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  #241  
Old Wednesday, September 11, 2013
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08.09.2013
“Energy sector needs $7-8 billion”
Dr Musaddiq Malik, advisor to the Prime Minister on Water and Power, lists government’s initiatives to end energy crisis
By Aoun Sahi


The News on Sunday: What are the main challenges confronting the energy sector in Pakistan?

Musaddiq Malik: Basically, there are three fundamental electricity challenges in Pakistan — firstly demand supply gap, secondly high cost of production and generation and thirdly administrative issues like electricity theft, line losses and revenue collection pitfalls.

Due to these basic problems, Pakistan is losing 4000-5000MW electricity. Similarly, high cost of electricity, which is calculated to be Rs 12 per unit, is also a major problem. Inefficient distribution and transmission of electricity account for 20-25 per cent loss. But seeing the system of transmission and distribution, I come to the conclusion that the losses are much more than reported.

Nowadays, we are burning everything to produce more electricity. Last month, we produced 14000-16000MW. If we start producing 18000-19000MW, we don’t have the infrastructure to distribute it. So the entire country could plunge into darkness because of our transmission lines failure. It will take 3-4 years to generate more electricity and to improve transmission system of the country.

TNS: If we look at the National Energy Policy 2013 introduced by your government, it aims at producing 5000MW more electricity, reducing the production cost from 12 cent/unit to 10 cent/unit and reducing the transmission losses to 16 per cent by 2017. How would you do that?

MM: If we want to fulfill the prevailing demand and supply gap, which is between 5000-6000MW, we need $7-8 billion to invest. Amidst the prevailing economic situation, the government does not have $7-8 billion for the energy sector. As we know that Pakistan cannot afford such a massive amount, then only private sector can invest this amount in the energy sector and private sector will only invest if they are assured that they will profit.

What we can do is to give sovereign guarantee to private sector that if they invest $120-150 million in energy sector, we will purchase power from them for the next 20-25 years at such and such rates. The Supreme Court and high courts are saying repeatedly that the Government of Pakistan is violating the sovereign guarantee that it has to give to IPPs. It is important for the government to honour sovereign guarantee because in its absence people stop trusting us and eventually stop investing in Pakistan. This mistrust makes it impossible to plug the gap of 5000-6000MW electricity shortfall.

At present, the government is producing electricity at the rate of Rs12/unit while it costs the government Rs15/unit when it reaches the end users as the government is only charging Rs9/unit. The serious investor knows that the government has to pay Rs6/unit from its own pocket which comes to around $4-5 billion and the Government of Pakistan does not have the resources to pay this difference.

The investor would only come if he is assured that the government is capable of paying. Therefore, the government should ensure measures to restore the confidence of investors and assure them that if they invest, the government will pay them and not default on its sovereign guarantee.

TNS: To regulate private sector, you need to have a strong government. Do you think your government would be able to stop private sector from exploiting the people in Pakistan?

MM: We will do so by strengthening the regulator. What will we do to end 14-16 hours loadshedding in rural areas and 08-12 hour loadshedding in urban areas if we do not invite the private sector because the government has no money. Therefore, the government has an obligation to strengthen its regulation process. If NEPRA and PEPCO are not made world-class institutions, the situation is not going to change for the better; therefore regulation process should be ensured on sophisticated grounds.

TNS: The vision of your energy policy reads ‘Pakistan will develop the most efficient and consumer-centric power generation…’ So, with tariff adjustment and private sector’s participation, how would you ensure this consumer-centric power generation?

MM: If I want to give subsidy of $5 billion and I have no money, is it sustainable? So to make energy consumer-centric, you have three choices. First, the government should somehow arrange $5 billion to put in energy sector and the only way to do it is to print more money which will raise tariff as well as inflation. If you print money unabatedly it will result in 10 times more inflation in the country. Previously, industry was the second largest recipient of subsidy after residential consumers. A man who is making money was the second recipient of subsidy.

Because of our energy mix, the cost of electricity is Rs12/unit while we are selling it for Rs9/unit. So with a heavy heart we have adjusted the tariff. The tariff hike would also change the behaviour of people as well and they would think twice before wasting energy.

The second thing we are doing is changing energy standards. We bring in most inefficient motors and appliances because they are cheaper. So we are trying to come up with standards for efficiency that will automatically improve energy consumption. So with the same quantum of energy, it will be possible to run more ACs, more motors and more machines with less electricity. We are also proposing to employ these energy standards for our industrial units. We are making it public that in next four years we will not tolerate this energy inefficiency. So four-year time period is given to introduce energy efficiency equipment.

Third, we are working to introduce new construction standards. Most of the energy is lost due to engineering styles of construction. Our windows and doors are not insulated that result in more consumption of energy. We should employ new building standards for energy efficiency and encourage zero-energy cities and green cities standards for future constructions.

We have also been working to introduce time of day metering because energy demand varies from time to time in a day. We have prime time which remains from 06pm till 10pm, so all day energy requirement is 12000-14000MW, which goes up to 18000MW from 060 to 100pm. If we start charging people more during this peak time, the behaviour will change. You will see shops in Liberty Market, where traders usually have installed 200 to 400 bulbs in their shops, closing down early. The traders will start using fewer light bulbs and energy efficient light bulbs. We also need to shun the practice of shopping at night. We should encourage people to carry out their day-to-day activities in sunlight.

TNS: The new energy policy has also been facing a lot of criticism from different quarters which say that it does not offer out of the box solution, your comment.

MM: I want to focus on demand and supply strategy, distribution and transmission strategy and for better results everything from generation to transmission should be reformed. I am open to adopt better ideas to reform the system from tariff to billing.

In my opinion, policy is a living document. In the next couple of years, realities in Pakistan are going to change. We need strategies and policies to deal with new emerging situations. Everyone is invited to give better ideas on energy and good ideas will find their place in policies of the next two years.

TNS: Will it be profitable for Pakistan to shift electricity generation to coal as the world is trying to move away from coal?

MM: Our cost for electricity is Rs12/unit whereas India is trading it at Rs7/unit and making 60-70 per cent of its energy from coal whereas Pakistan’s electricity generation ratio from coal is less than one per cent. So why are we paying double price. Why should we burden our people?

The cost of solar energy is Rs20/unit, furnace oil Rs19-27/unit, hydel Rs7-8/unit, coal Rs 8-9/unit, nuclear about Rs5/unit and on gas with subsidy the price is Rs6/unit. Hydel is cornerstone of our strategy which is no doubt inexpensive and long-term energy source. Though big dams are controversial, there is no controversy on hydel source of energy.

TNS: My last question relates to circular debt, how will the government control it?

MM: I think we have started paying it and the day we paid it, 31st of May, it started mounting again the very next day. Our projected circular debt and subsidy for this year was $5 billion. We will reduce the circular debt by reducing subsidy. Rs135-145 billion electricity is being stolen every year. If we recover Rs100 billion from electricity thieves, we will be left with only Rs70 billion circular debt.
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  #242  
Old Wednesday, September 11, 2013
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08.09.2013
The intractable case of Syria
The US-led invasions in Iraq and Afghanistan have proved to be a military misadventure due to exorbitant human and material loss. The same is likely to happen again
By Tahir Kamran


The Syrian crisis has taken an ominous turn. The civil war, which started in the wake of Arab Spring in March 2011, is killing 5,000 people every month and has created 1.8 million refugees. The recent incident which has alerted the Western powers, including America, happened in Eastern Ghouta, a suburb of Damascus, which was allegedly shelled by Syrian armed forces around 2am on August 21 using sarin gas, resulting in the deaths of more than 1400 people. A definitive outcome of any investigation as to who, in fact, is the culprit is yet to come, but some people of considerable influence are squarely blaming the Bashar al-Assad government for the atrocity.

Immediately after the incident got the media spotlight, yet another strike by the ‘Global Cop’ (read America) seemed imminent in close collaboration with its coalition partners — Great Britain being the foremost among them, followed by France. It was not, however, a smooth sailing as some, including Barack Obama and John Kerry, thought it might be.

The House of Commons in Great Britain has voted against the ninth western intervention in Arab or Muslim countries in 15 years, putting the American president in an awkward position. The backbench revolt among the Tory camp with 30 MPs joining the opposition to vote against launching any military offensive on Syria seems quite heartening. Cognizant of the sustained opposition within UK and within the military establishment too, members of parliament went on to represent the will of the people.

The anti-war component among British parliamentarians carried the day with apparently a slim margin of 13, it nevertheless had a lasting impact. Professor Philip Cowley of Nottingham University told the BBC that, “No government has lost a vote over matters of defence or military involvement since at least the mid-19th century.” That is exactly what makes it into a historic event. One hopes that people of considerable influence like Boris Johnson, London Mayor, Lord Howard, a former conservative leader and Sir Malcolm Rifkind, a former foreign secretary, who are putting pressure on David Cameron to return to parliament for another vote, don’t succeed in their bidding.

Britain, by voting against the (imperial) war, has not only set at rest the widely held perception of the country being Washington’s bloody adjutant, but it has also caused commotion and disquiet in America. One more important upshot of that historic event has been Obama’s climb down: the “beginning of the historic American retreat”.

The American wobble caused by the House of Commons definitive stance on the Syrian crisis has reverberated significantly in other countries of Europe too, particularly France is a case in point. Francois Hollande is coming under increasing internal pressure to hold a debate on the issue of Syria in parliament as opinion polls show 64 per cent of the French populace disapproves of intervention in Syria. Francois Fillon, former prime minister and the main opposition leader, referred to Syria as part of a region which is a ‘powder-keg’ and argued that France should act “responsibly” and not follow anyone into an attack, even America.

People at large, particularly in Europe, are surely entitled to ask for clarity from their political leadership, not least because the consequences, unintended or otherwise, of many of the previous eight interventions in Muslim countries by the Western powers hardly show any sign of abating. The invasions in Iraq and Afghanistan have proved to be a military misadventure for Nato-led forces. The human and material costs incurred in these invasions have been exorbitant vis a vis the anticipated outcome. The same is likely to happen if history is allowed to repeat itself.

The most toxic and enduring element of the civil war in Syria is its significant sectarian dimension, which one must not lose sight of. Although the Shia-Sunni sectarian divide has historical roots, the way American forces used Shia militia against Sunni insurgents during its military engagement in Iraq exacerbated the sectarian malaise in the region. Besides Syria, it will have destabilising impact on Turkey, Iraq and Lebanon and it may turn out to be extremely perilous for Israel too. It is probable that the Western powers are not alive to the grave threat that this proposed military action will widen the gulf between Muslim world and the American-led West beyond measure.

The Arab League’s role in this crisis is absolutely lamentable. Saudi Arabia and Qatar in particular appear to be all the more anxious to see the back of Bashar al-Assad. Their prime concern is to stall Iranian influence in Syria. Resolution passed by the Arab League espousing the military attack on Syria is highly regrettable to say the least.
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  #243  
Old Sunday, September 15, 2013
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15.09.2013
Historical myths and realities
Contrary to the official history, the Ghazanvid and Ghorid eras were perhaps the darkest periods of Muslim rule in India with instability, warfare, economic collapse etc, as hallmarks
By Yaqoob Khan Bangash


In Pakistan, we often idolise people without knowing much about them; though perhaps that is the reason we idolise them. In government published history textbooks, and in the dreaded Pakistan Studies curriculum, two people and periods have often been lionised — the time of Mahmud of Ghazna and his empire, and the period of Shahabuddin Muhammad Ghori and his empire. We revere these two personalities so much that even the military has named its cruise and ballistic missiles after these two men. The main argument in their favour is usually that these two men and their rule were beneficial for ‘Islam’ and ‘Muslim’ rule in India. The reality, as often found, is nearly the opposite of what we are officially told in Pakistan.

The dynasty which Mahmud replaced in most of what is now Pakistan is seldom remarked upon in our textbooks. All we learn is that it was the ‘Hindu Shahi’ dynasty, and that is usually about it. We never read how prosperous, developed and peaceful this region was before Mahmud and how it was then transformed into a region of continual warfare and misery. The Muslim traveller and chronicler, Al-Biruni commented on the Hindu Shahis: ‘We must say that, in all their grandeur, they never slackened in the ardent desire of doing that which is good and right, that they were men of noble sentiment and noble bearing.’ With this background we must judge the entry of Mahmud into South Asia.

Mahmud of Ghazna was nothing more than a looter and his main interest in India was plunder. That is why when he dislodged the Hindu Shahis he did not appoint a ‘governor’ or ‘viceroy’ but left the conquered areas usually in the hands of sipahsalars — Generals — who were only interested in collecting revenue and defence and had scant interest in governance and justice. Thus during Mahmud’s ‘rule’ if one might call that, India suffered economic plunder, political instability and a distinct lack of justice.

Pakistani texts also boldly claim that Mahmud and his successors fought for Islam against non-Muslims — nothing could be further from the truth. Not only did they not do anything for the spread of Islam, they even attacked Muslim principalities. For example, in 1006 AD (396 AH), when Mahmud wanted to march to Multan, a Muslim principality, he wanted Ananadpal, the Hindu ruler of Lahore, to allow his safe passage. However, Anandpal made common cause with Daud, the ruler of Multan, and marched up to Peshawar to oppose Mahmud’s advance. This was perhaps the first example of a common Hindu-Muslim front in opposition to an invading Muslim army, which both the Hindu and Muslim rulers in India knew brought only death and misery. So much for Mahmud’s Muslim friendly credentials!

Pakistani writers also give the impression that Mahmud and his successors were zealot Muslims who only fought for the cause of Islam. This would obviously rule out any cooperation, let alone incorporation, of non-Muslim elements in these seemingly ‘Jihadist’ forces. However, there is ample historical evidence that not only were Hindus employed in the Ghaznavid armies, they also held important positions. For example during the reign of Nasiruddin Masud, Mahmud’s son, several Hindus were generals in the Ghaznavid armies and fought for the Sultan against rebellious Muslim nobles.

Professor Baqir notes in his history of Lahore that when conflict broke out between the Sultan-appointed salar of India, Ahmad Nialtagin, and the Qazi at Lahore, ‘Sultan Masud dispatched Banah, a Hindu general, at the head of a large army to the rescue of the Qazi. But Banah was defeated and got killed. Another Hindu general Tilak then offered his services to Sultan Masud for this purpose. This offer was accepted and Tilak reaching Mandhakur gave a battle to Ahmad Nialtagin. Nialtagin this time did not take a firm stand and after fighting for a short time escaped towards Multan. His defeated army was routed by Tilak, who also placed a price at the head of Nialtagin.’

This incident where a Hindu general, fighting for a Muslim ruler, defeated a Muslim noble, must rattle the brains of those who give a very clear cut — Hindu vs. Muslim — colour and interpretation to this period of history. This incident, and several others like this, should certainly make us wonder about the real power dynamics of the time. I am no expert on Indian medieval history, but even a cursory look at the available sources makes a strong argument that it was more about conquest, loot and power politics than religion which marked this era.

Mahmud and his successors were Muslims, surely, but they were not so concerned about the spread of Islam than they were about the regular flow of revenue (read harshly extracted revenue) from India. As a matter of fact, there are several occasions during this period where the Ghazna-based Sultan marched into India because the revenue flow had been stemmed, but hardly any incident where the Sultan attacked the country for the spread of Islam.

As it is with official Pakistani history writing, it is also conveniently forgotten that the empire created by the Ghoris dislodged that of the Ghaznavids. After all, both empires covered almost the same area, so one must have defeated the other — a Muslim defeated a Muslim. Of course the seamless jump from Mahmud to Muhammad Ghori in our texts prevents people from questioning the great Islamic credentials we like to ascribe them.

Professor Baqir notes the surrender of Lahore by the Ghaznavid Khusru Malik to Muhammad Ghori in the following manner: ‘...Muhammad Ghuri, collecting his forces, attempted a third time to reduce the city of Lahore, which he effected by treachery in the following manner. While he was preparing for his expedition, he wrote to Khusru Malik that he was desirous of accommodating their differences by a treaty of peace. To convince him of the sincerity of his intention, he released his son Malik Shah, and sent him back to Lahore with a splendid retinue....In the meantime Muhammad Ghuri with a large army, marching with incredible expedition, came to Lahore and surrounded the camp of Khusru Malik at night. The emperor awoke in the morning, and seeing no means of escape, threw himself at the mercy of his enemy. The gates of the city were accordingly thrown open to receive him, and the empire passed from the house of Ghazna to that of Ghur.’

Therefore, not only did Muhammad Ghori displace a Muslim ruler, he achieved it by deception, something again not in keeping with our idealistic view of him. I wonder what this means for the impression we want to create with our Ghori missiles?

In reading the early medieval period we must also be very careful about the terms in which conquests are justified. Almost always religion is evoked as a cause, but almost always religion is only a secondary interest. The Ghorids too used religion to expand their empire: after all there was no better morale booster and a battle cry than the spread of Islam in those days. But the mere invocation of religion did not mean that the conquerors were either pious Muslims working for a selfless mission. Even Firishta, the sixteenth century Persian Muslim historian, noted the often dual nature of conquests.

Commenting on Muhammad Ghori’s conquest of Benaras, Firishta noted that ‘...he broke the idols in above one thousand temples, which he purified and consecrated to the true God. Here he also found immense plunder.’ One must wonder, therefore, if Ghori’s main intention in attacking Benaras was to loot its famously rich temples or to destroy un-Islamic ‘idols’? The concentration of wealth in temples in India might have given the prime pretext for such looters to combine their raiding expeditions with giving some service to the cause of Islam as a by product.

History writing in every age is a biased operation. This is because no historian, no matter how much they try, can be free of all bias. Therefore, there are different versions and books on history, since if one could write an ‘unbiased’ and ‘objective’ version of history, all the other historians would be out of business. However, a historian must try not to hide facts and only use verifiable facts and evidence to create an argument. It is in the interpretation of the facts and evidence that historians differ, not in their existence. Unfortunately, the trend in Pakistan has been to simply fabricate facts and lie. A large section of official history writing in the country does not even go to the trouble of offering a different perspective or argument — they simply make things up or hide things.

In the case of the Ghaznavid and Ghorid eras, we have been so obsessed with making them into ‘Islamic heroes’ that we have simply not told people what actually happened in those eras. Few people in Pakistan study medieval history, and students in school get a neat and clean version of these eras as a glorious epoch in Indian Muslim history, where these eras were perhaps the darkest periods of Muslim rule in India with instability, warfare, economic collapse etc, as hallmarks. The lack of information, discussion and understanding of this era has meant that even historical faux pas have been made, as with the recent ‘restoration’ of Muhammad Ghori’s ‘tomb’ near Jhelum in the Punjab by the infamous Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan, when almost all historical accounts agree that while Ghori was assassinated near Jhelum, his body was taken to Ghazna and buried there. Only if people had read history!

The writer is the Chairperson of the Department of History, Forman Christian College, and tweets at @BangashYK. He can be contacted at: yaqoob.bangash@gmail.com
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15.09.2013
Well being
How proximity to an oil/gas well may bring prosperity to a community neglected by state?
By Shahzada Irfan Ahmed


It’s time for roll call. The young energetic boys, clad in their yellowish orange uniform, raise their hands one by one and speak out their names loudly. Every student is supposed to speak out his address as well, so that the teacher can work out the attendance rates of children coming from different areas.

The exercise does not take long as the teacher has to simply write down a digit or digits in the address column. The children simply yell out the number of the gas well they live close to and do not have to mention anything else. The message gets across.

Students of a government elementary school in Daharki, Sindh, these boys have grown up seeing personnel of oil and gas exploration companies all around. Despite inhabiting land rich in natural resources and home to more than a dozen of country’s biggest industrial units, these people have had little contact with the representatives of the state.

It is estimated that the government revenue generated from this city is next only in volume to that generated from Karachi but unfortunately the state expenditure on development here is one of the lowest.

In Daharaki, there are no functional Basic Health Units (BHUs), government dispensaries, government schools with proper buildings and furniture or safe drinking water provided by the civic authorities. All the major development one can see is mainly due to the initiatives of oil and gas companies and other corporates under their Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) obligations.

No doubt, it is binding on big companies to spend their funds on development projects in the areas of their operation. But the question here is that does this obligation on companies exonerate the state of all its responsibilities with respect to meeting the basic needs of its citizens? The answer simply is that the CSR funds are meant to supplement the efforts of the state in such areas and can no way be an alternative to government resources meant for this purpose.

The investments they have made in Daharki are much more than mere fulfillment of a contractual obligation, states Col (retd) Dr Sanaullah, Deputy Manager Medical at Mari Petroleum Company Limited — a public listed company doing exploration work here since 1957.

He tells TNS the oil and exploration companies are required by law to invest in the social sector development but their investments are manifold of what would have been enough to fulfill this requirement. “Here the company itself identifies public’s needs and executes projects which suit them the most.”

Mari Field areas lie within the vicinity of a desert. Initially there were no roads and the local communities could not access public transportation facilities and commute easily with other areas nearby. Over the decades, the company has laid up infrastructure in the area which includes 57 kilometers of metalled road, 308 kilometers of dirt (kacha) road, 13 bridges over canals etc and is spending around Rs 14 million on its maintenance and operation every year.

In fact, Sana says, there is a typical model of development in Daharaki. It starts with discovery of a gas well. The area of the well belongs to private parties but soon after the discovery, it is bought over by the company at a good price. Instead of outsourcing the security to some company, the owner of the land is offered the job of chowkidaar at Rs 20,000 a month for an eight-hour shift. As there are three shifts, and a backup is required on an off-day, the owner gets around Rs 80,000 a month which is quite a handsome amount. Most owners open shops at the sites of the wells.

The discovery is followed by laying of road network, shifting of communities to the site due to development, opening up of shops and markets etc, dispensaries and so on. So far, 113 gas wells have been discovered in Mari Fields and almost all of them have communities centered around them. The members of these communities identify themselves with the numbers of these wells. The company manages mobile dispensaries to provide treatment to over 100,000 patients annually in remote areas including those close to Indo-Pak border. Unfortunately, these areas do not have functional government dispensaries.

No doubt one-time investments are also a big deal, but the real issue is how to sustain these initiatives. This is really a big concern for them, says Sana while referring to the Mari Maternity Home constructed by the company back in 1990.

This maternity home is located in the central location of Mari field in union council Dad Leghari, the oldest village there, even before partition of Pakistan. This maternity home was handed over to Sindh Health Department but it could not make it functional for many years.

On the request of local notables, MPCL had to take over its operations in May, 2003. This maternity home treats over 15,000 patients annually and offers services of normal deliveries, DNCs, ultrasounds and other gynecological procedures. “We have generators here as there is hardly any electricity throughout the day. Even if it is there, the voltage is too low for even the ultrasound machine to operate,” says Dr Shahida Faiz, gynecologist at the facility.

The expectations of local communities in oil or gas rich territories are also high. Discouraged by lack of response from state, they look to corporates for relief. Probably, this was the reason why locals from Sanghar district approached Supreme Court last week and complained about disregard of contractual obligations and neglect of social sector development by oil and gas exploration companies in the district. The apex court has sought details of different Exploration and Production (E&P) companies’ spending under CSR in their jurisdictions.

However, there is an explanation on why it is sometimes difficult to fulfill certain obligations. For example, it is impossible to give maximum jobs to locals in the absence of technically trained manpower. For this very reason, major industrial units in Daharaki could give low-paying and non-technical jobs to locals and managerial and technical posts would go to outsiders.

But today, the Technical Training Center (TTC), Daharaki trains needy local youth in the fields of mechanical engineering and chemical engineering. Set up by The Pakistan Chemical & Energy Sector Skills Development Company (PCESSDC) with financial support from Engro Foundation, MPCL and others, the center offers a three-year diploma in these subjects. This qualification increases employability of students — a proof of which is that the Engro Group has offered to hire the complete batch of 80 students as soon as it passes out, says Brig (retd) Raja Muhammad Ali, CEO, PCESSDC.

An interesting fact is that though mega companies may compete with each other in business arena, they have to work in tandem with each other to avoid duplication when it comes to execution of development work.

For example, MPCL does not need to worry about incidents of snake bites in Daharki as Engro Group is running a huge facility to cure these. On the other hand, the MPCL manages a TB Clinic at its lease area where all the tests required for the diagnosis of the disease and X-rays are available free of costs. The patients come from Mari lease area, other areas of Ghotki, Rahimyar Khan, Jacobabad and District Sukkur, says Dr Tajammul Baig Mughal, Senior Medical Officer at the facility.

The facility works in collaboration with WHO, and tracks new and old patients from over a huge catchment area. “We cannot afford to miss them as every single patient has the potential of infecting 15 more people if not treated in time,” he adds.
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15.09.2013
Tax reform agenda
The country will keep surviving on bailouts unless the rich and mighty are taxed by creating a corruption-free and efficient tax apparatus
By Huzaima Bukhari & Dr. Ikramul Haq


The dire need in today’s Pakistan is to tap the real tax potential and make the country a self-reliant economy, stop wasteful, unproductive expenses, cut the size of the cabinet and government machinery, make government-owned corporations profitable or restructure them, accelerate industrialisation and increase productivity, improve agricultural sector, bring inflation to single digit and reduce inequalities through a policy of redistribution of income and wealth.

Higher rates of income taxes, capital transfer taxes and wealth taxes are some means adopted for achieving these ends in all democratic countries. In Pakistan, there has been a gradual shift from equitable taxes to highly inequitable taxes. The shift from removing inequalities through taxes to presumptive and easily collectable taxes has destroyed the fundamental principle of horizontal and vertical equity.

In Pakistan, the poor are subjected to heavy and cruel taxation to finance the luxuries of Riasti Ashrafiya — militro-judicial-civil complex and public office-holders who enjoy free perquisites, benefits, including expensive plots at throw-away prices at prime locations that belong to the state. The way they waste and plunder the taxpayers’ money is no secret. The country is surviving on bailouts from the IMF due to perpetual failure of the ruling elite to tax the rich and mighty that matter in the Land of Pure. Revenues worth trillions of rupees have been sacrificed by governments — civil and military alike — since 1977 extending unprecedented exemptions and concessions to the privileged classes. Gradually, the governments abolished all progressive taxes e.g. Estate Duty, Gift Tax, Capital Gain Tax etc.

The historic decision of taxing “agricultural income”, passed by the Parliament in the shape of Finance Act, 1977, was thwarted by the military regime of Ziaul Haq. Through this law, the Parliament amended the definition of “agricultural income” as obtaining in section 2(1) of then Income Tax Act, 1922 to tax big absentee landlords. This was a revolutionary step to impose tax on agricultural income at federal level for the first time in the history of Pakistan, but ruthlessly foiled by a military dictator. During Zia’s rule of 11 years and that of General Musharraf for nearly 9 years, absentee land owners (including mighty generals who received state lands as gallantry awards or otherwise!) did not pay a single penny as agricultural income tax or wealth tax. Taxation of “agricultural income”, at present, is the sole prerogative of provincial governments under the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan. All the four provinces have enacted laws to this effect, but total collection in 2012-2013 was less than Rs2 billion against actual potential of Rs200 billion (share of agriculture in GDP was about 22 per cent).

No one has calculated how much tax loss Pakistan suffered perpetually since 1977 on account of non-taxation of agricultural income alone as suggested under Finance Act, 1977. If we add total loss of revenue through various exemptions, non-taxation of benefits given to state oligarchy (Riasti Ashrafiya) and through Statutory Regulatory Orders (SROs) issued during the last four decades, the number comes to over Rs100 trillion — this explains how unprecedented concessions to the rich has made the state poorer rendering every citizen of this country to an enormous indebtedness. We would not have required any borrowing at all, if tax losses were not incurred.

How the governments were abusing taxpayers’ money can be judged from the decision of Supreme Court on April 17, 2013 suspending the March 14, 2013 notification issued by Interior Ministry granting former interior minister Rehman Malik and his predecessors lifetime perks and privileges. Hearing the suo moto notice case regarding unlimited perks and privileges granted to two former prime ministers, all former interior ministers, Sindh chief minister and other senior officials by the outgoing government, the five-judge bench of apex court sought a response from relevant authorities in this regard.

It is thus no wonder that the Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) posted shortfall of over Rs450 billion for fiscal year 2012-13. Very few people know that in the face of such shortfall, the FBR withdrew the biggest revenue spinner — 1 per cent withholding tax on manufacturing — resulting in a revenue loss of Rs18 billion. Drastic cut of federal excise duty on sugar to 0.5 per cent aimed at benefiting the influential sugar industry owners, causing a loss of Rs8 billion to the national exchequer. 50 per cent cut on sales tax for steel melters caused revenue loss of nearly Rs4 billion.

In the budget for fiscal year 2013-14, the Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) is assigned a target of Rs2475 billion — nearly 25 per cent increase over the collection made for 2012-13. All experts are of the view that it is irrational and ambitious in view of expected growth rate and enforcement capabilities of the FBR.

Adding insult to injury, despite the dismal performance, the FBR gave bonuses to its staff and officers ranging from one salary to three salaries. This was shocking to say the least, especially as the country had been going through the worst economic crisis. It is not understandable why the FBR even gives double basic salary to its staff in addition to annual bonuses — they are government employees and should be entitled to normal emoluments like all other public servants.

Finance Minister Ishaq Dar and the National Assembly should look into the affairs of the FBR asking them to justify double basic salary and undue “bonuses” — especially when 90 per cent tax collection comes through withholding or voluntary payments with returns, and revenue targets are missed every year.

At operational level, the challenge is creating a corruption-free, efficient and result-oriented tax apparatus. Though the World Bank and other donors gave a lot of money and consultancy to Pakistan, things have changed only for the worse. If the FBR wants to improve its efficiency, administrative pragmatic reforms are the immediate need of the day — a successful model of Mauritius Revenue Authority (www.mru.gov.mu) can be studied, debated and adapted after making necessary changes to suit our peculiar conditions.

At enforcement level, the biggest challenge is how to bridge the tax gap — collection by the FBR is one fourth of actual tax potential [Fiscal fiasco, The News, 12 May 2013]. Issues of documentation and tax compliance are lingering on for years even after completion of a costly $100 million World Bank funded Tax Reforms Administration Programme (TARP).

The only way to check massive evasion in customs, income tax and sales tax is implementing an integrated Tax Intelligence System, which is capable of recording, storing and cross-matching all inflows and outflows. All in-bound and out-bound containers should be scanned/x-rayed to check evasion of customs duties and taxes payable at source. However, no reform agenda can succeed unless FBR is insulated from outside political pressures. It should be made National Tax Collection Agency, responsible for collecting all federal and provincial taxes and should be run by an independent Board of Directors selected by National Finance Commission and/or Council of Common Interests.

It would facilitate taxpayers to approach one agency only and data sharing for all taxes would help in increasing revenues for the federation as well as the federating units.

The writers, tax lawyers, are Adjunct Faculty at Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS)
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15.09.2013
Back to school
Proper implementation of Article 25A to bring back 25 million children to school poses a serious challenge to political parties, provincial governments, policymakers and stakeholders
By Adnan Rehmat

Pakistan is ranked the second worst country of the world boasting the dubious distinction of having the most school-going age children out of schools — the staggeringly high number of 25 million. Only Nigeria has worse figures.

More than 6 million Pakistani out-of-school children are of primary school age. This is the highest ranking in the world. Sudan is the second highest at 3 million. Pakistani girls enrolled in primary schools expressed as a percentage of total number of pupils in primary schools stands at about 40 per cent. This is the second worst ranking in the world, after Afghanistan. Close to 4 million girls of school-going age in Pakistan are out of schools — this is the worst ranking in the world. How can we possibly sleep at night?

Whose responsibility is it to ensure children go to schools? What does the state feel about this? Article 25A as part of the 18th Amendment of the Pakistani Constitution enacted in 2010 promises free and compulsory education for children between 6 and 16 years. Says Article 25A, rather succinctly, “The State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age of five to sixteen years in such manner as may be determined by law.”

But the devil, as they say, is in the details — in the absence of definitions of ‘free’ education and ‘compulsory’ education or elaboration for the age bracket of ‘6 to 16 years’, there cannot be accurate estimations of the resources necessary to enforce Article 25A. The key implication for the federal state and provinces, then, is that they are in serious danger of rigging themselves up for failure in regards to enforcing Article 25A.

Reading 25A right:

What does ‘free’ education mean? Does it mean just free tuition, or also free books and free transport? Education being a provincial subject, the budget for free text books and free transport would be different from the budget for free tuition. Then there’s ‘compulsory’ education. Does this mean parents will be forced to send children to school and if not forced will they be punished? If so, legislative requirements will be needed for this, as well as enforcement mechanisms — and allied budgets. Are provinces ready for this?

And what about the bit of Article 25A that promises taking care of the educational needs of children between the ages of ‘6 and 16.’ Does this mean 10 years of education or educating children of this age group up to matriculation? What if a student fails and cannot complete matriculation by age 16? In such a case, will s/he not be subsidized for full matriculation?

Lack of clarity on interpretation on scale, scope and mechanisms means the provinces may not be able to work out the budgets to implement Article 25A. If this isn’t bad enough, the last National Finance Commission (NFC) Award, which allocates the share of national revenue for the provinces, came before the 18thAmendment (and the attendant Article 25A). This means that the provinces’ allocations for education budgets are devoid of the accuracy in estimation of resources required to enforce Article 25A. This has a real potential for Article 25A to be doomed for failure with the dire implication that even more children will be added to the tally of 25 million children already out of schools.

25 million voters for

education:

The latest general election was held in May 2013 and education was one of the key themes of focus of manifestos on which promises of political parties were made. This means the demand side of education was outlined — both through political consensus on 18th Amendment (inclusive of Article 25A) and through the election pledges of parties. Elections have happened and different parties have come into power in the provinces.

Over 25 million votes have been secured based on promises and now it’s time to fulfill them, i.e., it is now time to investigate and attend to the supply side of education. There is a need to create a lobby to demand enactment and to help bring the focus on drafting mechanisms, not just compliance. Bringing together relevant stakeholders to create such mechanisms and lobby to serve as a watchdog on the commitments made by political parties is important.

The practicality of implementing Article 25A needs to be understood by political parties, provincial governments, policymakers and stakeholders through investigation and advocacy about the essential links between promises by political parties, resource allocations and governance mechanisms on education policies for them to succeed. This investigation is missing and needs to be conducted.

The fact that the NFC Award, which divides national revenue among the provinces, came before the 18th Amendment means that the massive funds required for effective and successful implementation of Article 25A are not available. The appropriate allocations were, therefore, not made by any province in the budget for the new fiscal year after the May 2013 elections. This also means the provinces and the new parties that have come to power there are not really equipped to meet this obligation.

Subordinate legislation:

For all the above, subordinate legislation is necessary. Do the parties/provinces know about this, are they doing something about this, and have they the resources to do it, or have the priority and commitment to do this, or have made pronouncements and facilitative policies to make it happen so that allocations can be secured? So what about mechanisms for implementation, enforcement and facilitation and the resources necessary for these mechanisms? The NFC Award doesn’t factor these and recommend/allocate resources. So does this mean a new NFC is needed? Or a new amended Article 25A is needed?

Then there is Article 140A of the Constitution dealing with devolution – asserting that ultimately subjects including education are to devolve from provinces to districts. So how prepared the provinces are for this in terms of policies and resources required to fulfill the obligations of Article 140A? Don’t hold your breath on this one.

Putting another 25 million in classrooms:

The following roadmap is recommended to build a consensus in each of the four provinces to generate the urgency of effort and detail required to promote prioritised enforcement of Article 25A:

1. Identify the resource allocation and budgetary gaps between implied costs of implementation of Article 25A and the last NFC Award allocations relating to education.

2. Quantify the costs of pledges made on education in manifestos of political parties heading provincial governments now and their actual allocations to education in the latest provincial budgets with specific focus on implementation of Article 25A.

3. Promote awareness and dialogue among key stakeholders, including parties, governments, CSOs working on educational issues and educationists, on the gaps between promises and actual budgets and actual resources and mechanisms needed for implementing Article 25A.

4. Empower key supply-side actors such as teachers and their unions to move beyond demands for higher salaries to articulate demand for realistic resource allocations from policymakers for implementation of Article 25A.

Efforts are needed to assist and inform the debate on implementation of Article 25A at the federal and provincial levels by generating accurate, specific and relevant information, research, analysis and context required to generate support for the cause to promote better understanding among the key stakeholders for the kind of planning required to implement Article 25A.

By generating relevant and currently unavailable data and analysis on the links between promises of political parties, allocations of resources and proper interpretation of the implications of Article 25A, particularly in relevance to the NFC Award, the provinces can better plan implementation of this constitutional guarantee. There is a dire need to nudge the debate from generalities to specificities and practicalities to improve the chances of the success of implementation of Article 25A and generate the right resources that currently don’t exist to make this happen.

Time is running out. We need to send our 25 million children to schools who haven’t seen the inside of one. How can this possibly not be the top national priority?
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15.09.2013
Changing realities
Pakistan’s foreign policy needs to see beyond Afghanistan as
cooperation with Central Asian Republics will have long term benefits
By Dr Syed Hussain Shaheed Soherwordi

The foreign policy of Pakistan has been passing through a transitional-shift stage. The US drawdown of its forces from Afghanistan, revival of its relations with India and China as economic and strategic partners in regional affairs, and negotiations with Taliban have direct impact on Pakistan’s foreign relations.

Pakistan has shifted from singular dependence on the US to more of a multipolar foreign policy. Pakistan’s active and growing relations with China, the UK, Iran and other smaller nations of South Asia makes a security umbrella against India. For all the outreach and obfuscation, only two countries are central to Pakistan’s security: India and China.

The US is a nation which flirts with Pakistan and vice versa. Pakistan considers India as a major threat for its political and economic reasons. To counter any Indian adventurism, a strong military is a prerequisite. Many in Pakistan believe that by trimming the Pakistan army’s wings by reducing its number and its budget, the chances of military takeover would be diminished. However, the Indian threat is so immense, immediate and strong to Pakistan’s survival that curtailing Pakistan army would mean a defenseless Pakistan. Therefore, the anti-military establishment finds itself between the devil and deep sea. It’s like a catch-22 situation for them.

There is another extremist view which is followed by a section of Pakistani society that India wants to conquer Pakistan for its ultimate objective: the Maha Bharta. I do have concerns at India’s goals vis-à-vis Pakistan. However, I do not go to such an apocalyptic level. I don’t see benign scenario with India. The question is how actively malignant it is. Hence, we need to keep an eye on the growing Indian role in our backyard — Afghanistan — as well as its growing influence in other smaller five south Asian sister countries. In a way, Pakistan has every reason to be concerned about India.

Indo-US nuclear deal for civilian purposes has completely altered the South Asian strategic balance. She has now a dominant influence in Afghanistan. Its security agencies are actively playing their role in Balochistan insurgency via Afghanistan. Indians are supporting terrorist groups targeting the unionists in Balochistan. The Pakistanis periodically pay courtesy calls on Indian foreign ministry officials and the Pakistani prime minister and president often invites the Indian prime minister. Usually they pose smiling and show off warm handshakes. But both understand that the smiles are of crocodiles and elephants. Somehow, it’s not understandable why Pakistani political establishment is begging for the Indian PM’s visit to Pakistan?

Every nation wants détente with its adversaries. However, no one is compromising on its national respect and honour. The day Indian political establishment realises they need to normalise relations with Pakistan, they will move ahead and will come up with good intentions. However, Pakistan’s keenness for relaxation of the tension and India’s consistent response for curbing terrorism and then normalising relations between the two countries have become a joke now.

In worst case scenario, for the national security against any Indian attack, the Pakistanis are looking up to China. But this reliance is problematic given that China is on a path to normalization of relations with its neighbours, especially India, in the post-9/11 era.

While the Indians focus their hostile rhetoric almost entirely on China and Pakistan, the truth is there is not much reason for China than Pakistan to be fearful of India. As the world’s one of the leading military and economic power, China is unlikely to be attacked militarily by India. Or it will surely respond in full force to any Indian attack. Pakistan, however, is much softer, weaker and tempting target due to its deeper involvement in the war on terror, its military deployment in different terrorist-hit areas like Waziristan and Swat and its more focus to counter insurgent tendencies in Balochistan.

Though Pakistan army is equipped with the US weapons and every year shopping list of weapon purchase is allocated in the country’s federal budget, Pakistan cannot defend itself without the US diplomatic support or Chinese active military intervention or involvement.

However, keeping the religious orthodoxy in view, being too friendly to America is also a problem for Pakistan. Thus, reluctance of cooperation between the two nations is too visible. This has further been confirmed by the recently held All Parties Conference (APC) in which the case of US/Nato drone attacks on Pakistan’s border areas was pledged to be taken at the UN. Notwithstanding the tension and apparent detachment, the Pakistani role in the war on terror is unquestionably a high national security interest of the US. This is more important than Pakistan’s role during the Cold War against Soviet Union. After all, during the Cold War, at least twin towers were not erased and that the Soviet Union had never hurt the US inside the US territory.

Need of the time is a review and structural overhauling of Pakistan’s foreign policy. India is a part of Pakistan’s foreign policy. We need to develop and revive our relations with other South Asian countries which are equally important from strategic and economic perspective.

Similarly, Afghanistan has been very important to the Foreign Office. However, we need to see beyond Afghanistan. Central Asian Republics (CARs) have been ignored completely in the shadow of war on terror. Revival of economic ties with the CARs will have long term benefits. The war on terror is coming to a formal end in 2014. With the end of the game, money will also be over.

The author teaches International Relations, at the University of Peshawar. syedshaheed@hotmail.co.uk
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15.09.2013
My right to know
A lot remains to be done to make
people aware about the right to
information law in KP
By Gulbaz Ali Khan

It is the right of the general public to seek information. But it is really a challenging task when a government department is not willing to share.

As we know, easy access to information is not only helpful in empowering the poor and the vulnerable groups in society but also reduces incidence of corruption and injustice. It is time that all democratic governments take a step towards openness and transparency.

The elections in 2013 have brought four major parties in power in four provinces of Pakistan. It has started healthy competition among all the ruling parties to take lead in showing performance, especially in governance and local service delivery. In this regard, legislations on the Right to Information (RTI) and local governments are underway.

In few provinces, it has been presented and passed by the provincial assemblies. KP has taken lead in developing a comprehensive RTI law ahead of all provinces.

Through broad-based consultations and deliberations by the government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, a law was enacted on August 13, 2013 in this regard. The leadership of PTI-led coalition in the province has initiated steps in promoting transparency and accountability and is in the process of developing citizen-friendly good governance laws and RTI is one of them.

On August 15, 2013, PTI Chairman Imran Khan announced the law in a packed seminar in Peshawar and gave a briefing on the salient features of the law and its relevance to promoting good governance in KP.

The ceremony was attended by a large number of government officials, common citizens, activists, media and civil society organisations. A majority of the stakeholders applauded the efforts of the provincial government for a broad-based consultation for development of RTI law in province.

What makes this law different from the earlier toothless versions is its easy citizen-friendly process of getting access to a wide range of pro-active and on-demand information in the public interest.

It encourages a pro-active disclosure of information, which must be placed in a printable format in the public domain for wider use.

The procedure would be something like this. An information request, subject to payment of reasonable fee, will be dealt by the Information Officer. A receipt will also be issued to the requester upon submission of a request.

Under the law, the relevant department is bound to provide information within 10 days, extendable to another 10 days in case information is not properly stacked and requires search. It ensures quick provision of information in only two days in case it is deemed necessary to save human life.

It is argued that the literacy level in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa differs in different areas and the gender divide is clear, restricting a majority of the population to make use of this law. But, this binds an information officer to provide assistance to the requester in submitting the request and also elaborating the required information.

Any delay or holding of information request can be challenged. A requester has the right to lodge a complaint with the information commission. It will be binding on the public body to prove its position. The information commission will decide about the compliant within 60 days. If the concerned officer is found guilty of denying information to the requester and destroying/mutilating the public records, he/she can be awarded punishment of a maximum of 2-years imprisonment and or fine of Rs250 per delayed day to the maximum of Rs25,000.

Unlike an Ombudsman as an appellant body, the Information Commission will be established within 120 days, headed by Chief Information Commissioner and supported by three Commissioners from retired government officers and members from the judiciary, bar council and civil society. This commission’s prime responsibility is to dispose off the requester complaints, however, it will also develop rules and standards, publicise RTI, conduct awareness and training activities, etc.

The law also provides protection to whistleblowers who bring wrongdoings in limelight in the larger public interest.

Though the government has shown its commitment of promoting good governance and transparency through inclusion of citizens into government functions, it seems a gigantic task to fully implement the law in such a debilitating socio-economic and fragile security conditions.

While speaking during a seminar on RTI, Secretary Information asked the civil society and media to give support in ensuring proper use of this law by the common citizen.

This is something already being practised in India where a peanut vender in a small town can hold an Assistant Commissioner accountable for misuse of government vehicles by having access to information through RTI. Citizens in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa can also avail the offer only if they know about the law.

KP is lucky as it houses institutions where common citizens are engaged in management and oversight. Parent Teachers Councils (PTCs) in the education sector, Primary Care Management Committees (PCMC) in the health sector and Water User Committees (WUC) in the water sector have been instrumental in transforming decision-making into a more inclusive and participatory exercise, resulting in improved service delivery.

The social service committees have their workforce engaged constructively both with the community and administration to provide an opportunity to the government for wider RTI promotion and awareness.

Once this huge social workforce knows about the RTI, its use and effectiveness in holding local administration accountable, it will add to a faster social change at the grassroot level. An effective strategy, engaging these committees, will transform their members into local RTI activists.

The writer is a social accountability expert based at CESSD, Peshawar and can be reached at gulbazali@gmail.com
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15.09.2013
Religion vs nation-state
Either religion has to submit to the exigencies of the nation-state, or else the nation-state,
by acquiescing to the ‘universal’ call of the religion, will sacrifice its very existence
By Tahir Kamran


One of the criteria to ascertain the level of socio-cultural maturity among any group of people is to assess its demeanour towards those adhering to a different belief system. Co-existence, if not camaraderie, among the followers of different faiths or sects is absolutely vital for the sustenance of the multi-cultural, multi-ethnic society of Pakistan, which is also conspicuously punctuated by wide variety of sectarian denominations.

The rapidly diminishing proportion of religious minorities in Pakistan provides a stark testament to our collective attitude towards divergence of any sort, and especially of religious difference. Exclusion in the name of religion has become an institutionalised practice which clerics practice with impunity, and the inability of the state to successfully counter such a social malaise has debilitated not only the state itself, but society too.

On September 7, 2013, the 39th anniversary of the passage of the Second Amendment was marked by the holding of the Markazi Khatm-i-Nubuwat Conference in Johar Town, Lahore. The conference was reportedly riddled with diatribe against Ahmadis. Mufti Muneeb-ur-Rehman, Chairman of the Ruet-i-Hilal Committee was among the principal speakers at the conference. The virulence that his speech contained epitomises yet again the changed character of Barelvi Ulema, particularly in post-independence days, but also it reflected the prevalence of exclusionary rhetoric in a sect known historically for its relative docility. Other speakers including Dr Amir Liaqat Hussain, Pir Muhibbullah Noori, caretaker of Baseerpur and Justice (retired) Mian Nazir Akhtar were equally relentless against this minority group.

Majlis-i-Tahaffuz-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwat, under whose auspice the conference was held, has a history of posing challenges to the state. It almost rocked the foundations of the state apparatus in 1953, until the Army was called in and a tight rein was put on its leaders. History repeated itself in 1974, when they declared Ahmadis to be non-Muslims. Z.A Bhutto acquiesced because he was threatened with yet another challenge to the state. MTKN then perpetuated this challenge (if not direct threat) to the state through Sipah-i-Sahab and the much-feared Lashkar-i-Jhangvi.

This latest conference is yet another repetition of a call to revisit the horrific episodes of religious fanaticism and bigotry that no civilized nation can afford.

The tone, tenor and language employed by these fire-brand guardians of Islam points to their intolerance of those who practice different faiths. This also begs the question as to how a ‘citizen’ is to be defined given the de facto situation obtaining in Pakistan. Practically, the beleaguered minorities of Christians and Ahmadis are denied the right to be citizens of Pakistan. The two categories of ‘Muslim’ and ‘Pakistani citizen’ have become conflated and therefore ceased to be independent of each other. So, whether citizenship should be conferred only on Muslims, or on anybody possessing a Pakistani passport or national identity card irrespective of his/her religion or creed, becomes an open-ended question.

Another point here concerns the obligation of a state to protect its citizens, a duty which it is constantly shirking. The Pakistan Penal Code succinctly pronounces (in section 153-A) a punishment of up to five years of imprisonment and a fine for inciting disharmony or feelings of enmity, hatred or ill-will between different religious groups. The invocation of such punishment becomes mandatory in such circumstance in order to rein in anybody flouting the law, even if it is in the name of religion. Unless this is done, the menace of religious extremism, which inexorably leads to sectarian militancy, will not be contained.

That people who, at one point or the other, have represented the state of Pakistan, such as Muneeb-ur-Rehman and Justice (retired) Nazir Akhtar, are now employing religion to incite violence, which is lamentable, to say the least. The neutrality which used to be a sine qua non for any one holding official position is starkly compromised. Unfortunately, in Pakistan this has become the norm. The government officials make appearances on TV channels and write regular columns expressing views antithetical to stated government policy.

Reverting to the point of the relationship of the religion and the nation-state, which, at best, is erratic primarily because of their inability to co-exist on an even keel. Either, religion has to submit to the exigencies of the nation-state and compromise on its transnational agenda and appeal, or else the nation-state, by acquiescing to the ‘universal’ call of the religion, will sacrifice its very existence. Any religion claiming to have a ‘universal’ agenda will be at the cross purposes with the nation-state, which is run by a constitution and is contained within properly demarcated and internationally accepted frontiers. Even the Muslim states with firmly established theocratic systems of governance, like Saudi Arabia and Iran, keep religion under check. Religion in the particular case of Pakistan tends to disregard such a thing as ‘national frontiers’.

Similarly, religion accords rights and privileges to the believer in its fundamentals, whereas a nation-state is obliged to protect the rights of those living within its frontiers irrespective of their belief system. It is, therefore, essential that, in the peculiar case of Pakistan, the state must assert its position vis a vis the individuals and agencies representing religion. The solidarity and strength of Pakistan is what seems to be in jeopardy here.

Ironically, the surest way to discredit anyone is to call him/her an Ahmadi, in the way that the JUI-F has orchestrated a campaign against Abdul Lateef Yousafzai in spite of the fact that he has denied being an Ahmadi. It is indeed frustrating to know that such people will be sharing the responsibility of governing this hapless country with the PML-N. One can only hope, against hope, that the current government will pay heed to such a situation.
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15.09.2013
Assault on rationalism
A man of virtues, charged with apostasy, Dr Narendra Dabholkar lived and died for a cause to liberate human minds from the shackles of blind faith and superstitions
By Naseer Memon

What Dr Narendra Dabholkar could not accomplish after years of campaigning, his body did even before its cremation. State Cabinet of Maharashtra approved the law to proscribe superstition and black magic on the next day of his grisly murder. The law remained in cold storage for more than eight years after it was approved by the cabinet but could not see the light of day and lapsed. The law seeks to make it punishable for self-styled godmen to prey on people by offering rituals, charms, magical cures and propagating black magic. Dabholkar laid down his life for this landmark legislation, not too exorbitant a deal for a person whose glow would eclipse moons in the skies of human history.

Dr Dabholkar, a septuagenarian crusader for rationality, was silenced by a sanctimonious brigade during his morning stroll on August 20, 2013. It was not an ordinary murder. The assassinated rationalist was an extraordinary soul who relentlessly campaigned for a law against superstition and black magic in India for years. His campaign riled extremist Hindu groups who charged him with apostasy and termed him “anti-Hindu”. His murder sent a shockwave among peace lovers and people who promote rationality in society. The grisly incident reminded such people of their vulnerability across the globe. Maharashtra Chief Minister Prithviraj Chavan, who attended Dr Dabholkar’s funeral in his native place in Satara, likened him with Mahatma Gandhi and compared the murder to the assassination of Gandhi.

A man of virtues, charged with apostasy; breathed and died for a cause to liberate human minds from the shackles of blind faith. His family presented the most befitting posthumous accolade by upholding his mission and decided not to scatter his ashes into water as the apostle of rationality believed that immersing ashes of the dead pollutes water bodies. His soul must have found eternal ecstasy that his family decided to scatter his ashes on his farm where his wife Shaila practices organic horticulture.

Human history is full of evidences that blind faith never tolerates logic and rationale. Dogmatism has an innate propensity to subjugate pragmatism. Orthodoxy in every religion adopted such a course. Muslim clergy of Spain did not spare 12th century Muslim scholar Ibn-e-Rushd. He was a polymath, possessing mastery on Aristotelian philosophy, Islamic philosophy, Islamic theology, Maliki law and jurisprudence, logic, psychology, politics, Arabic music theory, and the sciences of medicine, astronomy, geography, mathematics, physics and celestial mechanics. He challenged clerics for their literal practice by claiming that philosophers had better sense to understand Quranic allegory through lenses of logic. Not just Islamic clergy but Catholic Church was equally snarled by his writings on rationalism that sneaked into European borders from Spain. He was reviled as a heathen.

Similarly, Jewish proselytizers loathed Moses Maimonides (M?s? ibn Maym?n in Arabic). Moses, a great Jewish philosopher and a friend of Ibn-e-Rushd, joined the ranks striving to reconcile religions with reason. He defied Jewish orthodoxy by writing that “If one has the means to provide either the lamp for one’s household or the Chanukah (a Jewish festival) lamp, the household lamp takes precedence”. Orthodoxy barreled its ire towards him and his books were burned publicly.

Europe liberated itself from clutches of blind faith some eight centuries ago. Dabholkars of Europe paid no lesser price either. When Copernicus challenged the geo-centrism of Ptolemy with his heliocentric interpretation of universe, he actually challenged the self-proclaimed divine wisdom of Church. Nicolaus Copernicus was a mathematician and astronomer who placed the Sun, rather than the Earth, at the centre.

Likewise Italian philosopher Giordano Bruno went beyond the Copernican model: he proposed the Sun was essentially a star, and that the universe contained an infinite number of inhabited worlds populated by other intelligent beings. Bruno actually revealed the continuum of universe, which provoked ire of the clergy. Roman Inquisition charged him with blasphemy and he was burnt at stake.

Much adored heroine of France Joan of Arc who led the French army to several important victories during the Hundred Years, War, was put on trial for charges of “insubordination and heterodoxy” and was burned at the stake for heresy when she was only 19 years old. Twenty-five years after her execution, an inquisitorial court revisited the trial and pronounced her innocent. The court declared her a martyr. Later, she was beatified in 1909 and even canonized in 1920.

Countless courageous Dabholkars have been protecting the liberty of human minds through their audacious struggle and heroic battles. Spiraling extremism is an accelerating challenge for rationality in every domain of life. Obscurantist elements are bent upon enslaving human minds and seeking to shape a world where rationale should be subservient to faith. Rationalists like Dabholkar are considered more dangerous than guns and arsenal and therefore eliminated brutally.

Whereas the war between rationale and faith is as old as human society is, its recent manifestations are more complex. Political economy of faith has added new dimensions to human society. It has transformed from a banal matter of individual worship to a complex web of militarised political and economic interests. Millions of simpletons are made fodder of this endless insane war. Both faith and counter-faith have been used as a fig-leaf to conceal nefarious motives such as controlling natural resources and dominating regional and global power structures.

Forces fighting wars in the name of faith and protection of peace often pursue their ulterior motives. Warriors, most of them in their innocence, are hoodwinked and become fuel for the fire. Since dogma dominates their minds and does not allow altruism to nest in their cerebrum, they turn malevolent.

Extremism either in the name of faith or peace has emerged as a serious peril for human society. Societal needs of billions of people are being heavily compromised due to resource drain on wars and illusive security. Conventional security demands are becoming predator for real human security agenda. Millions languishing in hunger, illiteracy, morbidity and unemployment are left with crumbs to crawl with. Human development agenda has been eclipsed by security priorities, which will logically perpetuate extremism and violence. National budgets are heavily skewed in favour of security demands and vital areas of health, drinking water and education are left starving.

From foreign policy to trade and investment, every policy domain revolves around security mania. Regional alliances have also veered their focus towards cooperation for security and not for human development in the member countries. Faith and fear have emerged as defining factors and rationale no more guides the decision making process.

The real crisis in today’s world is not security but the dominance of faith and the ensuing fear. When decision-making process becomes a function of fear and faith rather than rationale, it will only multiply the prevalent crisis.

In this context, Dabholkar’s murder is not just a crime but actually an assault on rationalism. What should prevail; logic or faith is the ultimate battle of human societies. It will not be unfounded to insinuate that the Homo sapiens will relegate to Chimpanzees if rationale is trounced.

The writer is Chief Executive of Strengthening Participatory Organization-SPO; nmemon@spopk.org)
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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)
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