[CENTER][B][U][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]The task ahead[/SIZE][/FONT][/U][/B]


[B]The caretakers need to get down to business[/B][/CENTER]

Now that the caretaker setup has been installed at both the centre and the federating units, the task ahead, holding of elections culminating in country’s first democratic transition, needs to be addressed. But in politics one must be as skeptical as possible. Though the responsibility of the caretaker setup is not more than just ensuring free and fair elections, along with the usual day to day government work, yet the higher moral ground attached with the setup to deliver results requires them not only to be proficient at what they have to do but also appear to be free from bias, prejudice or partiality to any one party.

Much to their credit, the politicians did come up with a consensus in appointing two interim chief ministers, former Justice Tariq Pervez in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Nawab Ghous Bakhsh Barozai in Balochistan, both of them non-controversial and trusted by almost everyone across the political aisle. However, things have not been that smooth in Punjab and Sindh. The appointment of Justice (retd) Zahid Kurban Alavi as caretaker chief minister in Sindh raises quite a few eyebrows. MQM, after remaining in power for five years, suddenly jumped to the opposition benches and thus was able to manoeuvre the appointment of caretaker CM. Consequently, the caretaker CM in Sindh faces an uphill task of proving his impartiality along with holding the elections on time. Moreover, the interior Sindh has also seen some turbulence over the appointment because of alienation among the PPP’s file and ranks about giving the MQM too much leeway. However it is up to the caretaker CM to prove that this choice was not wrong.

In Punjab, Najam Sethi has been appointed as caretaker CM. His appointment has its takers and naysayers. He has already served in another caretaker cabinet way back when the PPP’s government was dethroned in 1996 and President Leghari oversaw the transition with the sole aim of hounding the ousted prime minister Benazir Bhutto. Later, when the N League took over power in 1997, it proceeded to prosecute Najam Sethi under treason charges for declaring Pakistan a failed state at a seminar in New Delhi.

Being on good terms with the top leadership of both parties have made him an acceptable candidate for the PPP and the PML-N. The mere fact that the politicians were able to settle this issue among themselves and needed no outside force to intervene, is a remarkable feat in itself.

For the caretakers, though, the situation is not rosy. Considering law and order situation across the country, particularly violence against minorities and sectarian violence, their task has gained much greater importance. This should not however stop them from doing their job, even better would it be if it were done in a befitting manner.

[url]http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/editorials/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Militants and the elections
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[B][CENTER]Terror poses serious threat to elections in KP, Balochistan[/CENTER][/B]

As the elections get closer, the question that everyone appeared to be ignoring has come up: will the militants let the elections happen smoothly? The interior ministry has underlined a ‘significant’ threat, which includes groups ranging from Jandullah to the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan to the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA). With the elected governments now dismissed, it is the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), the caretaker setups and the security agencies that must attempt to temper the problem that empowered civilian governments could not solve. There are two key problem provinces: Balochistan and Khyber Pakhthunkhwa (KP) with each facing a different set of threats.

Balochistan’s political mainstream has withdrawn from politics and turned to militancy. The 2008 elections were boycotted and while these will be better contested, with Akhtar Mengal announcing his intent to contest, Baloch nationalist groups continue to feel going into elections is to be a traitor to the Baloch cause. Coupled with the operation of rogue sectarian groups allied with the Taliban in Balochistan, it would be a miracle if an uneventful election could be organised in the troubled province.

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa offers a different kettle of fish altogether. The TTP and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) are promising chaos, with the recent announcement that the so-called ‘peace talks’ have been called off. Bomb attacks and military operations continue to be order of the day in the beleaguered province and promising an incident-free election appears to be impossible. The TTP has also announced its full intent to target the three political parties still steadfast against them. The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), the Awami National Party (ANP) and Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) have been specifically threatened.

The fact that there have been two Corps Commanders’ Committee meetings over the past 20 days appears to have signified the immense importance of maintaining security in the next two months. The role of security agencies shall now be critical. There needs to be better coordination between the ISI, MI, IB and other such agencies. The ECP is already conducting meetings on the security situation and visited Quetta on Thursday to get the low-down on Balochistan and meet Baloch leaders. It received a mixed response at best, which does not resound well for the future. If questions continue to be asked of the election in Balochistan, will it not fuel the Baloch nationalist rhetoric more? And will FATA and PATA, going into election for the first time in Pakistan’s history, be able to get their first elected representatives in government?

Elections may offer great hope but not without ensuring the full participation of competing groups in a society. The rising militancy poses a serious threat and it is hoped that the army and other law enforcement agencies can coordinate well to ensure that the election period passes smoothly.

[url]http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/editorials/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Political activities in Waziristan[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

Umar Daraz Wazir

Miranshah: 26-3-13, after the extension of the Political Parties Act to FATA in 2012 by the President of Pakistan Asif Ali Zardari, the ground for upcoming election in Waziristan also very hot like the other parts of the country. Many candidates on party base have started their campaign in advance although political parties have still not issued any ticket to any of their candidates.
In FATA from last 66 years, candidates for the national assembly were elected independently and only one flag hangs for ever that was of JUI-F, but after the extension of the Party Act to FATA, this time all political parties are trying their influence to create more and more vote bank from FATA-- the volatile region of Pakistan.

Since no elections have been held on party basis in the FATA that is why there is lack of political awareness, but this time not only political leaders but the general mass have also shown their keen interest in political process. The people of FATA consider this new process of election as a sign of change for them.

In North Waziristan for the first time, many political parties’ candidates installed big sign boards and banners in Miranshah and Mirali cities and arranging gathering of local masses. Locals of the area are also participating in the processions of political leaders. Locals of the area said although there are drone attacks and militancy. The security situation is the worst but instead of all these challenges they are enthusiastic and interested to join hands with their leaders and play active role in general process of election.
JUI-F, PTI and independent candidates are active in this process from the beginning but the other parties due to security reasons have limited interest. Local people of Waziristan are of the opinion that the election will be hold peacefully as according to them when adult vote right was given to the FATA in 2008 election, general perception was that there will be conflict, but more peaceful election will held in FATA as compared to other parts of country.
This is just because FATA people have been kept deprived for last sixty five years. They want change, political awareness, basic human rights and this will be possible when competition among different parties emerge.

When asked, the locals of the area said they would welcome to the new process of election and it will be a new development in our life. Local of NWA Sana Ullah said ‘we want political awareness, change, peace and same process of choosing our representatives for the National Assembly.

Hamayun Khan-- an independent candidate from NWA NA 40-- said to the FRC, we have been kept in darkness for more than 66 years. We are deprived of our basic rights and are facing the worst law and order situation. He said all this just because we are not politically aware, so with the extension of the Political Parties Act, we hope to elect fair candidate.

Tariq khan from the PTI said that intra-party election held in Waziristan and started his meetings with public for the support. He said the PTI will bring actual change in the area. Sixty year old Malik Gul Janat Khan of NWA said they have checked lots of members but when got a seat of National Assembly, every representative limits himself to Islamabad, but this time they hope for a better representative. Due a democratic process they will choose a sincere candidate who will raise their voice of deprivation in the parliament.
North Waziristan have only one NA 40 seat and dozens of candidates shown their interest to contest election, this shows the people interest of joining election process.

Locals of North Waziristan are also demanding that for huge population of more than 500,000 only one seat of the National Assembly was equal to a drop of water in the river, so at least two seats of National Assembly should be specified for NWA. The economy of the area is totally destroyed; educational facilities are weak, so at least two candidates from the area in the National Assemble are must raise their strong voice for eradicating long lasting problems of the deprived area.

The public is hoping for a better result and sincere representative from their area through political parties based election, but the time will prove how this time the general election process affects the overall situation of NWA and how much new representative plays his active role to fulfill the demands of general masses of the area.

On the other hand on Saturday night, heavy blast in Miranshah on security checkpoint that left 24 persons including 4 civilians and 40 others injured have created many questions in the minds of the public there. Some of intellectuals in the area are of the opinion that if the security forces cannot protect themselves in their barracks, then how they will secure people during election in public places.

Defense analyst retired brigadier Saad said military is responsible for the law and order situation there. He said thousands of troops deployed in Waziristan and if they cannot protect even themselves then military should vacate the area. He said if situation is worsening day by day then military action should be taken against Taliban, but Saad added the problem is that, we have still thinking of good and bad Taliban. In that case, It will be very difficult to launch operation and to differentiate between good and bad during the action.

When asked the tribal affairs analyst Khadem Hussain said that when ever Taliban attacked in Waziristan, no one claims for the attack but the same when occurred in other districts, Taliban claimed for it immediately. But last Saturday attack claimed by mujahedin ansar group, what does it mean? Hussain said in fact there is no difference between groups of Taliban. In Waziristan they have no need to create fear among people and it is already there, but in other parts of country they are trying to create fear in minds of public thus Taliban immediately claim for attacks. Hussain said it is the complete failure of military, political administration and intelligence agencies that such a heavy attacks happened and they are not noticing it. He said it will deprive the general public.

So the need is that the political administration, military and intelligence agencies should play their active role in maintaining peace in the area, so that the free and transparent election should be held in Waziristan in peaceful environment. The public have got a chance after long time to enter into a democratic process, but if they were deprived again then everyone and even a lay man will know that these people are being pushing towards darkness under a well planned conspiracy.

[url]http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/40/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Purging the default mindset
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Much-trumpeted ‘supreme parliament’ is gone, leaving behind un-ending stories of corruption, default and nepotism. On Wednesday, the Election Commission of Pakistan received two lists from the National Telecommunication Corporation comprising names of 733 ex-ministers, former senators and MNAs belonging to the various political parties, including the PPP and PML-N, who have defaulted or have yet to pay their dues for availing the telephone services, notwithstanding, the big guns’ bank loans default that runs into billions. The first NTC list includes 284 former or incumbent MPs who had defaulted to the tune of Rs2.57 million up to February this year. Their telephone connections were suspended due to non-payment of dues. Second NTC list claims that 449 former ministers and legislators also owe outstanding arrears of Rs9.56 million. Unfathomed sadness is that the rich get away with public money more often than not and digest it with an ease that a common man even cannot think of. The reported default of the MPs stands around Rs 12.13 million. People like Dr Nadeem Ehsan, Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan, Faisal Karim Kundi, Qamar Zaman Kaira, Nadeem Afzal Chan, Bushra Rehman, Anwar Alam Khan, Makhdoom Amin Fahim, Mian Manzoor Wattoo, Firdous Ashiq Awan, Faiz Taman, Samina Khalid Ghurki, Rana Muhammad Ishaq, Ali Nawaz Mehr, Ms Tahira Lateef, Zulfiqar Gondal, Aftab Sherpao, Mohabbat Khan Marri, Yaqoob Nasir and Jaleel Ahmad, who had been named in the list, pay off this amount with a fit of fingers to come clean before the Returning Officers. The Constitution under Article 63 bars all those who failed to clear arrears within six months or they carry a default of Rs 10,000.

The most of the defaulters of utility bills, banks and other financial institutions, aspiring to contest the next election, will soon deposit their arrears -indeed it is not a big issue. Will it change the mindset of big ones who care the least for paying their outstanding dues to the organizations that they deal with in term of their finances, the answer is yes if the relevant authorities exercise their powers independently without taking the outside influence into account. Once a highly influential defaulter like former Prime Minister Raja Peraiz Ashraf, who is facing a looming disqualification in the wake of the Capital Development Authority’s default since 1994, is punished and barred from future assignments by the apex court. Such punishment will help purge the dirty mindset prevailing amongst the rich and influential politicians.
As every Pakistani believes that the corruption is, indeed, going on in the country unabated but the record of the recovery of the funding extended to the poor does not substantiate the statement rather to the total surprise of many, over 90 per cent of the poor are neat and clean in dealing with their financial institutions or in paying their utility bills.

It is only the rich and influential people who run amok with the money they owe. The Election Commission of Pakistan, having complete support of the people and institutions that matter the most, must come down hard on the defaulters irrespective of their political affiliation and their stature and esteem. Such an act will lay foundation for clean politics in the future political setup.

[url]http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/46/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]PTI's promise of change[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

Nasim Ahmed


Since he launched his 'tsunami' politics last year, Imran Khan has kept campaigning on the promise of change. At his Minar-e-Pakistan rally last week he once again took up the theme of change and made six promises to his young, wildly cheering crowd of supporters, focusing on the core issues facing the country.

The first promise that Imran Khan made was that he would always speak the truth with the nation and would not fool the people, indirectly referring to the current crop of politicians who thrive on lies and false promises. As is well known, hypocrisy is the bane of Pakistan's politics and political leaders think nothing of going back on their words and breaking their pledges to the people. The message Imran tried to convey to his supporters was that he is clean and honest and different from others.

In his second promise, Imran Khan vowed to wage 'Jihad' against oppression and injustice. He said after coming to power, he would ensure justice to all and strive for the elimination of oppression against women, minorities and other segments of society. This is the running thread in all his speeches. Pakistan's present socio-economic structure is oppressive and unjust and heavily weighted in favour of the rich and the powerful. When Imran talks of jihad against injustice, he touches the heartstrings of the common man.
In his third promise - a direct reference to Zardari and Nawaz Sharif - Imran Khan said that his wealth would belong to the country and he would never leave his homeland to settle abroad. Both Zardari and Nawaz Sharif have spent long years abroad and are known to have part of their wealth hoarded in foreign banks. By promising that he will live and die here he meant to say that that, unlike others, he is rooted to the soil.

He also promised to protect the money of tax-payers and said that he would neither take any benefit for himself nor would he let any of his relatives to do so after the PTI comes to power. This pledge pointed to the loot and plunder of the PPP government and the favouritism and nepotism that marks PML-N's politics.

The PTI chairman also promised that he would ensure respect for the Pakistani people in the world and stand by them in the time of need unlike others who run away from Pakistan when out of power. He said: "I will always speak the truth with my people. If they find me not fulfilling the promises I have made, they can remove me from the chairmanship of the party."

But even as he was making these promises, he was surrounded by a bunch of old-guard politicians who have been part of a succession of corrupt and dictatorial regimes in the past and symbolize the power of the status quo. PTI President Makhdoom Javed Hashmi, Vice-Chairman Shah Mehmood Qureshi, Jehangir Khan Tareen, Khursheed Mehmood Kasuri, PTI Lahore President Abdul Aleem Khan and many senior leaders of the party served not the people but their political masters of the day.

When Imran Khan re-launched his party after about 15 years of wandering in the wilderness, his clarion call for a change in the system was what attracted the people, especially the youth, disillusioned with the political shenanigans of the existing parties. Starry-eyed and brimming with idealism and the vision of a new future, young men and women flocked to the PTI in large numbers. This led to last year's famous tsunami rally at Minar-e-Pakistan.

"We want a change," shouted young men who gathered at the historic ground from all over Pakistan.

"We are fed up with the old faces. They are the symbol of the status quo. We want to bring new faces and Imran Khan should come to power." The young and the urban middle-class were particularly drawn to Imran's promise to stamp out corruption, tackle poverty and unemployment and end the power crisis.

But the young enthusiasts of the party felt disappointed when many old politicians who were tried many times in the past and found wanting, joined the PTI and were given top positions in the party hierarchy. A power struggle ensued and some long-time supporters left the party.

Imran and others who favoured the entry of the so-called electables into the party have their own arguments to offer for the decision: since the leadership is in the hands of Imran, the new entrants cannot influence the party's working and its direction. In a sense, this is true. But the old timers who have joined the party have their own personal motives and objectives and will surely try to advance by one means or the other.

It is against this background that intra-party elections were held and a large number of ordinary workers were elected to important party posts. This has been done to ensure that the party does not deviate from its original aims and moorings. But the PTI has still a long way to go and prove by its deeds, not slogans, that it is a harbinger of change and really means business.

[url]http://www.weeklycuttingedge.com/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Imran ups the ante[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

Muhammad Hassan


The March 23 rally of the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf of Imran Khan in Lahore has once against put the Pakistan Muslim League-N of the former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif under pressure as massive participation of people in it indicates the rising popularity of the party in the province which has been a stronghold of the PML-N for decades.

Recent surveys had shown that the PTI was losing ground to the PML-N and its critics believed it could not set up an impressive show again but not only a large number of people from across the country attended the rally at the historic Minar-e-Pakistan, where the Pakistan Resolution was passed, but they expressed deep commitment as even heavy rain and a windstorm could not disperse them. Like the October 30, 2011, public meeting at Minar-e-Pakistan, the majority of the participants were Lahorites which is a sign of worry for the PML-N. The apparent agenda of the public meeting was the oath taking of 80, 000 office-bearers of the party, who were elected through intra-party elections, a rare phenomenon in Pakistan; but the party used the occasion to launch its election campaign.

No doubt, Imran Khan's party has made significant inroads in the province during the recent years. Noted political figures, like former PML-N acting President Makhdoom Javed Hashmi of the PML-N, former Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi of the PPP, former Punjab Governor Mian Mohammad Azhar of the PML-Q, former Federal Ministers Jehangir Tareen of the PML-F, Syed Iftikhar Hussein Gilani, former State Minister Afzal Sindhu of the PPP and many other noted personalities and groups from the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have joined the PTI in recent years. However, some personalities, like Mohammed Khan Hoti, Syed Iftikhar Hussein Gilani, Iftikhar Khattak and Shahid Akram Bhinder quit the party and joined the PML-N after successful lobbying by leaders of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz.

Though the exercise of party polls was criticised within and outside the party and it had also paid a price for it by losing some members, yet according to the party leadership, it has proved highly advantageous at a time when the party is set to participate in general elections. According to the PTI leaders, another aspect which is going to benefit the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf in the upcoming general elections is resentment in the PML-N workers over the massive inclusion of MPAs from rival parties, like the PML-Q and the PPP. At the moment, the PML-N seems to be the only party that is luring and accepting former MNAs and MPAs from rival parties into its fold. At the moment, around 70 winners of constituencies of the Punjab, which were won by either the PML-Q or the PPP, in the 2008 election are in the PML-N fold and they will be the PML-N candidates on most seats. The arrival of newcomers in the party in bulk may not be good news to former ticket holders, who ideologically remained anti-PPP or anti-Musharraf and possibly, having been refused tickets, their possible support to the PTI could further consolidate the position of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf in the election, a party member said. For example, Inam Ullah Niazi, a candidate of the PML-N in 2008, lost to independent candidate Humair Hayat in the 2008 polls and later Humair Hayat joined the PML-N and Inam Ullah Niazi is now in the PTI, a party of his rival.

A PTI leader also said that most Muslim Leaguers, who wanted to unite on a platform against the PPP but couldn't find a place in the PML-N, would join the PTI eventually. In many other constituencies in different districts of the Punjab, where two factions of the Muslim League clashed in the 2008 elections and the PML-N stood runner-up, the winners have joined the PML-N, minimizing the chances of the former ticket holders to get party tickets. The resentment may split the PML-N votes and favour a party, like the PTI, as the PPP doesn't seem to be in a position to win or take advantage of the situation, another PTI leader said. PTI Information Secretary Shafqat Mehmood said that the PPP of Shaheed Benazir Bhutto had ceased to exist and the PTI's main rival is the PML-N now. He said the next elections would prove the strength of the party. The PML-N leadership, however, believes that there wouldn't be any impact of any gathering on the party as they were not indicators of a real change. PML-N Senator Pervaiz Rasheed said not only Imran Khan but even Tahir-ul-Qadri had addressed huge gatherings but couldn't create any impact on the PML-N.

According to some analysts, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf gathering at Minar-e-Pakistan had lost the Lahorite enthusiasm which was witnessed in its rally in October, 2011. Others also noted the gathering was only enthusiastic about Imran Khan's speech and they did not care for other leaders.

In the wake of the rising popularity of the PTI, the PML-N also put in maximum efforts to minimise the influence of the PTI on the youth which was clearly reflected in its programmes launched in year 2012.

It started the distribution of laptops and solar panels among students to garner their support. In the first phase, free laptops, at a cost of billions of rupees, were provided to 125,000 students of the Punjab, and other provinces, Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Kashmir. In the second phase, 30,000 laptops were distributed among talented students.

No doubt, the PML-N has a huge vote bank in big cities of the Punjab including Lahore, Faisalabad, Gujranwala and Rawalpindi. The PPP won only two National Assembly seats in Lahore in the last election.

However, the PTI of Imran Khan will be a big challenge for it in the province. According to the analysts, even if the PTI could not win more than 10 seats, it may bag about 5,000 to 10,000 votes in many constituencies which would badly affect the PML-N and benefit the coalition of the PPP and the PML-Q, particularly in constituencies where the margin is thin. If the PTI proves true to expectations, it will be very difficult for the PML-N to retain its seats won in the last election in the Punjab.

Undoubtedly, Imran Khan is immensely popular among the young generation. He is immensely popular in urban areas of the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, but he lacks support in rural areas. His biggest issue will be to translate the support of the youth into a vote bank in the next election. He may win a dozen seats in the next election but it will be very hard for him to disrupt the applecart of the PML-N in the Punjab which has been deeply entrenched in the province and launched some lucrative schemes for the youth

[url]http://www.weeklycuttingedge.com/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Zardari's regional diplomatic offensive[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

Nasim Ahmed



As the five-year rule of the PPP government inched to a close, President Zardari initiated a series of regional political and economic moves of far-reaching importance. First, the Gwadar port was handed over to China and then the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project was formally inaugurated. Last week he was in Ashgabat to attend the International Nawruz Festival with other world leaders as part of his regional diplomatic offensive.

During his visit to Turkmenistan, President Zardari said that Pakistan attaches top priority to the $7.6 billion Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline project and wants to see it implemented as early as possible. During a meeting with Turkmenistan President Dr. Gurbanguly M. Berdimuhamedov, President Zardari discussed a host of issues ranging from bilateral relations to promoting regional cooperation in all areas, especially expanding ties in the energy and trade sectors. He said that Turkmenistan could help meet Pakistan's growing energy requirements, while Pakistan could provide a trade corridor to Turkmenistan, both overland and through its sea ports. Discussing bilateral relations, the president said there was a need to explore new avenues of cooperation in commercial and economic areas and the measures needed to be taken to increase bilateral trade in order to further cement bilateral ties. He called for exploring ways and means to overcome the existing trade barriers and stressed the need for establishing rail links between Pakistan and Turkmenistan.

President Asif Ali Zardari also held very useful meetings with his Afghan and Tajik counterparts and reiterated his proposal of a Trilateral Transit and Trade Agreement among Afghanistan, Pakistan and Tajikistan to help boost economic relations among them. President Zardari had a separate meeting with his Afghan counterpart Hamid Karzai during which he said Pakistan's bilateral relations with Afghanistan were the most important component of its shared quest for peace and stability in the region. He said that Pakistan's concern for peace in the region was underlined by the release of Taliban prisoners on the request of the Afghan High Peace Council.

President Zardari also met Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and called for early convening of the fourth Pakistan-Iran-Afghanistan Trilateral Summit, assuring that Pakistan was fully supportive of the reconciliation process in Afghanistan. The three countries have been holding trilateral summits since 2009 to expand socio-economic cooperation. The last one was held at Islamabad on February 17, 2012.

Later, addressing the International Conference on Nowruz festival, President Zardari urged greater regional cooperation in security and counter-terrorism, collaboration in energy and made an open offer to the Central Asian Republics to use Pakistan's Gwadar Port for trade with the rest of the world. In this connection, he said Pakistan was willing to facilitate transportation of LNG and other products from Central Asia to South East Asia and other world markets. He said: "The latest and modern seaport of Pakistan at Gwadar is the shortest route for the Central Asian States to the Arabian Sea. We are also ready to provide a safe transit of piped gas to other neighbouring countries."

He emphasized that there was also a need to strengthen security and counter-terrorism cooperation in the region. He said that Pakistan firmly believed that peace and stability was the most important pre-requisite for economic progress and development. He said that Pakistan is keen to promote friendly relations with all, especially its neighbours and other regional countries and ever ready to work together with them for peace, progress and prosperity in the north-central Asian region.

As President Zardari emphasized again and again in his interactions with various regional leaders, Pakistan and the Central Asian States have historical and cultural links and enjoy cordial relations with each other. But this positive aspect of the situation has not yet been fully exploited. The regional leaders have been long on rhetoric but slow when it comes to taking action. Numerous meetings have been held and accords signed but little worthwhile results have been achieved.

The region is of great geo-strategic importance and endowed with abundant natural resources. But the necessary infrastructure needed to exploit them is not in place. A robust road and rail link which has long been talked about is yet to materialize. Pakistan and the Central Asian States are members of the Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO) and the main objective of the grouping is to build infrastructure and connectivity projects in the region. But little progress has been made in this direction.

In view of the fact that the region will grow in geo-political importance in the coming years as a result of the shift in the international balance of power, the regional states need to put their act together to develop greater connectivity through rail, road and air links not only within the region but also beyond. There is a growing need for closer cooperation in trade, communication, transportation, energy and other fields. All countries in the region have their exclusive agricultural products and unique field experience. The knowledge needs to be shared and pooled for the benefit of all concerned.

Intra-regional trade is too small as compared to the existing potential. For instance, Pakistan-Tajikistan bilateral trade is a minuscule $72 million. A Preferential Trade Agreement and granting the Most Favoured Nation (MFN) status on reciprocal basis would provide a great impetus to efforts aimed at enhancing mutual economic interactions. Regional countries should also consider entering into a currency swap agreement and forge closer links between their Central Banks to promote cooperation in financial and banking sectors.

The Iran-Pakistan (IP) gas pipeline is one example of bilateral cooperation but similar initiatives need to be launched in other sectors. A number of other economic projects are in the pipeline between Iran and Pakistan, including electricity import, wheat export and rail and road connectivity. But the need is to formulate and launch such projects on a regional basis to make the region a hub of vibrant economic and commercial activities to counter the threat of terrorism. In this connection, the Turkmen initiative to establish trans-regional energy corridors is an ambitious one and needs to be completed as early as possible through joint efforts.

Closer bilateral relations and effective border management will ensure greater security by preventing cross border incursions, illicit drug trade, smuggling and illegal movement of people.

An overarching need is to focus on promoting greater people-to-people interactions through exchange of academia, students and media personalities. Increasing the frequency of cultural, tourism and sports exchanges among the regional states will create the needed momentum for all-round cooperation.

[url]http://www.weeklycuttingedge.com/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Who is to lead PPP’s election campaign![/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

Saeed Qureshi

It is mind boggling that while all other political parties in Pakistan are gearing up for the general elections scheduled on May 11, the PPP seems to be hamstrung in launching the election campaign under a front line leader. The visible sang is due to Mr. Zardari’s wearing of two crowns: one that of the head of the state and the other of the party. Now as president he can run his office from the well guarded presidency, yet in public meetings he cannot have similar foolproof guarantees.

We have seen in the recent days that the chairman of the Pakistan Insaf Party Imran Khan kicking around and vigorously flaunting his party’s revolutionary manifesto.

The PTI managed to gather a huge crowd at Minar-e-Pakistan on March 23 that nearly corroborated Imran Khan’s claim of filling that historic spacious ground. Close on the heels, PMN-L President Nawaz Sharif addressed a mammoth public assemblage in Mansehra that betokens his popularity and well being in the Hazara region. The MQM is too flexing its wings in its areas of influence which are Karachi and part of Hyderabad.

A week or ago, a group of PPP (P) parliamentarians with vice president of the party Amin Fahim as the chief, unfurled an election charter bedecked with a pack of reforms aimed at changing the destiny of the nation. But besides pronouncing its manifesto merely, the party’s top brass and high profile leaders have to jump in the election fray and fight out their claim as a popular party. That can be done through corner meetings, supplemented with big public congregations.

Now when it would be utterly difficult for Mr. Zardari as the chairman of the party, to come out in the public and fire up and galvanize the supporters specifically and the people in general to vote for the PPP, who can play such a vital and most urgent role. If Bilawal Bhutto can fill that vacuum: well and good. But despite Bilawal is being the real Chairman of the party, he is constrained by his age, meager experience in politics and dangling danger to his life as well if he comes open in the public.

So the million dollar question still remains unanswered that how this party is going to propel and advance its future plans and programs effectively and comprehensively all over Pakistan? While its leaders will have to bend heavily backward to project their future agenda, also they will have to labor very hard to erase or diminish their badly bruised image for being neck deep in sleazy scams and foul money making scandals. Moreover, the stigma of bad governance looks like hanging like millstone around the neck of the PPP and it has to be dispensed with as soon as possible.

But as the stars on the political horizon portend, the PPP may not take the lead in the elections. It could at best emerge as a runner-up. There are many praiseworthy achievements by the outgoing PPP government. But those achievements were more in the nature of constitutional amendments and sheltering the edifice of the democracy for five years. These achievements did not have any redeeming bearing on the lives of the people of Pakistan.
Pakistan has remained burdened by an unremitting cycle of violence of all kinds including the sectarian feuds and religious extremism in which hundreds of Pakistanis have been killed and injured. The cost of living sky rocketed, the poverty proliferated, and the basic needs of the people went beyond their reach to be adequately met. The national institutions were degraded, the unemployment soared, social vices from adulteration to rape swelled. The law enforcement for the security of the people plummeted to the lowest depths.
In contrast, the shenanigans of the ruling parties broke the previous records on corrupt practices, excelled in nepotism and doling out undue privileges to themselves and to their kith and kin. They proved to be high way robbers in depleting the national exchequer in every conceivable manner.

While a nation is desperately trying to survive against most trying conditions, the interim prime minister, in his last few days as the chief executive of the country, decamped with 37 billion rupees given to him as special discretionary funds. He made thousands of appointments that in due course would put inexorable burden on the state treasury.

Regrettably this prime minister was already booked in highly serious financial crimes one of which is fleecing the national exchequer through fake rental power units. The outgoing government locked itself in a continuous battle with the judiciary by not complying with the judicial verdicts.

It couldn’t lay bare or at least actively pursue the most brazen murder of its chairperson Benazir Bhutto in five years. Why only one page of the 35 pages of the Benazir Bhutto’s will is shown. Why the whole will is not laid bare because that document belongs to nation? Interestingly that one page shows only the appointment of Asif Ali Zardari as the next chairman of the PPP. Doesn’t that smell fishy on the face?

So Pakistan needs terrible shake-up to cast away the lethal parasites, the deadly bugs and blood sucking leeches from its body politic. Pakistan is in dire need of an iron willed leader or bunch of leaders who can transform this marvelous land into resplendent one with prosperity and the enticing look of a modern state.

He should stamp out the scourge of sectarianism, the ravenous religious militancy caving in the foundations of Pakistan. He should at least be clean handed, free from greed, and of high moral character. He should be dedicated to the service of the people and not himself or his clan or party.

Such leader should not exploit or abuse their powers for personal enrichment and aggrandizement. Pakistan needs peace domestically and the establishment of a system of governance that ensures equal and fair justice to all, provision of basic needs and utilities, clean environment and elimination of poverty be it economic, intellectual or social. To sum up it should be model good governance so that country can move forward and people have a break from a decadent, stinking and nerve shattering paradigm of living.

(The writer is a senior journalist and a former diplomat)

[url]http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/40/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]First impartial Caretaker Government[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

Iftikhar Ahmad Yaqubi

The need of an impartial and neutral administration for conduct of a free and fair elections cannot be overemphasized in a Third World country like Pakistan whose political history is full of instances of riggings, intrigues and undue interference in the electoral process on the part of the setting governments for the purpose of getting desired results.

That is why elections results have always been questioned in Pakistan. Although Election Commission of Pakistan existed but the procedure adopted for the appointment of the Chairman and members of the Commission had vested vast powers in the hands of the setting governments who would keep their narrow political interests instead of larger national interests before themselves in the exercise of these powers. Moreover, there was no proper and impeccable procedure of the appointment of an impartial and neutral caretaker government for the conduct of elections. The first general elections in the history of the country after independence were held under the umbrella of Martial Law in 1971 which resulted in the break-up of the country and the creation of Bangladesh. The second general elections were held under the total administrative control and supervision of the then Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, whose results were rejected by the opposition, Pakistan National Alliance. The latter started a countrywide agitation. The resultant chaos and deadlock paved the way for the overthrow of the civilian government and imposition of Martial Law by Gen Zia-ul-Haq. The 1985 elections were held on non-party basis and totally under the control of the Martial Law administration with a view to get elected assemblies and governments both at the central and provincial levels which would be amenable to Zia's influence. Even the assemblies and governments so elected were not according to the taste and political temperament of General Zia who dissolved them prematurely in 1988. He appointed a caretaker government in which his old and loyal friend Mohammad Aslam Khattak acted as Senior Minister but without a prime minister with a view to directly control the conduct of elections. He intended the coming elections also to be held on non-party basis. But fate overtook him and he died in a plane crash near Bahawalpur before elections. As a result of the Supreme Court ruling, the elections were held on party basis under control of Ghulam Ishaq khan who had become President after Zia's death.

Subsequently, Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Farooq Leghari as President prematurely dissolved assemblies in 1990, 1993 and 1996 and appointed Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, Mir Balakh Sher, Moeen Qureshi and Malik Meraj Khalid respectively as prime ministers with caretaker governments in the provinces. In all these instances, the choice and composition of the caretaker prime minister, chief ministers and ministers reflected personal desires and political interests of the then presidents rather than ensuring conduct of free and fair elections in the country. The 2008 elections were held under umbrella of Martial Law which brought into majority political forces supporting Musharraf at the central and provincial levels, except in the then NWFP, where the religious parties alliance, the Muthida Majlisi Amal [MMA], emerged victorius. The 2008 elections were also held with Musharraf in control but army under Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani strictly remained neutral. The PPP emerged as the single largest party and formed at the center and in Sindh and Balochistan. In the Punjab and KPK the PML-(N) and ANP respectively emerged as the largest parties and formed their governments.

All major political parties of Pakistan had learnt lessons from past history of the country and introduced some far reaching reforms in the political system through constitutional amendments. Some of the amendments effected were related to the constitution of the Election Commission of Pakistan and appointment of the caretaker prime minister and chief ministers of the provinces for the purpose of conducting free and fair elections. For the first time in the history of Pakistan, a proper and foolproof mechanism of appointing men of honesty, integrity and competence to these important offices was adopted with the consensus of the ruling and opposition parties. Now for the first time in the history of our Islamic Republic, we have an Election Commission which is fully independent and empowered, and a caretaker government which is neutral and impartial which has come into existence through a constitutional mechanism. It has the trust and confidence of all the political parties. So we may expect free, fair and importial elections in the country. There will be surely neither an attempt to influence or engineer the electoral process nor anyone else will be allowed to do so. All channels of influencing elections results have been plucked.

But it does not mean that every thing will be ok after the elections and that all ills of our political system will be cured automatically. What is meant here is that elections will be free and fair and that there will be no interference in its conduct. Other evils and ills of the political system which don't have anything to do with the electoral machinary rather are the result of the political culture such as nepotism, personality cult, hereditary politics, blind following etc will take some time to vanish.

True democracy will come only when these evils have been done away with. Only then masses might be said to be real masters of their destinies and the leaders responsible and responsive in the real sense of the terms. But for such happy times to come, the holding of free and fair elections on periodical basis by independent and impartial machinery is must.

[url]http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/40/[/url]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Notes from south KP, SWA[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]
[B][CENTER][SIZE="3"]Cyril Almeida
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ELECTIONS don’t work. It’s always the same faces, the same failed policies, the same tired rhetoric. Nothing changes, for the better anyway.

Spend a day in DI Khan and all of that is true enough.

Fazlur Rehman and his merry band of bearded brothers have won, lost, won, lost since forever it seems — and now are poised to win again. Nothing changes, or maybe just the faces of Maulana’s opponents do. It is as depressing as depressing can get.

Spend more than a day in DI Khan and little of that seems true.

Elections do work. Slowly, incrementally, the electorate’s preferences and wants are changing. Non-delivery hurts, issues matter and voters evolve. Not quite change we can believe in yet, but change nonetheless.

The ‘city’ limits in small-town Pakistan are, predictably enough, the first to demand something else.

“Before the voters would come to us, we didn’t have to do much. Now we have to go to them, to explain our performance, to justify our promises,” a JUI-F leader admitted.

“The religion card alone doesn’t work any more. Now voters want to know what we will do for them,” the leader continued.

He went on to describe how the new crop of JUI-F political workers is often clean-shaven, educated and versatile enough to deal with tough questions from voters: why did security collapse under the MMA government; why is Maulana so soft on the killers of Shias in Balochistan; why do the Seraikis not deserve a province of their own?

The real revelation is that rural south KP is changing too — much like rural areas across Pakistan are changing. There are still the kitab voters here, the ones who see a closed-book symbol on the ballot paper and quickly put their imprint next to it — voting, in their minds, for the Quran and Islam.

But where they were once the overwhelming majority, they’re now more of a comfortable majority or, in some cases, just a plurality.

It’s because rural Pakistan isn’t quite as isolated as it once was. More kids go to school. Improved road networks mean the rural denizen is more exposed to his politicised urban counterpart and the media. Awareness impacts culture.

In South Waziristan, recently returned locals mentioned how five years of exile in Tank and DI Khan — progressive cultures by SWA tribal standards — has effected small but discernible changes on the Waziristan way of life.

Women are now sometimes allowed to go to medical camps set up outside their villages. Elders want more schools for the children. Young adults are willing to learn new trades, having seen what money can buy.

So cultures do change — slowly — and elections do work — maybe even more slowly.

The problem in the near and medium terms is the alternative: folk tire of Maulana and his rhetoric and turn to others, like the Kundis, and then discover they’re just as bad, or often even worse — because they don’t have the longevity Maulana does, they grab whatever they can, as quickly as they can.

That’s why on the first day it always seems like elections don’t work. You have to stick around longer to figure out that they do, or maybe just can, eventually, work.

Citizen 2.0
In South Waziristan, after the tenth reference to how the army had organised Kashmir Day commemorations among resettled IDPs this year, I half-jokingly asked one commanding officer, “Don’t you think these people have had enough of jihad?”

He didn’t get the joke, or pretended not to anyway.

For all the ignominious distinctions SWA has collected over the past decade, it is today home to the single most astonishing fact: in the resettled areas of the agency, there is not a single madressah in operation.

Not a single one. Sure I had misheard the fact the first few times, I asked and asked, and asked again.

There is no madressah operational in the resettled areas of SWA — making it perhaps the only patch of land in this country that Allah has blessed where the mosque-madressah-social welfare network has been dismantled.

In its place, the army has taken over and is trying to create a new generation of citizen: educated, modern, productive.

But armies are trained to build good soldiers, not good citizens — and it’s with a grimace you can see the army confusing the two in SWA.

On March 23, in a local primary school, a smartly dressed boy was delivering a clearly memorised speech on the relevance of Pakistan Day. His audience consisted of pre-adolescent schoolmates and a sizeable number of soldiers standing guard.

“Pakistan is being attacked apart by external conspirators,” the boy said, raising his voice to denounce violence in various parts of the country.

“Pakistan zindabad, Pak fauj zindabad,” he concluded, as his schoolmates clapped.

Of such contrivances are not built good citizens.

Political identities and orientations can be changed — in fact, need to be changed – in Fata, but when the wrong institution, no matter how well-meaning, sets out to do it, it either ends up as a transparent veneer, or triggers unexpected, and undesirable, consequences.

Children of Zia
“There used to be wine shops at every corner, charas for sale in every bazaar lane and two hira mandis in DI Khan until 1981,” an old resident of the city said.

Alcohol, drugs and prostitution may not be lodestars of progressivism but the gent was trying to explain, juxtapose, just how far the old DI Khan has unravelled over the past 30 years and re-spooled itself on the thorn bush of extremism, intolerance and bigotry.

What’s missed, particularly from afar, though, is that sections of the population — not the aged, but among the younger lot — yearn to come full circle. They are sick of it, the violence, the hate, the bigotry.

The forces Zia unleashed have twisted the minds of many, and instilled fear in the rest.

But the old Pakistan still lies underneath, even in the heart of Zia’s Pakistan, resisting, refusing to be broken, waiting for someone to lead it the way Zia and his ghost have led his version of Pakistan. Is there anyone out there?