As president he will try to keep control over his prime minister, stay away from accountability troubles and stay informed but his sister and son will keep the PPP within the family. If the judges strike at his Swiss accounts or his eligibility, he will try to blackmail the other political stakeholders with the Sindh Card else he would completely destroy the political system.

This may be a survival strategy but not a political roadmap or a party manifesto to attract people to the PPP. This has to be resisted by the collective wisdom and efforts of the political stakeholders, the civil society, the judiciary, the media and all the forces which stand for building institutions and do not want another spell of military rule in the country. All other political parties have to assure and strengthen the PM to use his authority.

The prime minister, who now has the authority, must start with the cleansing process as soon as he can so that the perverse and negative influence of Zardari and his cronies begins to be neutralised. His immediate actions should include getting rid of ministers and advisers who have been thrust into the system to insult and provoke every right thinking person or institution in the country.

For instance, Zardari has made it a point that anyone who is attacked because of being a friend or loyalist should be immediately rewarded and given a higher and influential place. Babar Awan, Latif Khosa, Ahmed Riaz Sheikh, Dr Qayyum Soomro, Riaz Laljee, Rehman Malik, Maulvi Inamul Haq, Faisal Raza Abidi, Fouzia Wahab, Farahnaz Ispahani, Asma Alamgir, Husain Haqqani, Wajid Shamsul Hasan are just a few names who are publicly known. There are many who operate behind the secure walls of the Presidency, make their cool and quiet bucks and stay away from the limelight.

The quicker PM Gilani distances himself from these untouchables, the better would it be for his own self and the system. But more important than these few individuals would be appointment of credible and respected people at key positions like the next COAS, the chairman of the NAB, head of the FIA, chiefs of the IB and ISI, all falling in his domain, that would lend support to his administration as matters would then take care of themselves without political dirt hitting the PM House.

Even more critical would be the respect PM Gilani shows to the judiciary although the Presidency and its attack dogs have launched the vilification and mudslinging campaign against the judges.

The Supreme Court itself has to quickly decide how it will get a handle on the numerous judgments it has given which are not being implemented. It is unfortunate that through a smart game of politicking the focus on implementation of NRO judgments has been shifted to the tussle between the SC and parliament. This tussle is a long drawn test match but the SC has to complete the T20 match it started on the NRO first.

The PM would do himself and democracy a huge favour if he sends the letter to the Swiss authorities as per the directions of the Supreme Court, without waiting for the SC to issue embarrassing orders against his government.

Gilani can also put his own stamp on the ongoing cases in the SC by asking the new Attorney General to follow the law and not to protect the corrupt. All this may be a tall order for the PM but if he continues to stay as a crony of even a weakened and cornered president, no one will blame the system for his failure. He would have to take the hit.
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