February 14, 2012
By Lubna Umar


Is the situation in Balochistan out of our complete control? Are we to believe that things will fall apart as the center looses all conviction to rule, govern and hold? According to latest analysis, it is not only the ability but the will to hold on and reverse the deteriorating situation to regain trust and to take people out of their miserable traumatic state that is largely found missing.
The worsening law and order situation and the reports of the human rights organizations that are highlighting the human rights violations and abuses in the province blaming the security apparatus stems from the lack of interest displayed by the government. The absence of a forceful national narrative allows the international version to become accepted as reality. The local media too it seems is found busy in endorsing whatever the international media throws its way. The grievances of the people have been blown out of proportion to appear colossal.

Thus, it becomes the focal point upon which the international community has based its narrative for Balochistan to propose an independent Baloch State that may prove beneficial for America and India for more reasons than one. That it may also become instrumental in curbing militancy in the region is just another bad idea given forth by the Americans. After a visibly significant failure in Afghanistan, how can such a suggestion be anything other than sheer foolishness?

Apparently the absence of the representatives of the provincial government is being felt with great intensity in the backdrop of the current state of insurgency in the province. This disconnect is giving rise and aiding the tradition of lawlessness in the area where freedom is provided to all criminals and terrorists. Where governance does not enjoy the status of a sacred duty, can the foreign forces be blamed for interfering where ample opportunity is being handed to them on a platter to operate, albeit covertly, as they please?
A military crackdown against insurgents is no solution, either long or short, it can only aid and buttress the political response that is required at this stage. Military operations have their own drawbacks as they create a rift between the people and the armed forces and diminish trust by forming schisms while negatively impacting the psyche. The locals had looked upon the building of the two new cantonements of Sui and Kohlu as a measure taken by the security forces to undermine their influence in the area. Realizing this, for the first time in history the two cantonements were converted into educational institutes in Balochistan, a small step but certainly a giant leap towards a new and enhanced relationship.

The cantonement at Sui was transformed into an education city while that at Kohlu into a military college where the Baloch youth can at least begin their journey towards a better future. These small steps need however to be augmented by the provincial government in order to fill the education gap that has prevented the people of the province from representing themselves.
In the backdrop of the increased international debate the Pakistan government needs to increase its focus upon rectifying the situation by providing a comprehensive framework for resolving the issue politically. A solution can only be provided once the true nature of the problem is known. For that the complete picture of the insurgency, so to speak needs to be analyzed immediately as the first step. According to the information provided by the security apparatus one thing become blatantly obvious that most of the province has been held hostage to a few dominant groups who are harboring a separatist agenda under the flag of nationalism. These anti-state elements need to be exposed for who they actually are, as they must only be termed as crime activists and be banned from operating upon the Pakistani soil.

The people of Pakistan and especially those residing in Balochistan need to be provided with the complete picture. The powers behind the insurgency have been disclosed, albeit in a muffled voice by the interior ministry many times, but needs to be brought out infront of the entire globe more forcefully this time. The three-membered panel of the Congressional hearing on Balochistan leaves little room for diplomacy. The much needed hue and cry from the government over the hearing ought to be followed by a response from the authorities.

Since the primary problem around which the entire turmoil in Balochistan revolves is that of law and order, it must be viewed and addressed accordingly. The security situation in the current scenario is being handled in a most disturbing fashion where approximately 5% of the province is under FC while the rest of the 95% is predominantly being monitored by the levies. The FC operates under the provincial government and is primarily installed to deal with border security issues and curbing the free flow of ammunition into the province. The FC despite being a cohesive and organized force has been facing great threat from the militants and criminal groups that have killed hundreds of FC soldiers so far. The levies, however, is a loosely knitted force that has not been appropriately trained for security responsibilities. They are being controlled by the local elite and according to authentic sources, many cases have been reported where affiliations with hardcore criminals and terrorists have been noted.

In this background, the security apparatus needs to be more organized and vibrant and ought to display professionalism so that they gain the trust and support of the people. Law enforcement in the backdrop of a complex and protracted insurgency is not a job for any Tom, Dick or Harry. This is something that the democratic government needs to realize and address without further delay. A well trained civilian force ought to be installed in the entire province and especially in the five main districts of Quetta, Sibbi, Kalaat, Turbat and Khuzdar where the entire insurgency is focused.

The government needs to strengthen, support and empower the provincial government to make it more responsible towards its fundamental duties. Reforms need to be introduced and a democratic structure needs to be installed in the province to make it more dynamic and representative of all segments of society from all the districts. Authority and resources, thus, must be shared equally by all the districts and need based developmental projects may be initiated and be undertaken at the district level. This may remove the basic grievances of the local populace who may become the direct beneficiary of the projects.

The elected government should give top priority to the ignored province and its people by ensuring that required reforms are introduced to reverse the worsening law and order situation. This can only be possible by taking all the stakeholders on board to devise and implement a politically plausible strategy. Trouble only settles in when the centre become unable to hold on to its constituent parts. It is never just the economic, political or social factors that take people to the brink of separation, it is a lack of trust, a lack of communication and a lack of ownership, love and compassion for each other that splits people and nations into worthless fragments.

The writer is a freelance columnist

February 20, 2012 by admin786| 1 Comment
By Jawad Raza Khan


Years of investment by global and regional actors have been ripe and ready for its harvest. What all expected from the leaders of Pakistan, as per the wishes of wicked actors, unfortunately, Pakistan proceeded just like that. The stories of insurgencies in Balochistan which were tamed and restricted to two or three districts of vast Balochistan, are now picked up, as was in the case of Arab spring. The narrative is now clearer, concise and comprehensive with all well planned executions unfolding one by one. This article is not at all an endeavour to rewrite “Balochistan’s Greater Game” or something which is easily sellable like a “conspiracy theory”. For a change, this will look into Pakistan, how it reacted and what should be done now, to counter all this in the optics of own interest.

State of Pakistan since its inception has remained on high alerts during most of its history. The debacle of Dacca, law and order in Karachi, TTP in Kyberpakhtoon khwa and disturbances in Balochistan all have become part and parcel of our daily life. The two in between (Karachi and KhyberPakhtoonkhwa) are indeed a little different from the case of extremes (Dacca and Balochistan). The said “little difference” is “The Political Vacuum” which is certainly capable of making a big difference if not catered for on war footing.

History reveals that may it be a case of law and order in Karachi, or a full-fledged militarized insurgency in the Northern Province; the events have been taken care off through political and military muscle (in combination). The only reason for existence of at-least minimal controls in the said areas is non-existence of political vacuum in these areas of Pakistan. Before MQM, Jamaat-i-Islami was there in Karachi and when MMA is not in attendance ANP fills up the vacuum. This has always disallowed any armed faction, a continuous maintenance of unchallengeable control in areas with effective political dominion. This point can also be proved if we compare counterinsurgency operation in Swat and FATA. Political activity through political agents (failed system) in FATA and concrete political dynamics of Swat have also shown something to notice, with Swat in front of us “back to life”, and on the other hand a bogged up Pakistani Military in FATA, with militants in control of resistance pockets here and there. So the conclusion is “the best way to fight is to fight with comprehensive political and military will”. Swat operation can indeed be termed as a classical joint political and military operation, but with some very acute flaws in it “The judicial mopping up”, which is completely absent to-date. This silent absence has not been touched or taken up by media as well (strangely), which is now raising many eye brows especially amongst the people of Pakistan who were directly affected because of uncountable terrorist attacks over civilian population. The whole good done will be zeroed if now media and judiciary does not play their part at-least from now on.

Coming back to Balochistan, the “calming down” phase can only be triggered through comprehensive handshake between Political and Military forces (in light of counterinsurgency operations mentioned above), before proceeding any further. With complete Political vacuum in Balochistan, and most of the MNAs and MPAs involved in criminal activities including abduction and killings the scene is most horrifying. Attendance of parliamentarians during sessions of Balochistan Assembly can easily prove the point of disinterested local leadership in the assembly. This has certainly eroded the possibility of the required handshake between Political and Military leadership.
Sadly, we are still suppressing common baloch following the footsteps of our masters (The Englishmen). They use to give power and money to notables and in turn use to effectively purchase their loyalty; completely disregarding the common Baloch.

This will take you as surprise “Balochistan for the purpose of Law and Order is divided into “A” areas and “B” areas. “A” area (5% of Balochistan)) is the one which is under police and FC and “B” area (95% of Balochistan) is under respective tribal control”. During the era of last Government through a notification almost all of Balochistan was declared “A” area, but astonishingly the decision was reversed soon after the takeover of present Government (Political wisdom at its peaks). So, now again the fate of common Baloch is in the hands of uneducated, greedy and cruel. This also must not go unnoticed, that a project like Kacchi Canal was dumped soon after the revival of so called democracy in Pakistan. Details of this project are worth mentioning here. Kacchi canal was an important plank of green revolution plan, costing over Rs 31 billion. This could have been an important plank of Pakistan’s roadmap for bringing green revolution in province of Balochistan. Kacchi canal a giant project for the development of the province would have brought 0.7 million acres of barren land of Balochistan under cultivation after its completion. The said project was supposed to provide 6000 cusecs of water to Balochistan under Indus River System Treaty. The construction of Kacchi canal was part of WAPDA’s vision 2025.The project was inaugurated on October 4, 2002, and was to be completed by the end 2010.

Now what could be expected! Present government capped it for indefinite period; again the beneficiaries were the powerful Sardars and common balochs were yet again betrayed by Islamabad. All was done to favour Sardars like Shahzain Bugti and I sincerely hope that my readers have not forgotten the drama of Nawab Sahib Bugti, smuggling arms and ammunition of worth Rs 46 million from Afghanistan to Quetta. The incident was fortunately covered by Media as well. Guess what happened next! He was bailed out by our powerful and free judicial system within weeks of red handed apprehension in front of so called free media. We can easily imagine the ill fate of common Baloch now, especially after setting free a criminal like Shahzain Bugti. The legal presence of Bramdad Bugti and Harbiyar Marri in London and Switzerland controlling all operation against security forces in Balochistan clearly indicates towards the planned rampage of West against Pakistan. Furthermore, nearly two hours of telephonic contact between US Embassy and Shahzain Bugti during the standoff involving him and FC authorities need no further elaboration.
The question now arises that “how to go about it now”?
“Own house in order is the order of the day”

Situation is certainly complex and warrants immediate actions to be done with force, precision and determination. The policy of 3Es is strongly recommended to ensure that foreign players of the game are resisted in a logical, systematic and a comprehensive manner. Firstly, Education sector need to target the youth of Balochistan as soon as possible. Young Balochs must be given education in renowned institutes all over Pakistan to dig them out of the suffocated environment of Sardari system. Immediate up gradation of all universities and colleges all across Balochistan be taken up as a matter of high priority. This all is needed to be done before they pick up arms for so called Nawabs and Sardars against Pakistan. Secondly, Economy, this will ultimately fall in the lap of law and order. Immediately all B areas should be converted back to A areas for effective writ of the Government. Judicial machinery should be oiled up extensively to look into criminal proceedings on top priority. Projects like Kaachi Canal and M-8 road network must be resumed for desired expeditious economic activity. Lastly, fresh general elections under independent Chief Election Commission with rectified electoral rolls should be carried out for digging last nail in the coffin of foreign actors responsible for creating disharmony in this all important province of Pakistan.

To do all this and to stop wicked plans of foreign players in Balochistan all institutions need to provide a joint front. Political leadership, the military muscle, an efficient judiciary and lastly an honest and a patriotic media is an orthodox definition of the said united front.
God Bless Pakistan

-The writer is a freelance columnist

March 6, 2012
By Raja Zahid Raza

Balochistan, the westernmost province of Pakistan, is the largest in the country occupying 43 per cent of its total area of 796,000 square kilometers. It is also the least populated with just five percent of the total population. This Province has been struggling for its rights ever since the creation of the Pakistan. In the absence of a positive response from the government, this struggle has now taken the form of an open rebellion and a demand for independence.

Balochistan is ethnically the most diverse province of the nation. It is home to the Baluch, the natives of the land, Hazaras, Sikhs, Hindus, Parsees and a diverse array of Sunni sectarian adherents. In terms of languages spoken, as per the 1998 Pakistani census data by ethnicity, Baluch speakers are a slight majority with 55 per cent, followed by Pashto, 30 per cent, Punjabi, three percent, and Saraiki, two per cent. Urdu speakers comprise a mere one percent in the Province.

The importance of this ethnic diversity also lies in the spread of the ethnic communities across the border towards Afghanistan and Iran; this makes the secessionist demand a multinational issue. Baluchistan shares its border with Iran’s restive Sistan and Baluchestan Province which also has a Baluch majority and has been in the throes of an insurgency for many decades. The demand of a Baluch nation brings together all the Baluch majority areas of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran, and if they achieve the objective then the maps of all the three countries will change. This demand for independence further complicates the already complex situation in the region. In the Middle East there are two major ethnic communities which do not have a nation of their own in spite being in overwhelming majority, these are the Baluchs and the Kurds. The similarity does not end here; the communities are spread across three countries which do not enjoy a healthy relationship.

Determining Baluchistan’s ethnic composition has been complicated by Pakistan’s census. The census is supposed to be decennial, but has been deeply politicized since the 1980s. The 1981 census was delayed until 1998, a full 17 years. This extraordinary delay was due to the fact that Baluchistan, along with the province of Khyber Pakhtun Khwa (KPK), formerly called the Northwest Frontier Province, has hosted millions of Afghan refugees since 1979. The Pakistan government hoped that these refugees would return to Afghanistan before the census was conducted. While Pashtuns had lived in Baluchistan long before the Afghan crises unfolded, there can be little doubt that developments across the border have altered the ethnic, political, religious and social fabric of the province, as many Afghans and their offspring have acquired Pakistani national identity cards and have made Balochistan their home. As of January 2012, there were more than 1.7 million Afghan refugees in Pakistan.

The Baluchs took arms against Islamabad in 1971 after the debacle in East Pakistan which led to the creation of Bangladesh. The uprising was crushed brutally and the demographic changes were allowed to weaken the Baluch strength. The violence against the Hazaras by Sunni extremist organisations at the behest of Saudi Arabia and subsequent retaliation by Shia groups made the province a battle ground for Middle East’s Shia-Sunni tussle. The Pashtu-Hazara historic rift was exploited to perpetuate violence against the Hazaras to discipline them. This sectarian violence suited and continues to suit Pak; such attempts to engineer demographic change to reduce the hold of the Baluch people on the province fuelled violence even more. The situation in Balochistan has been grave since early years of the last decade. In the last couple of years the situation has further deteriorated. Some Pakistani commentators have expressed a rather concerned view that the area beyond Parachinar has gone out of government control all together. Balochistan is the most impoverished and backward province of Pakistan despite the fact that nature has provided to it a huge bounty of natural resources. The area contains copper, uranium, gold, coal, silver, and platinum deposits. In addition, it is responsible for about 36 per cent of Pakistan’s total gas production. Astonishingly, only 17 per cent of the gas produced is consumed in Baluchistan while the rest is consumed in other parts of Pakistan.

Baluchistan receives a mere $0.29 per thousand cubic feet for its gas. Nearby Sindh gets $1.65 and Punjab receives $2.35. The Chinese government has got mining rights in Saindak copper mine, where it will receive 50 per cent of profit from the mine and the Pakistani central government 48 per cent, leaving a meager 2 per centfor the Balochistan provincial government. The Chinese, are highly self-dependent and have not engaged local labor in these efforts, therefore these projects are not bringing any development and employment to the province. Pakistan government has reduced the state to a colony. The Baluchs should have been the richest people of Pakistan but they have been reduced to a community which is suffering because of crass colonization and the resultant revolt against government authority.

This ongoing struggle for independence is being blamed to India, the US and Israel. What is being conveniently forgotten is that the people are fighting for their rights in the face of blatant economic exploitation similar to the one that led to the severing of East Pakistan from the dominating influence of West Pakistan. Baluchs have not attained independence because they lack the means and the numbers required to launch an all out rebellion.

Source: pkarticleshub

March 13, 2012
By Dr Raja Muhammad Khan


In a recent statement, the spokesman of the Foreign Office, Mr Abdul Basit has said that Pakistan has been assured by some European countries for no more backing the activities of Baloch sub-nationalists. During his weekly briefing, the spokesman said that, “We have been assured that their respective territories would not be used for anti-Pakistan activities.” Pakistan indeed has “made demarches to the relevant governments.” In this regard, Britain and Switzerland governments have been approached, who responded positively. Unfortunately, the highly civilized governments of the West have been traditionally involved in the destabilization of some of the nation states, which were decolonized by them, after keeping under them for a long time. Pakistan has been the main target for the promotion of these activities.

If the territories of these and so many other western countries are being used for promoting the separatist movement, the real imperialistic designs come from the major global driver, the United States. Did our Foreign Office get any guaranty from this super power, whose law makers have even presented resolution in the US upper House? The immediate response of US State Department was not supportive of this Congressional move and support for Baloch separatists or any of their activities. However, US Government and officials in Islamabad have made many attempts to establish its Consulate in Quetta. After all, there must have been some apprehensions, owing to which, Pakistani Government did not agree to that.

More recently, there was a media report that US Government is massively supporting the activities of the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA). Though, the report has been rejected by US Embassy in Islamabad. The US Embassy statement said that, “We categorically deny this claim as utterly false and lacking any basis in fact.” The report further said that, “It is common practice for diplomats to meet with provincial leaders in order to better understand the local political climate of the country to which they are assigned.” Indeed, the use of soft power at the State level, while apparently denying parallel developments like; use of direct and indirect means including; media, spying network, scholars and law makers is new technique for the implementation of global agenda by the modern day super power. In this regards, its trans-Atlantic allies and their soil become the physical centres for harbouring such elements, while implementation rests with the brains at CIA and Pentagon.
For the moment, let us believe Victoria Nuland and US Embassy in Islamabad, who assure Pakistan that, in no case US supports sub-nationalists in Balochistan. But what about the long history of US official and non official documents, plans, articles and covert activities of its very important scholars, and law makers, who have been promoting separatism in Balochistan? Whereas, Congressman Dana is among the US Lawmakers, who can deny the lengthy article published in US Armed Forces Journal in 2006, entitled as the “Blood Borders.” With Pentagon, as the publishing authority, how can someone deny the mindset of this mighty and unparallel establishment, which spends half of the world’s defence budget per years?

Mr. Ralph Peters, the famous writer of this article, who happens to be a faculty member and think tank of US Defence Establishment. In the current discussion of the Resolution on Balochistan, this retired Marine Colonel has been very active and advised US Government to break its relationship with Pakistan and support for the independent Balochistan. Indeed, in his above mentioned article, he categorically supported the creation of independent Balochistan, with the name of Greater Balochistan; an integration of Baloch areas of Pakistan “with those of Iran and possibly the Southern tip of Afghanistan thereby leading to a process of political fracturing in both Iran and Pakistan.” The contents about the future of Pakistan were essentially not of this writer, but very clearly indicating the mindsets of global game changers.

In the same years, Pakistani lawmakers of the Upper House warned Britain spying network of, “abetting the insurgency in the province (Balochistan) bordering Iran.” These covert British activities were of course not in isolation, but part of a network, consisting of CIA, Mossad, RAW etc. Thus, it may be difficult for the Pakistani Government that even after knowing the massive global engagement in Balochistan, it simple believe the statement of US Embassy in Islamabad or Spokespersons of US State Department Victoria Nuland.

After having known the factual position of the global involvement in the destabilization of Balochistan, should we only condemn their acts or move ahead. After all US and EU are not going to address our domestic issues, and if they are involved, the issue is more complex then. Pakistan cannot force these countries to delink from their covert activities, though apparently they promised to do that. However, what Pakistan Government should do to take steps for putting our own house in order. After knowing these conspiracies since last so many years, why we have been closing our eyes? Why cannot we redress the grievances of the Bloch masses? Have they been asked about their real issues? Has the so-called ‘Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan package’, passed by Federal parliament in November-2009, implemented. What about the law and order situation there in the province, who would control that.
These very simple, but realistic questions need immediate attention by the Federal Government. It may not be enough to blame security forces, intelligence agencies and Frontier Corps for some of the acts, took place, owing to continuous negligence and repeated failure of all the stake holders. Missing persons is not the one issue. The real problem is the socio-economic uplift of the Baloch masses. Have the provincial and Federal Governments able to do that? People of Pakistan and Baloch masses would like to know the real uses of their allotted budget. Is it only for the MPs, who all are ministers, except one opposition members? Is it for the purchase of loyalties of the MPs and Senators to keep the Provincial and Federal Governments intact or for the welfare of the Baloch masses? Who does not know the sales and purchases took place during the recent Senate selection.

While the country is passing through the most critical juncture of its independent history, its leadership is busy in buying the MPs and senators, totally ignoring the ground realities. Nobody is bothered about the future of this only nuclear Muslim country and masses, who regrettably brought them to the power.


As a patriotic Pakistani national, my sincere advice to the law makers and national leadership would be to please concentrate on the real issues of this country and particularly the deprived class of Baloch masses. The sooner we do that, the better would it be. By taking such a step, we can foil the global conspiracies too. Otherwise, we must remember that, despite global assurances, forces are active to play with the future of Pakistan.

The writer is an analyst of international relations.
Source: pkarticleshub

March 14, 2012
Mahir Ali

If Pakistan wants to treat us as a sovereign people, we are ready to extend our friendship. But if Pakistan does not do so and forces us to accept this fate, flying in the face of democratic principles, every Baloch will fight for his freedom.” These sentiments could have been expressed yesterday. But they weren’t. They date back some 65 years.

The prescient sentences come from a speech in the Kalat Assembly by a young Mir Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo. Not long afterwards, ignoring resolutions passed by the assembly, the Khan of Kalat — who had previously made the case that Balochistan deserved independent statehood on the Nepalese model — felt obliged, in the face of a military threat, to sign the instrument of accession to Pakistan in 1948.

In surveying the present controversy over Balochistan, thrust into the limelight by a barely relevant US congressional subcommittee hearing earlier this year, it is important to recall that its amalgamation into Pakistan bore little relation to the popular will. The spirit of resistance is not a 21st-century phenomenon, nor does it stretch back only as far as the 1970s, when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s dismissal of a popularly elected provincial government led by Bizenjo and Sardar Ataullah Mengal sparked four years of guerrilla warfare.

It is also difficult to ignore the fact that the present government’s supposed recipe for reconciliation is titled ‘Aghaz-i-Haqooq-i-Balochistan’, loosely translatable as the ‘Beginning of Balochistan’s Rights’. It’s a bit late for a beginning. Too much blood has stained the province’s rugged terrain in the interim. Worse still, the mutilated corpses of suspected political activists keep turning up far too frequently — a phenomenon that until recently attracted precious little attention in much of Pakistan’s mainstream media.

It is unlikely that the person designated to implement the agenda, Rehman Malik, inspires a great deal more faith among Baloch nationalists than Z A Bhutto’s trouble-making interior minister Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan. Besides, while Islamabad’s efforts may be directed towards ostensibly desirable ends on the jobs and education front, they are peripheral to the core concerns of the nationalists — namely military and paramilitary operations, conducted with impunity — and therefore liable to be perceived as a meaningless sop.

It is not entirely surprising, meanwhile, that too much attention has been paid by proponents and detractors alike to the non-binding resolution moved in the US House of Representatives by the chairman of the oversights and investigations subcommittee, Dana Rohrabacher, on sovereignty on Balochistan. The extent of Rohrabacher’s familiarity with the territory is signified by the reported fact that he refers to it as ‘Balookistan’. A former speechwriter for Ronald Reagan, Rohrabacher conceded in an interview to The Washington Post last month that he was an ardent supporter of Pakistan’s role in Afghanistan when the Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI) was training anti-Soviet jihadists, but that he now views Pakistan as an enemy. “If people are being oppressed by a government that is also committing hostile acts against your country, it is logical to point that out,” he told the Post.

By the same token, presumably, if people are being oppressed by a government that worships Washington, it would be illogical to point that out.

The resolution, co-sponsored by two other Republican congressmen, appears to have been intended primarily to embarrass the Barack Obama administration, whose representatives have been at pains to point out to Islamabad that the relatively meaningless move was not backed by the White House.

The demographic changes in the province over the decades are yet another bone of contention — one that would acquire considerably more relevance were Baloch independence to become an imminent prospect.

Independence would also entail other complications, such as the fact that Baloch territory stretches into Iran and Afghanistan. That may not be much of an issue for the likes of Rohrabacher, who favours a partition of Afghanistan and presumably wouldn’t be averse to the dismemberment of Iran. It’s worth noting, though, that Z A Bhutto’s hostility to Baloch nationalism was underscored by pressure from the Shah of Iran — and there is no indication that the views of the Islamist regime in Tehran substantially differ from those of the Shah in this respect.

A concerted drive for Baloch independence thus may well entail a regional conflict. Even if it didn’t, it would undoubtedly be a bloody affair — quite possible considerably bloodier than the deplorable status quo. After decades of struggle and repeated setbacks and betrayals, it would hardly be surprising were the Baloch to view any promises of autonomy with scepticism. It’s telling, though, that such concessions are not on the agenda.

The idea of an all-parties conference excites little enthusiasm. The first meaningful step towards some sort of a rapprochement would be the cessation of military operations: after all, Balochistan needs to be conciliated, not conquered. It is hardly likely though that the weak central government could achieve this even if it were so inclined.

The province’s feudal set-up is undoubtedly a matter for concern, although it must be noted that, more so than elsewhere in the country, components of the educated tribal elite have also been behind progressive impetuses. The existing relations of production will ultimately be superseded. For the moment, though, the Zardari system comes across as no less a barrier to progress than the sardari system.
Mahir Ali is a former Assistant Editor of Khaleej Times

Source: Khaleej Times

March 20, 2012
Babar Ayaz

To understand this issue it is time to refresh our memory about the history of mismanaging Balochistan by Pakistan’s ruling elite.

Many years back I had called on Nawab Akbar Bugti at his Quetta residence. He was a bitter man, although his son Salim was a senior minister in the Balochistan government. During the discussion on harnessing Balochistan’s oil and gas resources, he said that no fresh exploration should be allowed in the province. Knowing the reasons for his reaction, I suggested that the Balochistan government or the people living on each concession should establish their respective holding companies, which should partner with the prospective exploration companies. “For instance,” I explained, “you can have say 15 percent to 20 percent equity in the company so that when oil and gas is discovered you can share the profit.” Nawab Bugti laughed at my suggestion cynically and said, “Babar, you are naïve. The government (federal) is not willing to give us control over our resources so how can we negotiate with others?” He was right then because the constitution of Pakistan did not give the native people any right over their oil and gas reserves.

Bugti was not the only one in Balochistan who felt that the natural resources should not be developed till the province gets control over them. “Let them be under the ground as this is the asset of our people, we don’t want to lose them like the Sui gas reserves.” This has been the common stand of a majority of the Baloch and that of other nationalists in Sindh and NWFP.

However, the 18th Amendment and the 7th NFC Award have now given equal control to the federation and the respective provinces over their oil and gas resources. Minerals and coal were already in provincial control. But this only happened in 2010 when the federation and the provinces made a leap forward to granting provincial political and financial autonomy. Not every government in Islamabad in the past believed that natural resources were provincial assets and not that of the federation.

It was this unresolved provincial autonomy issue that haunted Pakistan from its inception. Provinces were denied their right to control their economic resources even though half the country was lost because of this stupidity of the establishment.

Balochistan is going through its fifth low intensity insurgency after the killing of Nawab Bugti by the army in 2006. Since then the resistance led by mainly four Baloch militant groups is keeping the independence demand alive. Every day, reports about either the killing of some Baloch nationalist allegedly by the intelligence agencies or the killing of security forces by one of the four major Baloch liberation militant groups are published or telecast as a matter of routine. It is one of the worst examples of the Centre-province relationship in what remains as Pakistan.

Let us scan the Balochistan and Pakistani establishment relations briefly. “Baluch political unity,” according to Selig Harrison, “came in the 18th century when several successive rulers of the Baluch principality of Kalat succeeded in expanding their domain to bring the Baluch areas under one political umbrella. Mir Nasir Khan, who ruled Kalat for 44 years beginning in 1749, set a loose bureaucratic structure embracing most of Balochistan for the first time and got principal Baluch tribes to adopt an agreed system of organisation and recruitment” (“Ethnicity and the Political Stalemate in Pakistan” by Selig Harrison, published in Regional Imbalances and the National Question, Edited by S. Akbar Zaidi (P 231).

But Adeel Khan’s contention is that “Baloch Nationalism emerged in a tribal set-up well before partition of India, and was opposed to Balochistan’s accession to Pakistan. After partition, however, the Pakistani state’s treatment of the region turned Baloch nationalism into a potent force, which attracted international attention…” Politics of Identity — Ethnic Nationalism and the State in Pakistan by Adeel Khan, published by Sage Publications, 2005 (P 109).

First the understanding was reached with the Khan of Kalat and the British Empire representatives on August 4, 1947 that Kalat would be independent on August 15, 1947, enjoying the same status as it originally held in 1863, having friendly relations with its neighbours. Another agreement was signed with Pakistan on the same date which said that: “The government of Pakistan agrees that Kalat is an independent state, being quite different in status from other states of India, and commits to its relations with the British Government as manifested in several agreements.”

It was agreed that in the meantime a standstill agreement would be made between Pakistan and Kalat by which Pakistan shall stand committed to all responsibilities and agreements signed by Kalat and the British government from 1839 to 1947 and by this Pakistan shall be the legal, constitutional and political successor of the British (the British had control only over Quetta and some other areas). A few weeks later, Kharan, Lasbela state and the Marri, Bugti tribal areas were returned to the Kalat fold. The Kalat government made a formal independence declaration on August 11, 1947 and a delegation came down to Karachi to discuss the future relationship with Pakistan.

While the Khan of Kalat seemed inclined to merge his state with Pakistan, the Baloch Sardars of his jirga were not interested to do anything in haste without settling the provincial autonomy issues. The Khan was under considerable influence of Quaid-e-Azam and had promised to work out the merger details in three months, but as the Quaid was unwell, this issue was handed over to his cabinet. They mishandled the whole issue and used the British tactics to pitch the Baloch against each other by carving out three states of Kalat — Kharan, Lasbela and Makran.

This resulted in the first uprising against Pakistan in 1948. The unilateral decision to break the Kalat State by Pakistan was contrary to the earlier understanding that in case the relations of Kalat with any government got strained, Kalat will exercise its right of self-determination (some historians believe that this also led the Maharaja of Kashmir to merge with India).

That was the beginning of the Baloch revolt against the Centre. They have been to the mountains many times since then, the last (before the present armed revolt) being the one against the dissolution of their elected government by Mr. Bhutto in 1973. Khair Baksh Marri and young Dr. Abdul Hayee Baloch refused to sign the 1973 Constitution as it did not recognize the rights of the provinces over their economic resources.

Although gas was found in Sui in 1952, the province was not given any share from its profits. The provinces’ right over 12.5 percent royalty on oil and gas was accepted as late as in 1995. And what Balochistan used to get on the gas produced by it, which meets almost 21 percent energy needs of the country, was a mere pittance. This royalty goes into the provincial kitty but not much trickles down to the people of the area who actually own this precious natural resource. Provincial governments in Pakistan have also been denying the local governments and people their due economic rights.

(To be continued)

The writer can be reached at ayazbabar@gmail.com
-Daily Times

March 20, 2012
Iqbal Haider

If US Congressman Dana Rohrabacher had not moved a resolution on Balochistan last month the most alarming conditions in Balochistan would not have received so much attention in the print and electronic media and by government and opposition politicians. This resolution of the US Congressman has awakened our past military president and the present elected president. On March 8, in a meeting with the chief minister of Balochistan, our worthy president considered it necessary to highlight the development funds granted for Balochistan and his willingness to apologise ten times to the estranged Baloch for the excesses committed against them in the past.

In a similar manner, Gen Musharraf, who is responsible for unpardonable atrocities committed in Balochistan, also highlighted the so-called “development schemes and projects” approved by him for Balochistan in his article in two parts, titled “Understanding Balochistan.” This was an attempt by Musharraf to exonerate himself and further mislead the people.

Neither mega-development programmes nor a thousand apologies are good enough unless the grievances of the people of Balochistan are addressed. Incalculable wrongs were committed against the Baloch by the regime of Gen Musharraf. Most regrettably the same policies are still continuing under the present elected government.

Most of the contentions of Gen Musharraf are either wholly baseless, or distorted and highly exaggerated. Like the present president who takes pride in the mega- development projects under “Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan,” Gen Musharraf has also presented a long list of his so-called achievements during his reign of terror. If these development projects and achievements were the answer to the turmoil in Balochistan then normalcy should have been restored long ago. The ground realities prevailing in Balochistan prove that such measures alone are not the solution to the issues and have failed to satisfy the aspirations of the people of Balochistan.

Gen Musharraf committed barbaric atrocities against the Baloch nationalists. after he made a unilateral declaration of war against the three popular Baloch tribal sardars, Sardar Akbar Bugti, Sardar Khair Bakhsh Marri and Sardar Attaullah Mengal, and their family members and followers. The Marris and Mengals were never in league with the Bugtis. On the contrary, when the Bizenjo-Mengal government in Balochistan was unjustly dissolved in 1973, the Bugtis were direct beneficiaries of that.

Nawab Bugti was then appointed governor of Balochistan and remained a trusted and favoured ally of all the governments till the early years of the Musharraf regime. The attacks of Gen Musharraf on all three brought them close to each other. The Musharraf regime resorted to the worst atrocities on the soil of Pakistan and against our nationals both by aerial bombing and through the use of our forces in Awaran, Panjgur and the Murri and Dera Bugti. So much so, that from 2003 an exodus started from various districts of Balochistan, in particular from Dera Bugti, Kuhlo, Marri area, Kahan, Panjgur, Awaran, Barkhan, Jabbar and Pekal.

Details of the mass exodus and the atrocities were published in many reports in national dailies and monthly magazines, as well as in the HRCP reports of 2006 and 2009, with the testimonies of the families of the victims and local leaders.

The repeated claims that there is no army operation in Balochistan are also belied by the contents of the article by Gen Musharraf and were never believed by the people of Pakistan. For ordinary people there is no difference between army or paramilitary forces or law-enforcement agencies. For them they all look alike and act alike. The question remains unanswered as to why the internally displaced persons from the effected districts of Balochistan have not been rehabilitated with adequate compensation for repair and restoration of their houses?

In an attempt to justify the murder and mayhem let loose by him, Gen Musharraf has alleged that “Nawab Akbar Bugti was challenging the FC, the army, the provincial government, and indeed Pakistan.” He conveniently forgets that the two prime ministers nominated by him were great admirers of Nawab Akbar Bugti. Soon after his election as prime minister, Mr Zafarullah Jamali declared in December 2002 that Nawab Bugti was his “ideal political leader.” His successor, Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, who was appointed as prime minister by Gen Musharraf during a transitory period declared that “I owe a debt of gratitude to Nawab Bugti and the province of Balochistan and its people.”

In order to discharge this debt, Chaudhry Sahib, being a favourite and trusted ally of Gen Musharraf, constituted a parliamentary committee on Balochistan comprising 38 members of the National Assembly and the Senate. This committee was headed by Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and included his close aides and favourites, Senators Mushahid Hussain and Waseem Sajjad, as well as members of all the political parties represented in the parliament including the JWP of Nawab Bugti. Two sub-committees of members of parliament were also constituted. One was headed by Mushahid Hussain, secretary general of the PML-Q, and the other was headed by Mr Waseem Sajjad. The members of this committee met and sought the views of most of the prominent Baloch leaders including Nawab Akbar Bugti, Sardar Khair Bukhsh Marri, Sardar Ataullah Mengal, Dr Abdul Hai Baloch and the Khan of Kalat.

After due deliberations amongst themselves and discussions with the prominent leaders of Balochistan, including Nawab Bugti, the sub-committee headed by Mushahid Hussain submitted its report and recommendations. Nawab Bugti had welcomed these committees and supported the recommendations of the sub-committee, but neither was the parliamentary committee allowed to conclude its final report nor did Gen Musharraf practically implement the recommendations of the sub-committee. He continue his most aggressive and counterproductive policy of attacking Dera Bugti and other districts of Balochistan with full force, which resulted in the death of Nawab Akbar Bugti and his innumerable followers.

In his article Gen Musharraf conveniently omitted to mention his public threat to Nawab Bugti: “You will not know what has hit you.” This was no hollow threat, it was executed on Aug 26, 2006. And to add to the heinousness of the crime, the remains of Nawab Akbar Bugti were kept in a locked coffin. None of his blood relations, family members, followers and admirers of the Bugti tribe were allowed to see his face or to offer even funeral prayers before the locked coffin was buried. Perhaps, even now none of the family members and admirers of the Nawab are allowed to visit his grave. We still don’t know what is in the locked coffin.

This shocking treatment meted out to Nawab Bugti and others naturally resulted in a wave of anger not only in Balochistan but also all over Pakistan. It appears that either the Musharraf regime was oblivious of the consequences or wilfully pushed the Baloch to the wall.

(To be continued)

The writer, a former senator, attorney general and federal minister, is a Supreme Court advocate. Email: ihaider45@yahoo.com

March 21, 2012
Iqbal Haider

After the murder of Nawab Akbar Bugti, Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and Mushahid Hussain Sayed paid rich tributes to him, as reported in the print media of Aug 28, 2006. These two favourites of Gen Musharraf “slammed the killing of Akbar Bugti and stated that it should not have happened.” Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain expressed his indebtedness to Nawab Bugti for saving the life of his father, Zahoor Elahi. Mushahid also disclosed that “he had successfully negotiated with Bugti to normalise the situation in Sui and Dera Bugti.”

Now, should we believe Gen Musharraf, who portrays Nawab Bugti as an enemy of Pakistan, or should we believe his two trusted stalwarts who hold Nawab Bugti in high esteem?

Besides giving the worst treatment even to the dead body of Nawab Bugti, Gen Musharraf implicated Sardar Khair Bakhsh Marri in a murder case on false allegations. At the same time, for no cogent reason the agencies of Gen Musharraf deliberately attacked another respected and popular leader, Sardar Ataullah Mengal, and his family members. Mohammad Hassan Ghichki, one of his brothers-in-law, was tortured to death in the Central Prison of Karachi on January 30, 2006. Two medial boards were constituted one after another to determine the cause of his death. A judicial commission was constituted under Justice Zawwar Hussain Jafri of the Sindh High Court, but neither the medical boards nor the judicial commission were allowed to function or present their reports. The killers of Hassan Ghichki are still at large.

Soon thereafter, in April 2006, the house of Sardar Akhtar Mengal in the Defence Authority in Karachi, was raided by army personnel and he, along with his driver and guards, was arrested and taken away on the basis of an FIR registered in Darakhshan police station in Karachi under several sections of the PPC and the Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997, on the basis of false and baseless allegations.

One of the many inhuman, unconstitutional and illegal policies adopted by Gen Musharraf was allowing military agencies to indiscriminately kidnap several hundred innocent citizens, and according to some estimates several thousand, from almost all parts of Pakistan. But the largest number of missing persons is from Balochistan, which is Pakistan’s least populated province. Most unfortunately, this inhuman policy of Gen Musharraf has been adopted and is being pursued by the present elected government.

The latest victim is an innocent young man, Omer Mahmood Wali Khan, who was abducted by the agencies from Islamabad on March 10, in the presence of his helpless father and other family members. The only allegation against him appears to be that he served food and water to protestors against disappearances, in a camp set up opposite Parliament House. How can any sane person object to such a commendable service by Omer, who was helping the oppressed persons sitting in the camp?

Despite innumerable protests and demands within parliament and outside, our elected government remains unmoved by the fact that a huge number of persons are still missing, with no explanation and no indication of their whereabouts or of the charges against them. How can the civil and military authorities deny the fact that this illegal and inhuman practice of disappearances adopted by our agencies has not in any way helped in arresting the real terrorists or containing incidents of terrorism?

Though they have no right under any law or the constitution to continue to hold innocent persons in custody, without disclosing the charges against them, the whims and fancies of the officers of the military agencies are defeating all orders and writs of the judiciary as well as the writ of the government. Come what may, the government and the judiciary must not allow this most inhuman legacy of dictator Gen Musharraf to prevail.

Musharraf has the audacity to state in his article that “there certainly have not been any human rights violations in Balochistan.” This statement only shows that he is still living in a world of his own. He is divorced from realities, or he does not even know the meaning of human rights, law and constitution.

The list of innumerable atrocities, crimes, murders, mayhem, violations of laws and the constitution committed by Musharraf is far too long for me to cover in one or more articles. The former dictator must also be held responsible for the murder of Shaheed Benazir Bhutto and the deaths of more than two hundred workers of the PPP.

It is an undisputed fact that Mohtarma Shaheed was denied the required security both on October 18, 2007 in Karachi and December 27, 2007 in Rawalpindi and both places where the incidents took place were deliberately washed out immediately by Gen Musharraf’s regime with the obvious motives to destroy any evidence that may be available there.

In the continuing violence, terrorism, targeted killings and suicide bombings, not only in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa but also in other parts of Pakistan, one is forced to question the role, performance and competence of our civil and military intelligence agencies. Although the number of the personnel of all the agencies has increased phenomenally and they are provided unaccounted-for and undisclosed massive budgets, regrettably we see no marked improvement in conditions on the ground.

During the course of the hearing of Air Marshal Asghar Khan’s case, the most unethical, undemocratic and unlawful activities of the military agencies have been exposed. The chief justice of Pakistan has also been expressing concern and dissatisfaction over the fact that the agencies operate outside their mandate and carry out interference in politics.

Please recall that Mohtarma Shaheed Benazir Bhutto had the vision and courage to constitute in 1989 a commission headed by Air Chief Marshal Zulfiqar Ali Khan to review the structure, mandate and functioning of all the civil and military intelligence agencies. The report of this commission is most commendable and useful. Why is it being wasted through restriction imposed on its publication? Its disclosure will be in the national interest – to check the prevalent undesirable and detrimental practices which are harming the image of the agencies as well.

It is also in the interest of the civil and military agencies that their performances are made more effective and undesirable elements and practices are removed from their ranks and files and their image is improved by ensuring better performance. The federal government should complete the unfinished agenda of Shaheed Benazir Bhutto by implementing in letter and spirit the recommendations made in that report.

(Concluded)

The writer, a former senator, attorney general and federal minister, is a Supreme Court advocate. Email: ihaider 45@yahoo.com
-The News

March 28, 2012
Dr Qaisar Rashid

Every new age makes new adjustments and consigns anachronistic views, doctrines and paradigms to the dustbin of history. One undesirable, aged status quo crumbles while another desirable, fresh one takes birth. The transformation may be painful but is necessary for keeping a society dynamic. Symptoms signify that Pakistan is passing through the agonising course of replacing old trends of civil-military relations with new ones.

The change became palpable first in 2007 when the higher judiciary took notice of the missing persons and held the intelligence agencies accountable. The then Chief of Army Staff General Pervez Musharraf reacted to that ‘invasion’ and suffered a debacle. Subsequently, the lawyers’ movement for the restoration of the judiciary would not have been successful if the masses had not buttressed the movement. By so doing, the masses gave a decision against the supremacy of the military over state affairs — both judicial and political. Hence, in the recent history of Pakistan, the first display of civilians not submitting to the dictates of the military surfaced during the tenure of the military regime of General Musharraf. Wrapping up his ‘Pakistan first’ mantra, and airing his ‘the UK first and Dubai second’ hymn, General Musharraf fled from Pakistan for his life in 2008.

Neither Balochistan (43 percent of the total land area of Pakistan) nor FATA (2.6 percent of the total land area of Pakistan) now falls under civilian sway. In Balochistan, the Frontier Corps (FC) is all-powerful to take any action of its own volition and with impunity. In FATA, the Presidential Ordinance of 2011 called Action (in Aid of Civil Power) Regulation 2011 for FATA has surrendered civilian supremacy to the military. In fact, the media cannot even give coverage to this 46 percent of Pakistan and in the rest of the 54 percent, the media enjoys a selective penetration — more in urban and less in rural areas. One can also say that currently half of Pakistan is under civilian sway while another half is under the military’s influence.

Similarities between the issues of Balochistan and FATA are few but differences are numerous. For instance, no presidential ordinance has been issued for keeping Balochistan under the military or FC rule. Then why is the FC ruling the roost in Balochistan? Secondly, it is understandable that the war on terror has engulfed FATA but then why is Balochistan suffering?

The 18th and 20th constitutional amendments have undoubtedly made the strengthening of democratic institutions and the averting of the next military coup possible, but no constitutional effort has yet been made by parliament to rein in the intelligence agencies. Secondly, no effort has been made by parliament to reclaim Balochistan from the military. That is how parliament is still underperforming. It is not the masses but parliament that is scared of the military. If parliament does not assert itself, the dream of civilian supremacy cannot be realised and all efforts made by the people in 2007 to resurrect civilian supremacy will go down the drain.

The Mehran Bank scandal has opened the Pandora’s Box of the underhanded means employed by the military and its intelligence agencies to bring forth a government of its choice. That is how the masses were fooled with a contrived mandate and resultantly a feigned version of democracy was imposed on them. This grave injustice has still not been comprehended by people. Can the product of a manipulated electorate — parliament — be considered a representative one? Can a manufactured version of democracy yield democratic fruit?

The thesis of ‘national security’ that is applied to topple political governments, manipulate elections, launch military operations, abduct and kill people is fast losing its relevance. Owing to mounting awareness, people are becoming alert to that ruse, national security. Nevertheless, certain defence and political analysts have still been writing opinion articles in English dailies in an attempt to justify the presence of the military in Balochistan under the pretext that the military is there to frustrate the US designs to Balkanise Pakistan and eventually get hold of our nuclear weapons. Does this mean that General Musharraf launched a military operation in Balochistan to protect Pakistan’s nuclear capability?

Just to refresh the memory, the best time for the world to fish out Pakistan’s nuclear weapons was when General Musharraf and three other generals clandestinely launched the Kargil war in 1999 and consequently undermined the Pak-India peace initiative and nudged South Asia to the brink of a nuclear disaster. General Musharraf did not condescend to seeking any formal or written approval of the Kargil war from the then prime minister, Nawaz Sharif. No one has fathomed the consequences of General Musharraf’s decision of plunging Pakistan into war with its nuclear neighbour without seeking civilian approval.

Evidently, the masses still do not know the importance of civilian oversight of military affairs. Imagine what would have happened had the world not intervened at that time. A nuclear confrontation could have ensued. General Musharraf et al might have taken refuge in the Margalla Hills to save themselves from nuclear radiation but what about the masses? They were vulnerable to any nuclear attack. Who was responsible for their safety? Where were the protective hills (or bunkers) for them? The implied message is that only four military generals are enough to sink Pakistan into a nuclear catastrophe. Had Nawaz Sharif constituted the Kargil Commission and court martialled General Musharraf and his cohorts for their insubordination, much needed civilian oversight would have been established once and for all.

As a chief of the army, General Mirza Aslam Beg proved himself a threat to the fair democratic process; as a chief of the army, General Musharraf proved himself a menace to national security. The Kargil crisis that could have turned into a nuclear confrontation convinces everyone that command and control of the nuclear weapons should lie in civilian hands. Last but not least, the issue of Balochistan should not be censored under any version of ‘national security’.

The writer is a freelance columnist and can be reached at qaisarrashid@yahoo.com
-Daily Times

April 4, 2012
Rahimullah Yusufzai

The Balochistan issue had never received so much attention at home and abroad, but it remains to be seen if this newfound attention will do some good to the long-suffering Baloch people.

At home, Balochistan has been discussed threadbare in parliament and the media, at conferences and lately also in the courts. Pakistan’s assertive judiciary will take a close look at Balochistan when Supreme Court chief justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry travels to Quetta this week to hear petitions about the worrying law-and-order situation in the province. This will provide him an opportunity to know firsthand the issues of human rights violations in Balochistan, the enforced disappearances of Baloch nationalists and the killings of non-Baloch civilians, mainly settlers. This is one place where there is an immediate and real need for judicial activism to set things right for the sake of both Balochistan and Pakistan.

In the US and Europe, politicians, academics, human rights activists and sections of the media are slowly taking notice of the situation in Balochistan. The arrival of some leading Baloch separatists seeking asylum in Western countries – including the late Akbar Bugti’s grandson Bramdagh Bugti, Khair Bakhsh Marri’s son Hyrbyair Marri and the Khan of Kalat, Mir Suleman Dawood – and their efforts to internationalise the Balochistan issue is having an impact. And it is bringing the Pakistani government under greater pressure with regard to the human rights situation in the province.

In context of Mir Suleman Dawood, though, one was surprised by the statement recently made by Maj Gen Obaidullah Khattak, the inspector general of the Frontier Corps in Balochistan, in which he quoted the Khan of Kalat’s son Prince Mohammad Ahmedzai as saying that his father wanted to return from the United Kingdom where he has been granted political asylum. This seems unbelievable, because the Khan of Kalat had taken an even tougher stand than the other Baloch nationalists by calling for an independent Balochistan state that would bring together not only Pakistani Baloch but also Baloch living in Afghanistan, Iran and elsewhere.

One man who has helped focus attention on Balochistan in the West is Dana Rohrabacher, the 12th-term Republican Congressman from California who isn’t doing it for the love of the Baloch people or Balochistan but for the sake of the US. Having described Pakistan as “a hardcore, two-faced enemy of the United States,” largely due to what for the Americans is its unhelpful policy in Afghanistan where the US military strategy is failing, it is obvious why he is promoting the cause of Balochistan’s independence. His main interest in submitting the controversial, non-binding resolution on Balochistan in the US House of Representatives in February was to punish and harm Pakistan.

His move has contributed to the existing distrust between Pakistan and the US. Rohrabacher, who according to media reports pronounced Baloch as “Bal-ook” during a recent news conference in Washington, is clearly lacking in knowledge about the Baloch and Balochistan. But it is also a fact that he helped remind many indifferent Pakistanis about the grave situation in their own backyard.

In fact, Baloch who are angry with Pakistan are beginning to like Rohrabacher as they consider his initiative beneficial for their cause. However, they will have to realise that mere resolutions, particularly ones that have no chance to be adopted even by the US Congress and are being piloted for ulterior motives by outsiders, won’t serve their cause. A better way to highlight the issue would be forge unity in their ranks and gain the sympathies of the people of Pakistan so that they could collectively force the powers that be in Islamabad and Rawalpindi to tackle the Balochistan crisis in keeping with the aspirations of the Baloch people.

One remembers meeting Rohrabacher, once a speech-writer for President Ronald Reagan, during his frequent visits to Pakistan in the 1980s at the time of the Afghan “jihad” in which Washington was a partner of Islamabad in their joint bid to defeat the Soviet forces in Afghanistan. It wasn’t uncommon to hear him singing praises of Pakistan, as well as the Afghan Mujahideen, for helping the US to prevail against the communists in Afghanistan. In his view, Pakistan had risked its own security to promote freedom in Afghanistan and vanquish the Soviet Red Army and communism.

That is history as Pakistan is presently being reviled not only by Rohrabacher but numerous other Americans as an enemy that needs to be brought to its knees. Mistakes and excesses by successive Pakistani rulers, both civil and military, have turned the Balochistan situation into a crisis and afforded Pakistan’s enemies an opportunity to use the Baloch issue to force it to do their bidding in context of their international strategic agendas.

The Supreme Court’s intervention in Balochistan is to be welcomed, but it will mostly have a moral impact. Just like the apex court’s initiative regarding the Karachi violence that couldn’t bring any real change due to political realities on the ground, its move in the context of Balochistan may also fail to deliver on account of issues of Realpolitik.

Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry surely knows a lot about Balochistan because he has a domicile from the province and has deep attachment to it. It was in Quetta that he received his early education, practiced law and presided over the Balochistan High Court as its chief justice. However, his good intentions need to be supplemented by all parties to the conflict to make an impact.

One such party to the conflict is the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), which not surprisingly requested an opportunity to make a presentation to the Supreme Court on the Balochistan situation. The ISI has been blamed for many things in Balochistan and it would be right for the Chief Justice and his fellow judges to hear its side of the story. In fact, all the blame for the disappearances of Baloch nationalists and the recovery of their tortured bodies is placed at the door of the intelligence agencies, particularly the ISI.

Cold statistics from different sources tell the sad story of abductions, torture and revenge killings. The Voice of Missing Baloch, which under Nasrullah Baloch’s leadership has campaigned steadfastly for the recovery of Baloch who have disappeared allegedly into the hands of intelligence agencies, is claiming that 6,000 of them have gone missing since 2003. The government in 2011 conceded that 1,000 Baloch were missing, but it recently brought the figure down to 48, without providing any convincing reason for such a big gap in numbers.

Human Rights Watch estimated that since January 2011 around 300 people were abducted or killed in Balochistan and their bodies abandoned. It said Pakistan’s security forces operating in Balochistan may be responsible for these incidents. The security forces, mainly the 50,000 paramilitary Frontier Corps soldiers deployed there, deny the accusations.

However, there is another aspect to the killings. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan has reported that since 2006 around 800 settlers, mostly Punjabis and including teachers and labourers, were murdered. It is not difficult to figure out who would have done this. Baloch separatists sometimes don’t hesitate to admit it and on occasions their spokesmen have justified the killings as revenge for the abductions and deaths of Baloch nationalists at the hands of the intelligence agencies.

The separatists have also murdered fellow Baloch after accusing them of treason for serving or spying for the Pakistani government and the military. Occasionally, Pakhtuns from Balochistan and the rest of Pakistan have been killed. Such tactics have caused fear and forced many long-time settlers to leave Balochistan. This has also deprived the Baloch nationalists of sympathy and support for their cause in Pakistan. Winning recognition for the Baloch cause abroad is important but losing sympathy at home is of equal importance.

Email: rahimyusufzai@yahoo.com