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redmax Thursday, November 25, 2010 10:41 AM

The News: Political Economy: Opinion & Analysis
 
Dear friends,

I am starting this thread to collect the important articles printed in The News on Sunday in Political Economy Section. I am certain that the serious aspirants of CSS know what importance such articles carry. So let's begin.

redmax Thursday, November 25, 2010 10:42 AM

[B][CENTER]Indo-US relations, a perspective
[/CENTER][/B]
[CENTER]What the act of coming closer of the two countries has in store for Pakistan?

By Hussain H. Zaidi[/CENTER]

It has become customary for the West to woo India for reasons chiefly economic and partly political. First, it was the British Prime Minister David Cameron, who during his visit to India in August this year declared that he wanted to make his country the "partner of choice" for New Delhi. And now Barack Obama, the President of the globe’s sole superpower, not only termed India-US relationship one of this century’s ‘defining partnerships’ but also declared his country’s support to India for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council.

Given the familiar Pakistan-India antagonism, it is difficult to avoid flattering New Delhi without at the same time castigating Islamabad. Though Obama was more discreet than Mr Cameron in reproaching Pakistan, he did express his dissatisfaction with the pace of Islamabad’s fight against terrorism. More importantly, he did not criticize New Delhi for the human right situation in Kashmir and reiterated Washington’s position that Pakistan and India needed to sort out their problems bilaterally and that his country would mediate only if both parties consented to that. This is another way of ruling out any American mediation, because India does not want it.

Indo-US relations have come a long way from the suspicion of the Cold War days to the present strategic partnership. This is evident from the fact that out of five presidential visits from the US to India since 1947, when the latter got independence, three have been made during last one decade. In fact, all the three last American presidents, including the incumbent made it a point to visit India — a tribute to New Delhi’s growing international stature and its increasing importance for Washington.

It was President Bush who accepted India as a nuclear power when he sealed a nuclear cooperation deal with that country in 2008. And now Mr Obama wants to build on that relationship. No wonder, his three-day India trip was his longest visit to any country since taking over as American president.

The visit took place at a time when the world’s largest economy is struggling to come out of economic slump and is facing double-digit unemployment. In 2009, the US economy contracted by 2.6 percent and is projected to register a modest growth of 2.6 percent this year and 2.3 per cent next year (IMF’s World Economic Outlook October 2010).

By contrast, India is booming: the economy grew by 5.7 percent in 2009 and is projected to expand by 9.7 percent and 8.4 percent this year and next year respectively. Like a full purse, a rapidly growing economy is never short of friends, who want to cash on its trade and investment potential.

Hence, not surprisingly, the avowed purpose of Mr Obama’s visit to India, like that of Mr Cameron a few months back, was to seek opportunities for his country’s businesses and create jobs to help revive the economy. During the visit the two sides struck trade deals worth $10 billion that are likely to create 50,000 jobs.

Already, India-US economic and commercial relations are growing. Merchandise trade between the two countries has approached $46 billion, including $24.48 billion exports from the USA and $21.40 billion exports from India. In addition, the two countries have $22 billion trade in services. For India, the USA is a major trading partner accounting for 12 percent of the country’s global exports and 8 percent of its global imports.

Though US exports to India have nearly doubled during the last five years, India’s share in America’s global exports is only 1.8 percent, while America’s share in India’s global imports is about 7.5 percent. Given India’s strong economic growth, its status as the world’s second largest market, and liberalization of the economy, the US would like to push up its exports to India and take a larger pie of the Indian market.

Hence, before his visit to India, Obama had underlined the need for greater access to Indian market to boost America’s global exports as a means to create jobs and contain its huge current account deficit. In the USA, the economy plays a greater role than any other factor in shaping politics and Obama, who just before embarking on the Indian trip had suffered substantial losses in mid-term elections, knows that his re-election heavily depends on the economic performance of his administration.

The growing Indo-US ties reflect the present era of economic diplomacy in which a country’s position in the comity of nations is primarily determined by its economic and commercial strength and by and large economics takes precedence over politics in shaping inter-state relations. Hence, developing and sustaining a sound economy and securing and protecting economic interests abroad are the priority of governments’ internal and external policies respectively.

This explains why there is so much emphasis on forming blocs and concluding agreements for economic integration and promoting trade and investment.

Indo-US relations have a political dimension as well. The US wants to preserve the existing uni-polar global order based on the philosophy of liberalism, whose political expression is democracy and economic manifestation is free market economy.

The US realises that although it is the lone superpower, it cannot control world affairs independently. It needs regional partners or allies, particularly those believing in economic and political liberalism to control the world.

India is well-suited to play that role as acknowledged by Mr Obama himself in his address to Indian parliament when he said, "As the world’s two largest democracies, as large and growing free market economies, as diverse multi-ethnic societies with strong traditions of pluralism and tolerance, we have not only an opportunity, but also a responsibility to lead."

The US also claims Pakistan to be its strategic partner. However, the dynamics of Pak-America relations are fundamentally different from Indo-America’s. While the US interest in Islamabad consists mainly in the war on terror and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, New Delhi has a much larger role to play in Washington’s scheme of things as borne out by Obama’s quoted words.

That Pakistan cannot receive the same treatment from America as India does is hardly surprising as the two countries are on different scales economically and politically.

redmax Thursday, November 25, 2010 10:43 AM

[B]
[CENTER] 21-11-2010, Sunday
Indo-US relations, a perspective
[/CENTER][/B]
[CENTER]What the act of coming closer of the two countries has in store for Pakistan?

By Hussain H. Zaidi[/CENTER]

It has become customary for the West to woo India for reasons chiefly economic and partly political. First, it was the British Prime Minister David Cameron, who during his visit to India in August this year declared that he wanted to make his country the "partner of choice" for New Delhi. And now Barack Obama, the President of the globe’s sole superpower, not only termed India-US relationship one of this century’s ‘defining partnerships’ but also declared his country’s support to India for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council.

Given the familiar Pakistan-India antagonism, it is difficult to avoid flattering New Delhi without at the same time castigating Islamabad. Though Obama was more discreet than Mr Cameron in reproaching Pakistan, he did express his dissatisfaction with the pace of Islamabad’s fight against terrorism. More importantly, he did not criticize New Delhi for the human right situation in Kashmir and reiterated Washington’s position that Pakistan and India needed to sort out their problems bilaterally and that his country would mediate only if both parties consented to that. This is another way of ruling out any American mediation, because India does not want it.

Indo-US relations have come a long way from the suspicion of the Cold War days to the present strategic partnership. This is evident from the fact that out of five presidential visits from the US to India since 1947, when the latter got independence, three have been made during last one decade. In fact, all the three last American presidents, including the incumbent made it a point to visit India — a tribute to New Delhi’s growing international stature and its increasing importance for Washington.

It was President Bush who accepted India as a nuclear power when he sealed a nuclear cooperation deal with that country in 2008. And now Mr Obama wants to build on that relationship. No wonder, his three-day India trip was his longest visit to any country since taking over as American president.

The visit took place at a time when the world’s largest economy is struggling to come out of economic slump and is facing double-digit unemployment. In 2009, the US economy contracted by 2.6 percent and is projected to register a modest growth of 2.6 percent this year and 2.3 per cent next year (IMF’s World Economic Outlook October 2010).

By contrast, India is booming: the economy grew by 5.7 percent in 2009 and is projected to expand by 9.7 percent and 8.4 percent this year and next year respectively. Like a full purse, a rapidly growing economy is never short of friends, who want to cash on its trade and investment potential.

Hence, not surprisingly, the avowed purpose of Mr Obama’s visit to India, like that of Mr Cameron a few months back, was to seek opportunities for his country’s businesses and create jobs to help revive the economy. During the visit the two sides struck trade deals worth $10 billion that are likely to create 50,000 jobs.

Already, India-US economic and commercial relations are growing. Merchandise trade between the two countries has approached $46 billion, including $24.48 billion exports from the USA and $21.40 billion exports from India. In addition, the two countries have $22 billion trade in services. For India, the USA is a major trading partner accounting for 12 percent of the country’s global exports and 8 percent of its global imports.

Though US exports to India have nearly doubled during the last five years, India’s share in America’s global exports is only 1.8 percent, while America’s share in India’s global imports is about 7.5 percent. Given India’s strong economic growth, its status as the world’s second largest market, and liberalization of the economy, the US would like to push up its exports to India and take a larger pie of the Indian market.

Hence, before his visit to India, Obama had underlined the need for greater access to Indian market to boost America’s global exports as a means to create jobs and contain its huge current account deficit. In the USA, the economy plays a greater role than any other factor in shaping politics and Obama, who just before embarking on the Indian trip had suffered substantial losses in mid-term elections, knows that his re-election heavily depends on the economic performance of his administration.

The growing Indo-US ties reflect the present era of economic diplomacy in which a country’s position in the comity of nations is primarily determined by its economic and commercial strength and by and large economics takes precedence over politics in shaping inter-state relations. Hence, developing and sustaining a sound economy and securing and protecting economic interests abroad are the priority of governments’ internal and external policies respectively.

This explains why there is so much emphasis on forming blocs and concluding agreements for economic integration and promoting trade and investment.

Indo-US relations have a political dimension as well. The US wants to preserve the existing uni-polar global order based on the philosophy of liberalism, whose political expression is democracy and economic manifestation is free market economy.

The US realises that although it is the lone superpower, it cannot control world affairs independently. It needs regional partners or allies, particularly those believing in economic and political liberalism to control the world.

India is well-suited to play that role as acknowledged by Mr Obama himself in his address to Indian parliament when he said, "As the world’s two largest democracies, as large and growing free market economies, as diverse multi-ethnic societies with strong traditions of pluralism and tolerance, we have not only an opportunity, but also a responsibility to lead."

The US also claims Pakistan to be its strategic partner. However, the dynamics of Pak-America relations are fundamentally different from Indo-America’s. While the US interest in Islamabad consists mainly in the war on terror and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, New Delhi has a much larger role to play in Washington’s scheme of things as borne out by Obama’s quoted words.

That Pakistan cannot receive the same treatment from America as India does is hardly surprising as the two countries are on different scales economically and politically.

redmax Thursday, November 25, 2010 10:47 AM

[CENTER][B]21-11-2010, SUnday
Foreign policy options[/B]

A conference on foreign policy issues of Pakistan discards the old rules and suggests a new shift

By Raza Khan[/CENTER]

At a time when Pakistan is facing the consequences of decades of controversial foreign policy choices it made there is a need to have an appraisal of the existing and previous foreign policy directions which the decision-makers of the country have followed. That is to ascertain to what extent policy objectives have been achieved or otherwise.

This is indeed important to have an informed debate on the extremely critical aspect of state functioning in order to point out the wrongs and avoid repetition of the same.

There is too much talk about Islamabad’s foreign relations with other countries, particularly the US, India, and China but little debate on serious issues regarding foreign policy the state has followed. Through debates on Pakistan’s foreign policy, its objectives, and the tools employed to pursue these goals, inputs from the federating units can be incorporated as policy options.

Debates involving local experts and communities could help shape direction of country’s foreign policy. This is really important for what we may call democratising foreign policy-making processes in the country, in particular against the backdrop that Pakistan’s foreign policy has never been reflective of people’s sentiments and aspirations.

This is one aspect of the process of democratization our politicians have failed to realise. However, international community, especially the Friends of Pakistan are fully cognizant of the need of having public debate in different provinces on state’s foreign policy.

German think-tank cum NGO, Hanns Seidel Foundation, recently held an international conference on Pakistan’s foreign policy in Peshawar. The two-day international conference the German Foundation organised in collaboration with Department of International Relations, University of Peshawar, was titled Pakistan’s Foreign Policy: Analysis at Domestic, Regional and International Levels.

As a participant, one felt a bit nervous about the fact that foreigners are organising debates and discussions which we should have organised ourselves as part of the democratization process. Nevertheless, one still felt it was great that at least some kind of a debate was being held on one of the most important subjects that is Pakistan’s foreign policy in Peshawar.

The holding of the conference in Peshawar was appropriate because the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA are arguably the most affected due to the wrong foreign policy decisions.

Here, one should take into consideration anti-communist and USSR policy of Pakistan which brought Peshawar to a brink of virtual extinction. It was when Soviet Union’s Brezhnev had ordered to eliminate the city after the 1958 U-2 incident in which an American reconnaissance aircraft U-2, taking off from Badabher airbase in Peshawar, was shot down in Soviet Union and its American pilot arrested.

Afterwards, it was KPK and FATA which served as a frontline region of Pakistan during the capitalist world’s anti-communist Afghan resistance. Subsequently, efforts in Pakistan were made to make Afghanistan its strategic backyard. Scholars from Germany, Nepal, China, India and different Pakistani universities participated in the conference.

Presenting a paper on Pakistan-India Relations, Dr Andreas Jakob from Germany maintained that had Pakistan being a purely democratic, federal and secular country Islamabad’s foreign policy responses to India would have been quite different. He said this would have salubrious effects on Pakistani-India relations and stability of the region. He maintained that due to wrong foreign policy objectives, which Islamabad pursued, Indian influence in the region and the world has increased which would further narrow Pakistan foreign policy choices in the coming years.

President of Islamabad Policy Research Institute, Dr Maqsoodul Hassan Nuri, presented a paper on The Impact of Middle East on Pakistan’s Foreign Policy and pointed towards the fact that for right answers regarding foreign policy people must ask right questions. One was a bit surprised to hear someone from Pakistan pointing at the loopholes in Pakistan’s foreign policy.

Dr Noori said, "Pakistan committed several mistakes in formulating foreign policy, however, this was high time for a course correction." In this regard, he emphasized that Pakistan’s foreign policy in contemporary world should be formed on the principles of economic nationalism, good relations with the US and West and, above all, Islamabad’s de-ideologization of its foreign policy.

Many participants at the conference agreed with Dr Noori that the so-called ideology-laced foreign policy has been unrealistic and has added to the problems being faced by the people. Dr Noori also pointed towards the fact that the policy of pursuing nuclear technology for Pakistan was good, adding though that terrorism and poverty, main issues of Pakistan, could not be fought with nuclear arms. One could not agree more with Dr Nuri’s assertion that ‘Arabization’ of Pakistani and its Pakhtun sub-culture had had its role in the rise of religious extremism in Pakistan.

Dr Babar Shah from Area Study Centre, University of Peshawar, during his presentation on Emerging Dynamics of Pakistan-Afghanistan Relations, maintained that radical shift has taken place in Pakistan’s policy towards Afghanistan in the post 9/11 period. Babar said that in the pre 9/11 period Pakistan’s policy about Afghanistan rested on promoting religious rightists or clerics; countering Pakhtoon nationalism emanating from Kabul, and to make Afghanistan a ‘strategic backyard’. He made an interesting point saying that Kabul’s accusation of cross-border terrorism from Pakistan meant that Kabul had come to recognize legitimacy of the Durand Line as a permanent border between the two countries.

Professor Zhao Rong from China, while making a presentation on Chinese Perspective on Pakistan’s Foreign Policy said that the world and regional powers must know that the security and stability of South Asian region depended on a strong Pakistan. To give an example of Pakistan’s diplomatic importance, the Chinese scholar called upon US and his own country (China) that both should not forget the historic role which Pakistan had played in bringing them together in the 1970s.

Professor Dr Savita Pande of Jawahar Lal Nehru University, India made a presentation on Indian Perspective on Pakistan’s Foreign Policy through video conferencing. He maintained that Pakistan never had a coherent foreign policy; rather it only had foreign relations with different states. She said due to this anomaly Pakistan’s policy has been a failure. The participation of an Indian scholar in a conference in Pakistan and that too on such a sensitive topic was indeed a welcome development. This should give Indians an idea that Pakistan is an open society.

The richness of the debate in the conference could be gauged from the fact that a large number of other national and international scholars not only presented papers but gave a lot of food for thought. Dr Janardan Raj Sharma from Nepal made a presentation on Pakistan’s regional role. Professor Rasul Bakhsh Rais from Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) read a paper titled, Exploring Alternative Foreign Policy Paths for Pakistan from Nonsensical to Sensible; Mr Imdad Chandio from Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur, read a paper on Domestic Leftist Perspective on Pakistan Foreign Policy, and Ms Salma Malik, from Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, spoke about radicalization and its impact on Pakistan’s foreign policy.

Students of the University of Peshawar also fully participated in the debate on Pakistan’s foreign policy and asked some very critical and pertinent questions from experts. After hearing questions, observations and comments of students, who represent the new generation of educated Pakistani youth, it was clear that they were largely dissatisfied with the formulation, conduct, and objectives of Pakistan’s foreign policy.

It goes without saying that there is a need to hold more such debates and discussions on Pakistan’s foreign policy in different parts of the country. Collective wisdom of the people must give our rulers a policy direction. One expects that such conferences are also held in Balochistan.

redmax Thursday, November 25, 2010 10:50 AM

[CENTER][B]21-11-2010, Sunday
Economic subjugation
[/B]
The economy is fast plummeting and worse is still to come if curative measures are not taken on a war-footing

By Huzaima Bukhari and Dr. Ikramul Haq
[/CENTER]
Resistance against subjugation — in colonial and neo-colonial era — was once a most cherished value that received praise from great thinkers, many of whom kindled such movements through their writings.

Resistance literature is part of our great human heritage. It has long been a source of resilience and self-esteem for nations that defeated imperialists and neo-colonial forces to earn liberation from exploitation and alien rule.

Unfortunately, the Late Neo-colonial forces in the wake of 9/11 cleverly managed to counter genuine liberation and resistance movements against their hegemonic designs under the pretext of "war against terror". This is, no doubt, one of the most lamentable strategies of the late Neo-colonialists, in which religious fanatics are their main accomplices.

Pakistan is facing multi-faced subjugation. Our subjugation is a self-inflicted phenomenon — our leadership, both military and civilian, has surrendered before late Neo-colonial forces. Yet the people of Pakistan have not surrendered. They are showing resilience even during extreme hardship when basic necessities like sugar and wheat flour are being rendered as rare commodity for them.

Economic subjugation, dictates of the IMF and other donors, wrongdoings of the people at the helm of affairs, unprecedented luxuries enjoyed by the rulers at taxpayers’ expense — all cumulatively — have culminated into an economically unviable state.

Our political and economic subjugation is now complete, or so it seems. The issue of gold and copper reserves at Reko Dik in Balochistan clearly testifies to this. Repeated requests of civil and military leadership to the Prime Minister of Pakistan and American President to ask NATO forces not to violate territorial boundaries of Pakistan is a slap in the face of this nation.

It is not diplomacy but utter submission before those who are the main cause of the present-day crisis in our tribal areas and elsewhere. The forces of obscurantism are used by these late Neo-colonial forces to make us subservient. The need of the hour is to mobilise people against late Neo-colonialists and their cronies — the militants who are exploiting religion for self-interest.

For resisting subjugation, we need to pay immediate attention to pressing issues: foreign forces attacks in our tribal areas, rising wave of militancy, discord amongst coalition partners, horrifying debt burden, worsening balance of payments position, undesirable increase in wasteful expenditure, growing unemployment, widening trade and fiscal deficits, high cost of doing business, burden of new taxes, increases in utility bills, failure of revenue authorities to tap actual revenue potential of over Rs.3trillion and industrial meltdown — just to mention a few.

The economy is fast plummeting and worse is still to come if curative measures are not taken on a war-footing. People’s purchasing power is diminishing, banks have less liquidity, lending rates are exorbitantly high and activities at stock markets are sluggish. The investors are shy and afraid, mainly due to perpetuation of political instability and economic uncertainty. Life for the common man on the streets is becoming a misery leading to social restlessness.

Although we claim to be an agricultural economy yet a vast majority of the people do not have enough to eat. It is tragic that we even import agricultural products and have miserably failed to develop any worthwhile agro-based industry in the last six decades.

Look at the mess our successive governments, military and civilian alike; have created on the debt front. The figure of foreign debt is a monstrous US$55 billion — it is going to be US$75 billion in 2015 — and that of domestic debt is over Rs.5trillion now.

Both the external and internal debts are increasing at a frightening rate. The way we are managing our resources is criminal and is leading us to self-annihilation. Fiscal deficit of over Rs1 trillion is expected during the current fiscal year. This testifies to bankruptcy of our political leadership and IMF-imposed economic managers who keep on relying on incompetent and corrupt bureaucracy.

The policy of appeasement towards tax evaders, money launderers and plunderers of national wealth is showing its impact in all spheres: political culture of changing loyalties continues. In this bleak scenario, our political leaders have no definitive plans how to come out of crises.

The most worrisome sector of economy is agriculture. The rural population is constantly being pushed below the poverty line, making all the targets of growth unachievable. If we have to develop economically, agriculture will have to play a critical role in the fight against poverty.

Vital areas like mechanisation, irrigation, plant protection and improved seeds have not been given proper attention although on paper there are many departments (including agricultural universities) spending millions and millions on claiming to have achieved wonders. In reality, even the issue of loans to small farmers is nothing but just another scandalous affair where a few are making a lot of money in the name of poor farmers.

The industries are already over-taxed but instead of getting any relief, these are being asked to pay even more exorbitant taxes. Fiscal laws impose a number of obligations on citizens but in return they do not get guarantee of life and protection of property what to talk of basis facilities like education, health and housing.

To top it all, a draconian sword hangs on taxpayers as FBR officers issue notices for default for acts not committed willfully. There is no political will to tax the mighty sections of society and the entire tax burden is being shifted on the poor through indirect taxes either in the form of sales tax, federal excise duty or presumptive taxes in the so-called direct taxes — IMF’s insistence on VAT, now renamed as Reformed General Sales tax (RGST), will have inflationary effect and it will push more and more people below the poverty line.

When half of the population of the country is facing malnourishment, wasteful expenditure continues unabated. The grim truth of Pakistan is the habit on the part of the rulers and their lackeys to indulge in self-deception by relying on foreign masters, self-praise, and self-perpetuation at the time of crises without realising how disastrous these acts can be.

All the governments, including the present one, think that serious economic problems can easily be solved by seeking the help of IMF, World Bank, ADB and other donors. This is certainly a disastrous and suicidal path. We cannot come out of debt-enslavement, which is the main cause of our subjugation, unless we first become an economically self-reliant nation. For this, the rulers will have to take the first step by living at very modest level, start paying their taxes and then mobilising the masses for struggle to take a great economic leap forward.

The writers, tax lawyers, are Adjunct Professors at the Lahore University of Management Sciences

redmax Thursday, November 25, 2010 10:51 AM

[CENTER][B]21-11-2010, Sunday
Politics of the common man
[/B]
Ours is a case of lack of focus on the right issues

By Salman Abid
[/CENTER]
The poor and marginalised sections of society face discrimination in one form or the other. Understandably then, people belonging to marginalised groups are more vulnerable to disparities in the country.

According to statistics posted on the Australian government website’s Pakistan section, almost one third of Pakistan’s 170 million people live below the poverty line and more than 60 percent live on less than 2 dollars per day. National health and education systems in Pakistan are under-resourced. Public health expenditure is around 4 dollars per person per year.

Statistics on the website say, only "1.8 percent of GDP is invested in education, compared to a global weighted average of 4.9 percent. Progress towards the achievement of education and health-related Millennium Development Goals has, as a result, been slow. Social indicators are poor, even by comparison with other countries in South Asia. Women and girls are particularly disadvantaged. Infant mortality rates remain amongst the highest in the region. One in ten children dies before age five."

It is unfortunate that our concentration is on the development of main cities as compared to others districts. A majority of the common people do not have basic infrastructure, especially education, health, water, sanitation, food, security, and justice.

The state is responsible to provide basic fundamental rights and facilities but has totally failed to fulfill expectations of the poor people, especially women, children, minorities, and labourers. Actually, the role of the state has been minimized due to increasing privatisation in the country and thus fails to provide basic facilities to the common man. Due to bad governance; state and government policies, people are being compelled to become marginalized and the number is increasing.

We should admit open-heartedly that the state, government, and political intelligentsia have failed to invest in the poor people for their welfare. We are spending more money on non development expenditure as compared to development expenditure. If the state and government face any challenge or disaster then ultimately the development funds are cut down in the name of national interest. People are more frustrated when they see the ruling elite’s social life and their living standards. This is in sharp contrast to the common people.

Our political parties and their leaders are very good at claiming they cater to larger public interest issues. But results are totally different, ignoring the poor peoples’ agenda at large. Unfortunately, we did not develop issues-based politics in the country emphasizing more on non issues in agenda. Political parties’ manifestoes and their commitment towards poor people are not implemented when the parties come in powers. This is because political parties are not accountable to the masses about their own performances.

Perhaps they believe in the conspiracy theory that political power is acquired through the establishment and not from people’s vote. That is why people do not feel strongly associated with their representatives. The question is why the poor and marginalized people have failed to strengthen their own role within the available political framework in the country?

The overall development paradigm focuses on some specific groups and individuals already getting more benefits from different actions. People are still dependent on the ruling elite, and power-based groups like feudal, industrialist and a strong bureaucracy. People have more expectations from political parties and their leaders about good governance and transparent and accountable system in the country.

People also have expectations from institutions for getting some services. Our state, governments and their civil leadership lay more stress on unimportant issues than on common people’s problems. This results from an absence of prioritisation of issues by the institutions.

We have some good laws and policies for the common man but we do not implement them and people feel abandoned. This attitude of the government makes people feel further isolated from the political process. Politics in rural areas is also questionable. Most of the basic health units are not functioning and the basic support structures are not there. Poor people are more vulnerable in society due to the ruling elite’s policies.

One major reason for this political chaos is lack of accountability of government’s policies for the common people. Then there is also lack of participation by the common man in the decision-making process. If the common man is organised, he can challenge injustice. Sadly, most of the time media is also part of the power-based political dynamics and reflects their interest in the name of poor people.

The ruling elite should realise the seriousness of this issue and also avoid political slogans because at this point people need actions and not just commitments. Some of our prominent leaders have raised the issue of disparity among the common people and have publicly warned the government that if it fails to perform its duty a revolt is eminent. But, unfortunately, these leaders have major contradictions and do not come up to people’s expectations.

We should admit that non state actors — militants and extremists — have consolidated their position due to the government’s poor policies. This is perhaps the last chance for our ruling elite to mend their ways and restructure their politics in line with the people’s expectations.

The writer is a political analyst and human rights campaigner. He can be reached at [email]salmanabidpk@gmail.com[/email]

redmax Thursday, November 25, 2010 10:52 AM

[CENTER][B]21-11-2010, Sunday
Fundamental shift[/B]

An indicator of successful implementation of human security paradigm would be a visible reduction in the gap between the haves and have-nots

Dr. Abid Qaiyum Suleri[/CENTER]

It seems anything that can go wrong is going wrong for people of Pakistan. Security situation is getting worse; natural and man-made disasters are hitting it hard; inflation is at its peak; food and fuel price hike seems unmanageable; governance issues and stories of corruption are not only tarnishing the image of government but also weakening the writ of the state.

Continued increase in power tariff, proposed increase in gas tariff, introduction of new taxes, and hoarding of essential food items have turned the life of common persons miserable. What to talk of balanced and nutritious diet, vegetables and pulses — low budget diet — has also gone beyond the access of common Pakistani.

What would happen next? Every other person asks this question, while his/her respondent shrugs the shoulder and leaves everything to God. Frankly speaking, things were never shining in Pakistan. People have been facing crisis after crisis since inception of this country. However, the major difference is that distribution of the effect of these crises has turned much skewed now.

Few among 180 million Pakistanis find the system bowing to their feet. Their wishes and desires become the order of the day and that too at the cost of sufferings of the vast majority. Flood changes its course to save their properties and lands; merits get tailored to adjust their candidature; prices of essential commodities are allowed to soar till their stocks get sold; they always escape from taxation and effect of inflation.

Irrespective of the fact whether they are in power or in the opposition, whether in service or retired, these few can really testify that Pakistan is a gift for them. That is why they always get invited to certain places and that too on special flights at state expenses while many million Pakistani Muslims can never see their wish to perform Hajj coming true in their life time. Hajj is a big thing, ordinary Pakistani Muslims had nothing to offer as sacrifice at the event of Eid-ul-Azha this year.

Deprivation, poverty, social exclusion, food insecurity and helplessness when gets an identity — whether creed, ethnic, provincial, national, or gender — immediately leads to class conflict. I am referring to clash between haves and have not. The clash between those privileged few and majority of non-privileged who are forced by the system to serve the formers. This clash turns the system to work on auto-destruction mode.

One keeps on criticising the role of external actors and factors in creating the messy situation that Pakistan is facing today. The war on terror, heavy influence of American interests on our national agenda, ineffective foreign policy, uncomfortable relations with neighbours, role of the IMF and other multilateral financial institutions on shaping Pakistan’s economic agenda, etc., all are realities that have been affecting the country (negatively) since long. However, one cannot simply shift the blame on externalities.

One’s own house has to be in order to reduce the effect and influence of external factors. Functional democracy and good governance is a prerequisite to bring the house in order. The only difference that I see between the four army dictators and all democratically elected governments is that army dictators tried to pretend democrats after taking over power, while democratically elected rulers turn dictators after reaching power corridors. None of them ever believed in collective wisdom. None of them can bear a difference of opinion and all of them shun independent voices of sanity. Thus, the gulf between the ruling class (read haves) and commoners (read have nots) gets widened and deeper with every passing day.

Policy-reality disconnect has gone to an extent where agriculture minister denies existence of any food insecurity problem in Pakistan and information minister preaches the people to stop consuming sugar to bring its price down. However, all the ministers are not living in Utopia; at least some ministers are more courageous than agriculture and information ministers and admit the existence of problems. Unfortunately, they are always quick in promising that everything would be perfect overnight. Interior Minister keeps on claiming that target killing would come to an end and law and order situation would be perfect within a fortnight while power minister keeps on giving good news to overcome the power deficit problems very soon. So much so, the opposition too keeps on giving last chance to the government to mend its affairs. Alas, amidst these missed deadlines there is no let-up in common person’s miseries.

What can be done differently? There is a lot that needs to be done to save the system in Pakistan from self-destruction. However, one of the most important things is to enhance resilience and coping capacities among masses against internal and external uncertainties. The priority should be to enable the people to meet minimum basic requirements of life.

In order to do so, we would have to think of a new development paradigm, a paradigm that should revolve around human development and individual security. An indicator of successful implementation of human security paradigm would be a visible reduction in the gap between haves and have not which in turn keeps the societal fabric intact and hold us as a nation together. Failure in bringing this paradigm shift can lead to a situation where no one would be able to save the "haves" from the wrath of "have-nots".

The writer is the executive director of Sustainable Development Policy Institute. He can be reached at [email]suleri@sdpi.org[/email]

azizlashari Thursday, November 25, 2010 10:55 AM

best article to be seen here thanks

redmax Monday, November 29, 2010 12:31 AM

[CENTER][SIZE="4"][B]The most powerful of them all[/B][/SIZE]

The ISI and the rest do in fact play a major role in Pakistani politics and most of what they do is something about which most of us can only speculate

By Aasim Sajjad Akhtar[/CENTER]

When the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (CJ) asked the Attorney-General during yet another hearing of a missing persons case on Thursday whether there is any law in Pakistan which governs the conduct of our vaunted intelligence agencies, he was apparently startled by the negative reply. This is strange since all of Pakistan knows about these agencies who routinely take away Pakistani citizens under the pretext of national security.

Among the major benefits that those committed to the long-term democratisation of the state have garnered from the series of events that started with the CJ’s sacking in March 2007 has been the quite considerable scrutiny that has come to be focused upon the doings of our security establishment, and particularly our spymasters. This is not to suggest that the most powerful amongst the powerful are now held to account any more than in the past, but the fact that petitions are filed in the courts charging them with illegal kidnappings nevertheless represents some progress. Still until and unless political forces assert themselves vis a vis the establishment, what takes place in the courtroom will remain largely symbolic.

Spy agencies, by their very definition, are supposed to be immune from any kind of public accountability. Espionage is not necessarily specific to exercise of power in the modern period but it is undoubtedly true that with the inception of the modern state the secret surveillance apparatus has taken on a life of its own and become a power without parallel in the history of settled societies.

The resources available to official intelligence agencies match the power that they exercise. The fact that much of what they do is not recorded anywhere means that the resources that they are allocated also cannot be attributed to any official expenditure head. In effect this means that almost limitless discretionary funds exist for the sustenance of our spymasters.

Most modern states subscribe to the practice of declassifying official intelligence records two decades after the fact. A lot of ‘research’ on the surveillance apparatus and American foreign policy, for example, is undertaken on the basis of declassified documents of the Department of Defence. This does not mean that the deepest of secrets are ever fully unveiled; no one to this day has been able to make sense of the mystery surrounding John F. Kennedy’s assassination, and it is likely that some such secrets just die with those who made them.

In Pakistan we do not even benefit from the declassification of documents. While there are provisions for certain government records to be accessed by ordinary citizens — typically researchers — it is common practice for state functionaries to deny such access. I have had enough personal experiences trying to secure official circulars from the Zia period stashed away in government archives to know that certain information is simply is out of bounds.

It is now well-documented that in the early 1970s then prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto authorised the creation of a political cell in the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) with a mandate to monitor the activities of political opponents. The decision was fatal not only for Bhutto himself but also for the generation of political activists who lived through the Zia dictatorship. In the post-Zia period, our spymasters’ autonomy has increased and only due to the contradictions thrown up by the so-called ‘war on terror’ has a spanner been thrown in the works.

Conventional thinking suggests that intelligence agencies are a necessary evil. The perceived security threats posed by foreign powers and internal dissidents alike are enough to mandate the existence of the intelligence apparatus. This logic has of course been taken to its logical conclusion in the aftermath of September 11, 2001. Every state in the world now has a justification to make its surveillance apparatus even more unaccountable than before, namely the need to defend the populace against the unending ‘terrorist’ threat.

Pakistanis — particularly those who are politically active — have a rather ambivalent view on intelligence agencies. On the one hand most of us subscribe to the ‘greater national interest’ narrative that endows the intelligence apparatus with so much de facto power. However, there is also a society-wide narrative of conspiracies which begins and ends with the ISI (and its less potent counterparts). Indeed so much of what happens in Pakistani politics is attributed to the ‘agencies’ as to make much of our political banter almost meaningless.

This is not to suggest that conspiracy theories can exist in a society where conspiracies do not take place. The ISI and the rest do in fact play a major role in Pakistani politics and most of what they do is something about which most of us can only speculate. That there is finally open acknowledgment in the courtrooms that are supposed to guarantee us easy and impartial justice is a welcome development. But it is also worth bearing in mind that, in the more than three years since this SC has taken up the issue of missing persons, there has been virtually no progress made. Each successive court hearing ends with the representatives of our agencies feigning ignorance and the court appears quite helpless to do anything about it.

In recent times, too much hope for change in Pakistan has been vested in the SC. There are certain things that the courts should and hopefully will do. But the vast majority of our political quandaries can only be resolved by political forces. Bringing our all-powerful intelligence agencies to account entails a long and painful struggle. Many generations of committed activists have done much to bring us to where we are today. But there is a long way to go yet. Whether or not we have the stomach to take the fight to the most powerful of them all will determine how much progress we make as a democracy and as a multi-national state still searching for an identity.

redmax Monday, November 29, 2010 12:32 AM

[CENTER][B][SIZE="4"]Open to debate
[/SIZE][/B]
Government’s efforts to put its development agenda before the world may not be impressive but at least an effort has been made

By Dr. Abid Qaiyum Suleri[/CENTER]

"Pakistan Development Forum (PDF) was full of contradictions with inconsistencies not only among federal government and provincial governments, but also between various federal ministries", these were the remarks of a German official who was part of German delegation and met me in Berlin the other day.

He is not the only one. Most of us who attended PDF had similar views about the quality of deliberations from the government side. However, before discussing the shortcomings, one should give credit to the current government for reorganising the forum after a long gap. The government should be condoned for diagnosing many of its problems, both chronic and acute, and for admitting that they had weaknesses in system that required immediate solution. The government should be also acknowledged for inviting representatives of civil society organizations there. Although few of us who were there felt that civil society representation was not inclusive and we did not get much chance to share our point of view.

The finance minister kept on clarifying that it was not a donor’s conference. It was a forum where the government placed its development agenda before the international community (with a purpose to seek their help and support) for feedback and suggestions. It is a different matter that only Paris Club plus few others were invited in this forum. Indonesia was a new entry from ASEAN.

The topic of this forum was "Reform Agenda for Sustainable Development". One was expecting reforms, at least in theory if not in practice, for sustainable development after the devastating "man made" floods. However, it was quite a disappointment to note that there was no radical shift and despite recognising its weaknesses and shortcomings, government’s plan for development was business as usual. Actually I should stand corrected.

It was not business as usual. At least in business as usual the government was willing to allocate some funds for public sector development programme. Here one of the major reforms was slashing the developmental budget by a massive amount of 541 billion rupees (off course there was no mention of increasing the defence budget by 110 billion rupees). My major worry was that slashing PSDP would mean taking the fuel out from economic growth engine. Half of the Pakistan is already destroyed by devastating floods and rest of the half would be deprived of public sector development programs (on health, agriculture, education, drinking water, civil infrastructure development etc) because we are diverting this money for flood rehabilitation and reconstruction.

The World Bank and ADB shared their flood damage need assessment report; the one which also carries a logo of government of Pakistan (and hence an endorsement of federal government too) informs that 10 billion dollars are required for rehabilitation and reconstruction. I was asked this question again and again by various German ministries and development organizations during last couple of days whether SDPI or any other civil society organization form Pakistan was part of this damage need assessment.

To this question I can only smile. How can I tell them that what to talk of civil society organizations, many of the governmental organizations including planning commission of Pakistan and provincial governments were also not involved in this exercise. No wonder that initial damage need assessment by federal and provincial governments totals to 41 billion dollars.

Coming back to PDF, the session on social protection measures was the most disappointing one. Shehnaz Wazir Ali was asked to reduce her presentation to 10 minutes. Government very rightly highlighted its flagship social safety net programme Benazir Income Support Programme. However, this programme cannot bring any reforms for sustainable development, certainly not in unusual times when majority of Pakistanis are not only marred by effects of floods, food and fuel inflation but also by the effects of initiatives taken for macro-economic stability.

Can we not think of a modified version of minimum employment guarantee scheme or free school lunch programme as have been initiated in India as examples of effective social safety net programs? I don’t mind if we name it Benazir Minimum Employment Guarantee Scheme, but simply doling out money in the name of BISP programme would certainly not turn our social safety nets any effective or sustainable.

The most interesting part of PDF was contradiction between the statements of Interior Minister and Finance Minister. Interior Minister very passionately appealed for writing off debts as a compensation for Pakistan’s sacrifices in the war against terrorism while Finance Minister was of the view that Pakistan is a responsible borrower and we would never ask for debt writing off as it would negatively affect our credit rating.

Another issue that confused the international community was the contradiction between provincial and federal government’s stance on international help. While federal government had made it clear during earlier Friends of Pakistan Forum that it would be taking care of flood rehabilitation and reconstruction expenditures by mobilising its own resources, provincial governments were requesting for direct financial support from international community.

"We were told that GOP would only request for budgetary support for direct cash grants (through Watan Cards) from international community, but here provinces are asking for support for reconstruction and rehabilitation", commented a Western diplomat.

Reform agenda on taxation was least impressive. All Chairman FBR could present was regressive taxes without any clear plan on how tax net would be broadened. In the absence of any discussion on tax on agricultural income, donors were not convinced that Pakistan is really serious to increase its tax base.

I liked the presentation of Governor State Bank. He was quite candid in pointing that government was borrowing 2 billion rupees per day and hence crowding out the private sector from access to cheap liquidity. After his presentation there was a spontaneous comment from a British diplomat who said it seemed Pakistan’s problems lied in irresponsible domestic borrowing.

There was a luncheon session with business representatives. I must admit that we as a nation are still not ready for civilized meetings like having luncheon talks. Dining hall of a five-star hotel was full of people who were least bothered to listen what was being said by speakers on the podium.

SAARC countries were not invited in PDF. We are founder member of SAARC. There are provisions of SAARC food bank to tackle food security issues. There is a SAARC disaster preparedness mechanism, an agreed upon SAARC counter terrorism mechanism and we don’t want to share our development plans with other SAARC partners.

It would have been better to allocate one session for civil society representatives. This could have been given a positive signal to donor countries that Pakistan is following best practices of transparency and consultation. My major concern is that there was no discussion on land reforms, a crucial prerequisite for any meaningful reform agenda in Pakistan for sustainable development. Last week, I did write about a paradigm shift without which the conflict between have and have not is impossible to avoid. I wished if Pakistan Development Forum could have human development approach.

The writer is executive Director of Sustainable Development Policy Institute. He can be contacted at [email]suleri@sdpi.org[/email]


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