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  #441  
Old Sunday, May 19, 2013
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Elections 2013 as a catalyst

Raza Khan


Pakistanis scaled the political Mount Everest on May 11, when they came out in large numbers to vote for the next federal and provincial governments in the first-ever constitutional transition of power from one elected government to another. According to the unofficial results, Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N) has a clear lead in the National Assembly by winning more than 130 seats just short of 136 seats required for attaining a majority. The PML-N is going to easily attain the majority in the remainder of the few seats whose results have yet to be announced.
The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) has fared quite well and with 36 National Assembly seats has emerged as the second largest political party of the country. The Pakistan People's Party (PPP), the outgoing ruling party of the country, has been routed and could manage only 32 seats, mostly from Sindh. However, it is also important to note that the PML-N has almost its entire mandate from the Punjab.
Insofar as the impact of the 2013 general elections is concerned, it is unprecedented in many respects. First, the turnout in the elections was by far the biggest in the country's electoral history. This means many things. On the one hand it shows the confidence of the people in the country's democratic institutions and political process and think of them as a panacea to the multifarious problems they are facing. This is a healthy development, as the solution to all problems lies in strong political institutions.
On the other hand, people also voted in such a large number on May 11, because they had become fed up of the numerous and unending problems like the economic meltdown, terrorism, energy crisis and so on. In this context, their confidence in the electoral and political process could be transient. Thus, if this time too, the political system and the political parties, particularly the ruling ones, fail to address the nagging problems and grievances, the people would have left with no other option but to overthrow the entire system. An important aspect of these elections is that most of the people unexpectedly have voted for the PML-N, not out of the appeal of the party leadership comprising of the Sharif brothers or appeal of the party manifesto. Instead, the people have given a majority to the PML-N so that the party could immediately solve their problems. The people did not vote largely for the PTI as expected, as in their view, the PML-N leadership has more capacity to solve their and the country's issues which have made their lives unliveable and has posed existential threat to the very survival of the state. This would keep a very strong pressure on the PML-N and its leadership to deliver, as otherwise it will have to face political oblivion very much as is the situation faced by the PPP and its ally, the Awami National Party (ANP).
Another very important feature of the May 11 elections was that for the first time a large number of members of the urban and educated class come to the polling stations and took part in the government election process. This could be ascertained by visiting polling stations and talking with the voters waiting in queues to cast their ballots. The participation of the urban and educated people in a sizable number in the electoral process has increased the credibility of the process manifold. Because previously the elections in Pakistan, had been the preserve of the rural and illiterate class, whose members had been casting votes virtually en bloc on the dictates of their feudal lords or direction of the local notables or influentials without the former knowing the significance and impact of their voting.
Additionally, for the first time, a large number of youths between the ages of 18-40, the age-group which also formed the largest chunk of the eligible voters, came to the polling stations to vote. The credit for the participation of a large number of urban, educated and young voters goes, undoubtedly, to the PTI and its chairman Imran Khan. Khan's extremely attractive slogan of 'New Pakistan' as well as the demonstrable qualities and ability of delivering on promises, pulled this class to the polling stations. However, they could not translate their vote into a victory for the PTI nationally. This is largely because the dynamics of the traditional Pakistani electoral landscape remains widely intact, although there were some modifications. But the PTI programme really worked in KP, where the PTI virtually swept the heartland of the province, that is the Peshawar valley, the cluster of several important administrative districts.
For the PTI to emerge as the second largest party, both in terms of National Assembly seats it has won and the number of votes it got, is a huge achievement. It will have wholesome effects not only on the PTI as a real political force to reckon with, but on the entire political culture of the country. The entrance of a new political actor in the corridors of power, and political institutions collectively, would put pressure on the ruling party, which in this case would be the PML-N. The PML-N, on its part, despite the loopholes and flaws in our political system and culture, would try its utmost to deliver and in this way the problems of the people and the issues of the state would get solved. Consequently, the people's confidence in the political system, particularly political parties, would get reinforced.
It is important to note that the May 11 elections took place in an environment of extreme fear and insecurity as there were threats of large-scale terrorist attacks on the voters and the process from the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Fortunately, the group could not launch many attacks on the polling day; still, around 50 people lost their lives in the election-related violence. The TTP had threatened to attack the outgoing ruling parties particularly the ANP, as well as the PPP and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM). These parties also came under repeated attacks from the TTP and lost several of their members. However, the excuse the ANP and the PPP are making that their electoral rout has been due to denial of a 'level-playing field', is a lame excuse. Because these parties had been claiming that they had performed 'exceptionally' and they would contest the May 11 elections on the basis of that performance. Thus, they did not need any electoral campaign at all save some media exercise to inform the public about their performance.
A very striking feature of the mandate which the PML-N has got, and alluded to earlier, is that it is almost entirely from the Punjab. Thus, if the PML-N forms the government without help from any other party, this would be questioned. There are also substantial allegations from different contesting parties and candidates of electoral fraud. Nevertheless, elections were a most important development in Pakistan, and hopefully, they will be for a genuine and irreversible democracy.

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  #442  
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PTI tsunami comes in KP only

Raza Khan


The much-promised electoral tsunami of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Chief Imran Khan which he foretold would sweep the whole of Pakistan, could only occur in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province.
The PTI has won the highest number of seats in the 99-member KP provincial assembly and is all set to form the next government provided the majority party in the Centre, the Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) does not attempt to form the government along with the second largest party in the KP Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam Fazl (JUI-F). However, if the PML-N and the JUI-F came together, they would need the support of smaller parties like the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and the Qaumi Watan Party (QWP) of Aftab Sherpao to form the government.
If the PML-L takes this course, the KP would get a government, but it would be extremely weak and would be subject to the dictates of the smaller parties. Hopefully, the PML-N, which is in a comfortable position in the centre and does not need any support from the JUI-F or the JI, would not go for political wheeling and dealing with the JUI-F. If it decides otherwise this would be the return of 1990s politics which inflicted irreparable damage on the country. The JUI-F head, the cunning deal-maker Maulana Fazlur Rahman, has already offered the PML-N to form the government in KP but has not received any positive response from the PML-N as yet. The JUI-F style of politics is that it always wants to remain in the corridors of power by winning a few seats and then dealing with the largest parties, which have always needed smaller parties and independent winners to form a majority. Consequently, since early 1990s, the JUI-F has been in the government whether it be of the PPP, the PML-Q or the PML-N. It is hoped that the PML-N would demonstrate political maturity and would respect the mandate of the PTI given to it by the people of KP.
There are different reasons that why the tsunami of Imran Khan came only in the KP and not the entire country. The reason for this is that the voters of KP have been displaying exceptional political maturity relatively to other parts of the country and have voted for almost all the main political parties and given them opportunity to form government in the province. For instance in 1997, the electorate of KP cast their votes in favour of the PML-N, in 2002, it gave a landslide victory to the alliance of Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), in 2008 it for the first time gave the majority vote to the long-existing nationalist party, the Awami National Party (ANP), and now in the 2013, the people of KP have given the majority to the PTI. This demonstrates that the people in KP have been politically active and savvy. They changed the parties of their choice because none of them has been able to address the chronic problems of KP, including poverty, unemployment, lack of health and education facilities and, above all, deliverance from the menace of religious extremism and terrorism in the name of Islam.
The ANP got votes in 2002 from KP not in the name of Pakhtoon nationalism, the perennial slogan of the party, but the people wanted the party to use its philosophy of secularism to purge the province from extremism and terrorism. However, the ANP whose secularism has been largely conservative and narrow, could not come up with any viable programme and strategy to defeat extremism and terrorism. Consequently, despite losing hundreds of its members, including ministers and parliamentarians, the ANP could not defeat extremism. Instead, the menace accelerated. In the meanwhile, the people of the provinces suffered badly from unending terrorist attacks. Due to the extremely poor security situation, foreign and local investment was not attracted to the province, while those who already had business stakes in the province took it to other countries. This also resulted in the heavy brain-drain and human skills from the province. Resultantly, the extremist and terrorist forces got more space and a base in KP.
On the other hand, the political independence of the people of KP, the egalitarian nature of the society and tendency to give an opportunity to different political ideologies and manifestoes to deliver has been instrumental in the PTI tsunami in KP. Last, but not least, the Pakhtoon ancestry of Imran Khan (he belongs to the Niazi tribe of the Pakhtoons) has also played its role in heavy voting for the PTI. This shows that the nationalism of Pakhtoons is not narrow and is in fact enlightened as they were attracted by a Khan, who does not reside in the province but in the Punjab. The winning of Imran Khan from NA 1 Peshawar with a huge margin, bagging 66,000 votes against the scion of a well-entrenched ruling family of Bilours, Ghulam Ahmed Bilour, who even defeated Benazir Bhutto on NA 1, showed that they voted for a Khan, who although cannot speak Pashto but has Pakhtoon blood, while rejecting Bilour, who might be speaking Pashto but does not have Pakhtoon blood.
The slogan of "Naya Pakistan" (New Pakistan) of the PTI also attracted the people of KP and this also shows their love for Pakistan. While other political parties got votes by appealing to parochial slogans and the people responding to them, the people of KP voted for Pakistan.
Now if the PTI gets the chance, which it must be given, it will have huge challenges ahead. However, it is also a very big opportunity for the PTI to demonstrate its ability and capacity to rule in an efficient way. The PTI would be getting its first chance of government anywhere in the country. Already the PTI chief Imran Khan has declared that they would create an ideal government in KP. One hopes he is able to deliver. This would not only solve the very basic issues of the people, but would attract more foreign and local investment to the province. Infrastructure-wise, the KP is quite developed but there is a need to initiate huge development projects. This is the fundamental way to address the issues of religious extremism and terrorism. As Khan has the vision, policies and experience in conceiving, developing and running successful projects, this would go a long way in ensuring good governance in KP by the PTI government. It is important to note that the performance of the PTI in KP would also be a barometer for the people of KP, and also for the whole of Pakistan whether to vote for the PTI in the next elections or not. Someone came up with an interesting point. He said it is good that the PTI could not win a majority in the Centre and other provinces, as now all the PTI energies and capacity, which it has aplenty in its fold, would be concentrated on ensuring an ideal government in KP, which would result in unprecedented development. The PTI victory in KP would also be a constant pressure on the PML-N government at the Centre to perform exceptionally, as otherwise in the next elections it could lose public trust. Thus, the PML-N government at the Centre and in the Punjab and the PTI government in KP, would be in the interest of the people of Pakistan.

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  #443  
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Voters' choice

Nasim Ahmed


Pakistani voters have spoken and given their verdict which is more or less on the same pattern as predicted by many pre-poll surveys. As expected, the PML-N has emerged as the single largest party in the National Assembly and also in the Punjab, although its margin of victory is wider than generally anticipated. The PTI, which has emerged as the third force in national politics, has also done well, but it has not won as many seats as projected by its throng of starry eyed young supporters. On the other hand, the PPP, which has become very unpopular because of its bad governance record, has lost heavily. PML-Q has now been reduced to a party of a few electables, while the MQM has retained its political supremacy in urban Sindh. Religious parties, with the exception of the JUI-F, have by and large, been rejected by the electorate. The ANP has also suffered a big defeat.
It was a tumultuous election campaign which was marred by continuing incidents of violence perpetrated by Taliban militants. More than a hundred people died in pre-poll violence but it goes to the credit of party candidates that they were not deterred. To counter the terrorist menace and provide a sense of security to the people, the army and other security agencies made elaborate arrangements. Army troops, Rangers, FC personnel and police were deployed on a large scale all around the country to ensure peaceful polls.
The election was lent a bit of zing and colour by the enthusiastic crowd of the PTI's young supporters who, bursting with energy and passion, roamed the streets flying party flags. The PTI held mammoth public meetings which created the impression that the tsunami promised by Imran Khan would sweep the polls. However, the PTI's larger than life electoral projection did not translate into votes, perhaps, for the reason that many of its supporters were not of voting age. Lack of experience weighed in as another negative factor.
By contrast, the PML-N benefited from its long experience of electoral politics and its well oiled party machine. It took the challenge mounted by the PTI seriously and activated its party cadre to watch and protect its interests on the home ground as well as in KP, Sindh and Balochistan. As the results show, its strategy worked well and paid rich dividends. But, perhaps, what counted most was its governance record which contrasted sharply with the PPP's dismal performance.
Most PML-N stalwarts have won, including members of the Sharif family who scored convincing victories in the National Assembly constituencies. Nawaz Sharif himself emerged victorious in two constituencies in Lahore and Sargodha, while Shahbaz Sharif won both his NA and PA seats. Nawaz Sharif's son-in-law clinched the National Assembly seat from Mansehra, while Hamza Shahbaz won from Lahore. Former Leader of Opposition in the National Assembly Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan triumphed from NA-52 Rawalpindi. However, two of the PML-N major figures, Khawaja Muhammad Asif and former deputy opposition leader in the National Assembly Sardar Mehtab Abassi, suffered unexpected defeats. PML-N also suffered defeats in NA-55 and NA-56. With the support of the PTI, Awami Muslim League chief Sheikh Rashid Ahmad defeated Shakil Awan of the PML-N, while Hanif Abbasi lost to PTI chief Imran Khan in NA-56.
As expected, the voter turnout was high - as much as 60 per cent according to the Election Commission. While the PTI's gregarious campaign went a long way to mobilize the youth, the media also played an important part in raising the level of political awareness among the people. Without doubt, this was a media-led and media-dominated election. While all political parties invested heavily in election publicity on TV channels, the PPP's electronic media campaign broke all records. The 2013 elections will also be remembered for the fact that for the first time in the country's history, urban, educated middle and upper middle classes also fully participated in the political process the credit for which largely goes to the PTI.
The PPP has lost heavily in the polls, especially in the Punjab. It won the largest number of seats in 2008, but now it has been practically confined to Sindh and is vying with the PTI for the second or third position in the National Assembly. The biggest setback for the party is the defeat suffered by some of its leading figures, including former prime minister Raja Pervaiz Ashraf, two sons of former premier Yousaf Raza Gilani, former information ministers Qamar Zaman Kaira and Firdous Ashiq Awan, PPP Punjab President Manzoor Ahmad Wattoo, former Public Accounts Committee chairman Nadeem Afzal Gondal, Bushra Aitzaz, wife of Aitzaz Ahsan, former federal ministers Nazar Muhammad Gondal and Tasleem Qureshi.

With its comfortable majority of seats in the Punjab, the PML-N may easily form the provincial government, but given the distribution of NA seats among various parties it seems it will have to go for a coalition government at the center. Who will it go with? The PPP, the PTI, the MQM and the ANP being out of the loop now, the PML-N will perhaps enlist the support of independent candidates, the JUI-F, JI and Baloch nationalists to form a coalition government. But other options cannot be discounted. While the PML-N will rule at the centre, Sindh will be controlled by the PPP and the MQM and KPK by the PTI. PML-N will also be faced with a strong and vociferous opposition in the National Assembly.

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  #444  
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Elections: implications, hopes and fears

Faheem Amir


Pakistan is moving slowly towards a stable political system. The May 11 elections, in which the PML-N achieved a thumping victory and the PTI emerged as the second largest party in the country, has not only put a spanner in the Taliban's works, who wanted to derail the democratic system and impose their own self-defined Islam in Pakistan, but also given hope to many poor Pakistanis for a new and changed country.
However, there are also some gigantic problems, impending challenges and fears which could haunt Pakistanis in the near future.
Ten very important things, which will have a lasting imprint on the annals of Pakistan's political history, have happened in these elections.
First, the TTP has utterly failed to derail the prevailing political system in the country. It shows that the Pakistanis have rejected the TTP's self-interpreted Islam and extremism. They believe in tolerance and a democratic system.
Second, the PML-N has emerged as the leading political party, which has almost won all its seats in the Punjab. It is, now, ready to form a new government in the Centre, with Nawaz Sharif as the Prime Minister. On May 12th, Nawaz held a meeting with his party leaders about forming a new government. On May 11, Nawaz had invited all the political players to sit together and join hands with him for the betterment of the country. He said: "I forgive the opponents who abused us, for the sake of my nation, and offer them to join me for talks. After resuming the office of the prime minister, I would convene a meeting of all the political parties to get solid proposals to resolve the issues of poverty, price hike, load shedding, unemployment and other problems being faced by the country."
Third, the PTI has shown its power and won all its seats in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. It has also emerged as the second largest party in the country. The PTI leader has welcomed the high turnout in the elections as a step forward for democracy. He also accused the PML-N of vote-rigging in Lahore and the MQM in Karachi. He said: "I congratulate the entire nation for taking part in such a massive democratic process. We are moving forward on the path of democracy. Even those people who never voted in their life came out and the entire nation is happy to see it. Now there is awareness among the people of Pakistan that their fate is in their hands. God Willing, we will issue a white paper about vote-rigging. Here is usually victory and defeat, but all the pain of this defeat evaporated after I saw the enthusiasm in the youth. I also thank our women. Never in the history of Pakistan have women come out and voted in such a big number. It is heartening to see that they have also contributed to efforts to make a new Pakistan."
To block the way of the PTI's formation of government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, while congratulating Nawaz Sharif , Maulana Fazlur Rehman has suggested that the PML-N, the JUI-F and the PPP-S can form a coalition government . The PTI has a great chance to form its government and implement its revolutionary programme in this war-torn province. If Imran gains success in implementing his programme, then the PTI will get a great boost and a chance of winning seats in other provinces in the next elections.
Fourth, the ANP has been wiped out in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and there is every chance of the party breaking into two different groups.
Fifth, the PPP has been reduced to Sindh only. Everybody knows that the PPP has alienated its supporters by shutting its eyes towards the plight of the poor and its supporters. It has supported only elite members of its party during the last five years. This policy has given a death blow to the PPP's image and manifesto. Many analysts are predicting that the PPP will never emerge as a national party again.
Sixth, the MQM has won in Karachi. All major political parties, including the PTI, are accusing the MQM of vote-rigging. The Election Commission has admitted that it has been unable to conduct free, fair and transparent elections in Karachi and has ordered re-polling in Karachi's NA-250, PS-112 and 113. Some political parties have boycotted the elections in the metropolis. On May 12, the MQM leader Altaf Hussain had given a very threatening statement about Karachi. He said if the accusations against the MQM were not stopped then the fire of Karachi would engulf the whole country. He has talked about the separation of Karachi from Pakistan. It is a very alarming statement from a leader, whose party believes in violent politics. The MQM has already been accused of wanting to create Jinnah pur in the past. This alarming statement has unmasked the real intention of the MQM's leader.
Seventh, it is very heartening that even in Balochistan, the turnout was satisfactory. It was around 30-35 per cent. Threats from the terrorists and the insurgent nationalists could not deter the people from showing their right of choice and power in selecting their leaders. There are also some reports about procedural irregularities and anomalies in the province. These irregularities and anomalies have forced the BNP-M to reject the results of the election even before they are officially declared.
Eighth, according to reports, women voters were denied their right to cast their vote in some constituencies of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Many women were mistreated by the powerful candidates' supporters and many were forced to cast their votes against their wishes in Lahore, Karachi and other urban areas of the country. The Election Commission should take notice of this dark side of the elections and offer redress.
Ninth, for the first time in the history of Pakistan, the people of Karachi have stood up to the MQM and its leadership against massive vote-rigging and harassment. In Lahore, the PTI supporters have started their own protest camp against Saad Rafique's rigging. Both protests are growing. Karachi's protest has been joined by ten parties. A protest has also been started in Rawalpindi.
The Daily Times' Muhammad Salman Khalid, says: "I'm seeing an Arab Spring-like situation developing in the country. People have risen. We may soon see violence in major cities and army deployment".
Tenth, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has congratulated Nawaz Sharif and hoped for better relations. Singh wrote on his official Twitter account, "Congratulations to Mr. Nawaz Sharif and his party for their emphatic victory in Pakistan's elections". He said he hoped to work with Sharif to chart "a new course for the relationship" between the two countries and invited him to "visit India at a mutually convenient time".
About the future effects and results of the elections, various thinkers have expressed different views.
The News writes: "Many surprises sprung by the May 11 polls will have grave repercussions for the political spectrum with the PPP confined to Sindh, the ANP facing a split and President Zardari denied his second term in office. The PML-N sweep across the Punjab, unexpected as it was in numbers, has ensured that Mian Nawaz Sharif will not need any coalition partners, except for the sake of keeping a federal face by including some PML-Functional, Jamaat-e-Islami and the JUI-F men in his cabinet. The PTI, which has done tremendously well for a new party and which could easily become the next government in KP, will have to perform the role of an effective and vibrant opposition in the new house, as Imran Khan has repeatedly promised. With men like Javed Hashmi, Sheikh Rashid and Imran Khan himself in the opposition, it would not be a cakewalk for Mian Nawaz Sharif to run the country except on clean policies conforming to the national interest and not his own party or family.
"The elections have thrown the MQM and the ANP in a serious political crisis as the MQM will either have to sit in the opposition or take a huge U-turn to support Mian Nawaz Sharif. But the initial message of the MQM chief Altaf Hussain, describing the PML-N as a Punjabi party, does not augur well for the new government-in-waiting. The repercussions for the ANP are going to be more serious as the party has almost been white-washed and there are credible reports that the Bilours will break away from the Wali Khan family-led party. Ghulam Ahmed Bilour has already hinted that his party leadership was responsible for the debacle. On a personal level, the May 11 results have also washed away all chances of President Zardari getting a second term in office... At the moment, Faryal Talpur is the front face but Makhdoon Amin Fahim has also expressed reservations over the manner the party was run by Asif Zardari. Now that the PPP has lost its political clout, it would also be interesting to see how he is treated by the judiciary and various organisations which carry out accountability, specially NAB, FIA and others. Once Imran Khan and Sheikh Rashid are in parliament, Mian Nawaz Sharif will be under a lot of pressure to complete the task of accountability that was left in abeyance because of the position President Zardari enjoyed. That situation changed on May 11".
Ahmed Rashid, a journalist, writes in the BBC news: "Mr. Sharif was twice prime minister in the 1990s and both times he made genuine efforts to make peace with India but was thwarted at every step by an aggressive and uncompromising army which eventually launched the war in Kargil in disputed Kashmir in 1999, that led to a military debacle and also a coup against his government. Mr. Sharif clearly understands that Pakistan's traditional allies in the West, immersed in a global recession, are unlikely to offer Islamabad much in the way of a bailout. However, India can play a major role in reviving Pakistan's bankrupt economy as a potential investor. This time around, the army - faced with an apparent collapse of the state - is also more amenable to the idea of improving relations with India, but army chief Gen. Pervez Kayani still baulks at the idea of Indian factories and investment taking root in Pakistan. However, Pakistan has little choice and Sharif even less so, as avenues to rescue the economy close one by one. Gen. Kayani is also due to step down at the end of the year and a new army chief may well be able to put the years of acrimony between Mr. Sharif and the army to an end.
"President Asif Ali Zardari virtually surrendered foreign policy decision-making to the army in order to stay on its right side. Mr. Sharif is unlikely to do that and will instead need to co-operate with the army in order to have an effective policy towards brokering peace in Afghanistan between the Americans, President Hamid Karzai and the Taliban leaders, who are all based in Pakistan. The peaceful withdrawal of US troops next year from Afghanistan through the Pakistani port city of Karachi, the end of the Afghan war and the survival of the regime in Kabul will all largely depend on how seriously Pakistan plays its role in forcing the Taliban to the peace table. Mr. Sharif is keen to do so - simply because he knows he will be unable to tackle Pakistan's internal crisis without peace across the border. Mr. Sharif will face a quandary with Iran as the US puts pressure on Pakistan to abide by UN-mandated sanctions on Iran imposed because of its nuclear programme. Pakistan has just signed an agreement for a critically-needed gas pipeline to be built between the two countries and Mr. Sharif will want to continue that programme as Pakistan is severely lacking in gas supplies."

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Election 2013 - An overview

Zaheerul Hasaan


According to the latest unofficial results, so far Nawaz Sharif led party ML (N) won 125 National Assembly seats; PPP party went from first to second position and won 32 seats. Whereas, PTI under the chairmanship of Imran Khan emerged as third largest party after winning 31 National Assembly seats. To win a simple majority, a party or coalition would have to bag 137 of the 272 National Assembly seats for which polls were held.
Another 70 seats, reserved for women and non-Muslims, will be allocated to parties according to their performance in polls. Anyhow, to have a majority 342-member National Assembly, a party or coalition would need 172.
PML (N), PPP and PTI have also proved the leading parties of Punjab, Sindh and KPK. However, PML (N) dominated both in federal and Punjab and also able to change her status from regional to national party.
In fact, the elections 2013 have been contested on the slogans like; corruption, governance, economy, ownership of war on terror, energy crises and change (New Pakistan). During the last five years Pakistani media and courts remained very hyper and vibrant over the stated issues and victimized the ruling elite of Islamabad, Sindh and KPP. Rumors of postponing the elections and derailing of democratic system and introducing number of governing models were normally used to be the favourite topics of all the talk shows of the electronic media. Here, I would like to say that credit goes to the losing parties, courts, Election Commission and Pakistan Army for continuation of political process, ensuring the conduct of the election and smooth transaction of power.
The fair election results also demonstrate that nation is against the corruption and has the desire to see Pakistan moving upward under the peaceful environment. Therefore, winning parties as promised have to delink Pakistan from the American’s war and carryout the negotiations with the locals Taliban those believes in democratic processes, abiding by the law and ready to stop fighting against Pakistani Armed forces. The winning parties should also be ready to fight back the foreign sponsored terrorism. Moreover, they also need to own the war against militancy.
It would be injustice here, if we do not acknowledge ANP, PPP and Armed forces’ sacrifices against terrorists. The losing parties have suffered a lot being target of TTP. These parties were not able to run their elections campaign due to Taliban blasts and threat. I would like to reveal here that in case of showing any laxity against terrorism or compromise with militants for the sake of will push the country into disaster. The parties have to remain on one page to fight back the terrorism.
In last week, of the elections the COAS General Kayani has also cautioned against disowning the ongoing military operations in the troubled areas. He urged and advised the politicians not to leave space for dictatorship, etc; yet the focus remained on the military’s assistance and assurance for holding of fair and free elections. He very boldly given a clearly asked the militants to rejoin the national mainstream but only after they “unconditionally submit to the state, its Constitution and the rule of law”.
Thereby, the Elections 2013 have left a message to the upcoming ruling parties in KPK, Punjab and Sindh to root out terrorism and conspiracies from the land and provide justice to massive Army and Civilians bloodshed. Results of Elections 2013 have also provided us a chance with a help of newly elected leaders to defeat ongoing foreign sponsored militancy. Apart from resolving issues like economic, energy and sectarianism, the new government should give priority to settle the conflicts like Kashmir, water and Siachen with the traditional rival while framing foreign policy.

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Old Sunday, May 19, 2013
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Uncertainty reigns even after elections

Zafar Alam Sarwar


One need not answer the question why common people, particularly the youth, want a change: everybody has come to realize the meaning of change in the current situation. The 5/11 general election results are being considered a blow to the dream of the suffering masses who for a long time have been in search of a team headed by a person who would change the destiny of their children by overhauling the socio-economic and political system as was envisioned by the architect of Pakistan.
What a strategy that uncertainty prevails in the country even after the vote has been cast; most of voters think they have been tricked by someone on a well calculated foreign advice. Friendly intervention is always a pretext for promotion of peace, progress and democracy in south-east Asian region, especially when a so-called war on terrorism has already been launched. Whose war is it? And who are the real victims? Whose game it is? Radical wisdom demands of all Pakistanis to ponder seriously and get out of it in accordance with the teachings of Islam and in the light of the examples set by Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) as head of state, law giver, statesman, administrator, general, and leader of the oppressed. That’s essential for economic survival of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
A pre-election survey by this scribe revealed this time most of voters, including majority of educated youths, had their way of seeing politicians: they didn’t want reincarnation of the ones already tested more than once in 1980s and 1990s. Many said they were concerned to do something not for themselves but their motherland also. Silent they still appear like the neglected poor, actually they are angry and in mood to raise voice in protest. Graduates and post-graduates have many grievances in addition to the bitter fact they’ve not been provided jobs they deserved on merit, and are unemployed. Educated youths, whichever province they may belong to, are looking for opportunities in Lahore, Rawalpindi and Islamabad; they belong to middle and lower middle segments of society. They criticize landlords and capitalists who have long adopted politics as their profession to accumulate as much as they can for their children and expand family businesses, little caring for the ordinary citizens.
“Many such old self-seekers have started using the word ‘youth’ for a particular purpose; and that’s their self-interest, not national; earlier they very often used the common word ‘awam’ (masses) for political ends; now they’re exploiting the current situation for their own ends, not truly devoting themselves to the socio-economic cause of the country and the nation,” asserted a number of fresh university graduates, including one of Peshawar. Yet another post-graduate this scribe came across in front of Shifa International Hospital in Sector H-8, Islamabad, supplemented the argument: “awam’ was a term of endearment, now ‘youth’ has been adopted by some gentle-looking politicians as means to gain help of youths, including the unemployed ones, for winning a position in corridors of power while masses have been surviving poverty, corruption and unemployment etc. in an environment of bad law and order, kidnapping for ransom, threat to life and property and heart-breaking food and energy prices over the years---surprisingly, they have managed to come back to political power. How and why?”
The country had crisis of leadership, besides absence of good governance resulting in poverty, starvation and injustice, preference of self-interest to national interest, and stashing money in foreign countries. A post-graduate carried his genuine degrees in an ordinary plastic bag while travelling by bus from Faizabad (Rawalpindi) to a ministry in the federal capital the other day. Asked what he thought about the youth’s role in future development and progress of the country, he spoke bluntly: “My first concern is to get rid of unemployment; many of my class-mates are wandering for job, but it’s not merit but nepotism and bribery that makes the mare go; the nation has been divided as many times into different groups as there are political parties although Pakistan had come into being as the embodiment of the Muslim nation, and so it must remain, but who will bridle the selfish politicians; we also are to blame for this unpleasant reality; don’t expect any revolutionary change from the youths of the upper class and rich families, they always want to maintain status quo; it’s only the educated youths of the middle, lower middle and poor segments of society who want change for the better to make Pakistan a people’s welfare state; we want a change that should liberate us from hunger, slavery, feudalism, starvation, exploitation, poverty, illiteracy, corruption in any form.”
Amid cacophony of 5/11 election campaign, a large number of young and old agreed to the view there’s need to recall for a moment how and why Pakistan was achieved and who struggled for freedom from an imperialist power, and how much agonising were the bloody scenes of loot, arson and killing of innocent Muslim men, women and children; even olds were not spared by fanatics. The number of persons who sacrificed their lives for the sake of a new homeland was up to two millions. A welfare state was in the mind of the founder of Pakistan as he professed in his addresses and speeches at public meetings. The dream has not yet been translated, and masses exploited by self-seeking politicians long for an economic revolution which, they hope, will emancipate them from the old vicious and wicked system of feudalism and capitalism. The common people are asking each other if there is any possibility of a change in the socio-economic system of a country facing a number of problems, including poverty and corruption. They assert most of elections in the past have been a cosmetic exercise which produced tailored assemblies and mandates without any long-term sound plan which could bear fruit for the future. “Nobody knows what will happen to us now,” says the common man after the general election result.
“Sasti daal, roti and chawal (cheap pulse, bread and rice)” have always been one of the common man’s demands over the years. But he had to suffer whenever he voiced protest on the street, and self-seeking politicians betrayed him after coming into power. The tragedy to poor and hungry masses is that many a time their homeland’s wheat was sold to foreigners at a lower rate and later bought back at a higher price. Which prime minister did it? Who will imagine the agony of a daily wage-earner in an environment of unchecked exploitation of consumers by hoarders, smugglers and black-marketers? And in such a circumstance, who will not want a change of system? Many social and economy-related matters need honest and meaningful probing with a Pakistan-specific intention to restructure the whole system to deliver justice to the sufferer.
Isn’t it a fact that the status quo forces and their abettors have always blatantly violated and abused the sanctity of the ballot box? City elders assert cut-n-sew arrangements are made to tailor the so-called elected assemblies, and the poor are neglected. That eventually leads to general disillusionment and loss of faith in the system which, the sufferers say, still prevails and blocks a fruitful change. “But, now, revolutionary change in socio-economic system has become an urgent requirement to avert disaster”, argue the educated unemployed youths.

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A voter’s view

Dr. Sumera Gul

It was 7:50 am when I and my husband reached the polling station with our three--month old baby. To our amazement there was a huge crowd already waiting for polling to start. Everyone was very enthusiastic and happy to be there well in time. At around 8:30am we came to know that ballot papers did not arrive at the polling station and we need to wait for another half to one hour. Instead of standing we went to other polling stations to see how the people flooded in. Each and every polling station in that area was actually crowded. Cutting to the point polling started somewhere around 11 am and the queue was quite long.
It was my first experience to vote so when I entered the polling room I could not believe the way polling was being done. Flaws were there in all steps. Each step was exhausting and making everyone more frustrated. No wonder why people hate to cast vote. Well, after standing in the queue for about three hours I was able to cast the vote.
ECP did a great job to conduct the elections in all of Pakistan. Praise for that. However, the election process is so obsolete that even a random voter can go and vote twice. I have a few suggestions for ECP which I believe if ensured can help us all to get rid of rigging to a good extent.
Ideal situation will be to have computerized and electronic voting in a polling station where the hand prints should be matched by the biometric machine and once marked no print can be repeated. That way polling will be simple and quick. I agree that it might not be easy for ECP to centralize the computerized polling as a very strong network backbone which is currently hard to establish as it will cost much. Till then I have a few suggestions to make the present polling system easy and better.
Firstly the polling rooms should have a CCTV. The whole process should be recorded if not in all the polling stations then at least in the sensitive ones. The presiding officer should be some person with more power. An army officer will be ideal, I believe. And he/she must be present during the polling process.
Two armed army personals should be deployed inside each polling room with orders to shoot on legs if anyone is found to make polling process a problem. Only 2 voters should be allowed to enter the polling room at a time. First one gets his/her verification done and left hand marked as it is done while, the second person gets the ballot paper and vote.
Too many people in the polling room make it easy for riggers to cast multiple votes. No one should be allowed inside the polling room except the polling staff, two voters and the armed army personals. If polling agents have to be inside the room they should not be allowed to interact with any of the voter or roam around in the polling rooms. Just sit and mark the names of people casting vote. Polling room should have separate entry and exit doors. It will make it easy for polling staff to manage their work.
One other big flaw was to not mark the people who have already cast the vote. The mark with the ink can be removed by commercial chemicals. So I suggest that the left thumb that was used to mark at the time of verification be dipped in ink after casting the vote. This will make the ink penetrates under the nails which cannot be removed by commercial chemicals.
Therefore, when the polling officer is verifying he/she can immediately identify any rigger or duplicate voter. Army armed guards should be standing on entry and exit doors of the polling rooms along with being deployed inside the rooms. Ballot papers should have verified serial numbers on them so that at the time of counting the serial numbers are also checked and matched. The serial numbers should be different for different constituencies so that the chance of fake ballot papers may be cut to short. The presence of a bar code on ballot paper can be even a better option.
Good stationary was also something that I observed was badly required in the pooling rooms. The ballot paper should have pinned ends so that they can be easily torn instead of workers tearing them with scales. It would save a lot of time. Having elections one by one in all provinces will shun the pressure and work load on ECP. It will help the ECP to monitor the elections well. One other way is random visit by ECP officials. They should visit any random polling station without any prior information. This will also help in keeping the staff vigilant and would check rigging.
In short, supervision of army, only one or two voters to be allowed inside at a time, camera recording of the whole day coverage, dipping the thumb in ink so that ink penetrates under the nail and visits by ECP officials can be effective in preventing rigging and casting multiple votes. Character building is required so that no matter who is the polling staff, rigging and malingering be avoided. The dilemma is not lack of education the dilemma is disloyal and insincere educated people.


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Apathy towards Asghar Khan case

Mujtaba Haider Zaidi


Veteran politician and former Pakistan Air Force Chief Air Marshal (R) Muhammad Asghar Khan had attempted to seek justice in 1996 from the court of law against the alleged riggings committed by his rival rightist political alliance IJI by engineering the results of 1990 general elections under the canopy of the establishment of Pakistan.
Since the leftist alliance, under the title PDA and led by Benazir Bhutto, had high anticipations with regards to its success in the elections that had been held in the wake of the pre-mature dismissal of Benazir government in August 1990, the election results appeared to be far beyond their expectations. Though PDA had raised several questions about the transparency of the Elections 1990, the then Pakistan President Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Army Chief General Mirza Aslam Beg refuted the possibility of any rigging in election results altogether. Nevertheless, the history proved both Ghulam Ishaq and Aslam Beg completely responsible for their condemnable role in respect of crushing the hopes of the Pakistan subjects by making explicit alterations in the election results.
Though Air Marshal Asghar Khan had sought the judicial support for unveiling the tricks played by the Establishment of Pakistan “in the best interest of the country”, by changing the election results, yet he had to wait for sixteen long years in order to seek justice from the apex court. However, in the light of the sound evidences produced by the petitioner in support of his very claim, the three member bench of Supreme Court of Pakistan observed on October 19, 2012 that the then President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Army Chief Aslam Beg, ISI Chief Asad Durrani and their aides were responsible for facilitating the politicians of their choice i.e. Nawaz Sharif led IJI against Benazir Bhutto led PDA in the general elections held in 1990.
The rigging in the elections, aptly declared to be engineered and bogus one by the former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, decided the fate of the entire nation for the future decades to come. It not only created an insurmountable gulf between the people of Pakistan and establishment, but also paved the way towards bringing another coup d’etat in October 12, 1999, warmly welcomed by the masses all over the country. Thus, the serious injustice exercised by the members of civil and military bureaucracy in 1990 against the whims and wishes of the people of Pakistan, was perhaps revenged by throwing the head of the government established in the aftermath of massive rigging, behind the bars, and then his long exile from the country ultimately.
On the one side, the Supreme Court takes notice of all the matters related to the public interest, and does not hesitate in taking sue motto actions against the irregularities observed by the parliamentarians, ministers and prime ministers even, belonging to one specific political party; and on the other side, the chief justice does not bother to decree an order with regards to trying the accused and offenders responsible for ruining the wishes of millions of Pakistanis at the court of law, and putting them behind the bars for the crimes they had committed while compiling the Elections 1990 results. Such a mysterious silence and absolute apathy observed by the chief justice not only create suspicion in the minds of the masses, but also the aggrieved political groups look justified in declaring the court as displaying partiality towards them. Moreover, the unnecessary delays made by the court in respect of getting its orders implemented in Asghar Khan case look increasing hatred between the communities belonging to divergent regions of the country.
The writer has also participated as a lawyer in the movement launched by the lawyers for the restoration of chief justice, who was made dysfunctional by the then President General Pervez Musharraf in the wake of the alleged allegations of exploiting his influence as the chief justice in respect of the appointment of his son Dr. Arslan Iftikhar Chaudhary against some prestigious position in the civil service. Like the majority of lawyers’ fraternity, I also stood against the method President Musharraf had applied in suspending the chief justice. Thus, the fraternity had demonstrated unity against an illegal action taken by the then President. However, silence of judiciary on several matters related to PML-N irregularities, including the Asghar Khan case, may drift the lawyers away from the bench responsible for neglecting the cases in which the PML-N (then IJI) leadership has been declared responsible for forming a government in the wake of alleged rigging exercised by the establishment.
The question appears here whether or not the court should have decided the legal status of the government formed after the rigged and engineered elections of 1990. If that government enjoyed the legal status even created in the aftermath of illegalities, how could any court apply a barricade on the way to rigging in the future elections? Eventually, anyone could repeat the same act of rigging and altering the election results “in the best interest of the country” in the wake of the courage the silence of apex court offers to the nation at large.

mzaidi@yandex.com

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The strange case of Dr Ebad


By Rahimullah Yusufzai


November 30, 2016

Sindh Governor Dr Ishratul Ebad should have resigned years ago instead of keeping his privileged job for so long that he had to be finally shown the door.

And Saeeduzzaman Siddiqui, the distinguished former chief justice of the Supreme Court of Pakistan, should not have agreed to become the governor of Sindh at this old age when he is frail and ailing.

These are idealistic thoughts, but there is nothing wrong in being an idealist.

Ishratul Ebad was appointed the 30th governor of Sindh by military ruler General Pervez Musharraf on December 27, 2002. It was obvious his appointment would not have been possible without the consent of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) or, precisely, of its founder Altaf Hussain who at the time was all-powerful. Musharraf wanted to oblige the MQM and it became evident in subsequent years of his long rule that he had patronised the party.

Ishratul Ebad never tried to hide the fact that he was the MQM’s man even though governors ought to be neutral and apolitical. His appointment was controversial and there were unsubstantiated accusations against him that he was involved in certain criminal cases.

When he lost trust of the MQM leadership, there was no justification for Ishratul Ebad to stay in office because he was appointed primarily to work as a go-between for the government with the MQM. In fact, during his tenure the Governor’s House until 2012 was the centre of MQM activities and the place to look to whenever the party’s cadres needed official help to sort out problems.

There were also other occasions when it was obvious that he had overstayed his welcome in the Governor’s House. Once he went abroad and stayed longer than expected. It was said at the time that he had quit and wouldn’t be coming back. However, Ishratul Ebad had no intention of quitting and before long he was back in his job. Otherwise, he would not have remained the governor for almost 14 years and set a record of sorts. It is certainly a record in Pakistan for a governor to remain in office for so long, though one has read that it is also a world record.

By the time he was belatedly replaced, Ebad had become a permanent fixture in the palatial Governor’s House. In fact, he was the youngest governor of Sindh when he got the job and was getting old at the time of his removal. Once hailed by MQM activists as an asset and a man of crises, his party leadership wanted him to be removed post-2012.

Another recent occasion for him to step down was when he became involved in an ugly verbal exchange with the Pak Sarzameen Party head and former Karachi mayor Mustafa Kamal. The way the two former MQM leaders stooped low and publicly ridiculed each other was bizarre and unfortunate. They accused each other of corruption and misuse of power. They had known each other for years, worked together and also praised one another at the time. Many felt both should have been investigated as the allegations were too serious to be ignored.

The kind of language used by them left much to be desired. In particular, Ishratul Ebad should not have used the words he chose to describe Mustafa Kamal considering the fact that he was holding the high office of the governor of a province. Besides, he had the reputation of being a soft-spoken and friendly man and his choice of words showed that he could be a different person when angry. Some would say the guitar-playing Ishratul Ebad went overboard and reacted rather harshly. Finally, though, he realised his mistake and called a ceasefire.

Though Mustafa Kamal was right when he predicted that Ishratul Ebad wouldn’t stay for a day in Karachi once he was no longer the governor, he too emerged bruised from his verbal encounter with his former MQM colleague. The fact that his party isn’t doing well in terms of seeking the support of the Urdu-speaking Mohajirs seems to have gotten on his nerves and it appears he considers Ishratul Ebad one of the reasons for the PSP’s less-than-expected performance. With the MQM Pakistan and the MQM London fighting it out for the Mohajir support and vote, the PSP has been pushed to the sidelines of the politics in Karachi and other urban centres in Sindh.

It was strange that successive governments of different political parties such as the PML-Q, PPP and the PML-N, along with military dictator General Musharraf, kept him as governor for such a long time. One explanation is that the powers that be wanted him to remain the governor to keep the MQM leadership in good humour and ensure that urban centres like Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur, etc – where the MQM enjoyed support – remained calm and peaceful.

Another reason could be that, being an Urdu-speaking Mohajir, he was able to represent his people in a government run and dominated by Sindhis. In fact, it has now become a principle that a Sindhi is chief minister of Sindh and an Urdu-speaking Mohajir is the governor. So even if the MQM is not part of the coalition government in Sindh, there is still a Mohajir governor who is expected to speak up for his people using whatever little power he has in this glorified job.

An Urdu-speaking Mohajir had to be found to replace Ishratul Ebad and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, through his handpicked President Mamnoon Hussain, didn’t want to look beyond a loyal party man to fill the vacancy. Rewarding loyalists has long been a tradition with the Sharif family and the same principle had earlier been applied in case of Mamnoon Hussain.

Saeeduzzaman Siddiqui fit the bill and was made the governor apparently without anyone checking out his health status. His first appearance on television after being made governor clearly showed that he is now too old and ill to shoulder this responsibility. Within a few days he had to be hospitalised, allowing critics of the government to further ridicule the government for its choice.

The PPP government in Sindh had already been complaining that it had not been consulted about the appointment of the governor. The provincial government was justified in making this complaint because Chief Minister Murad Ali Shah being a PPP nominee would have to build a working relationship with the governor, and this would have been easier if he had been taken into confidence about this important decision by the PML-N-led federal government.

Justice Siddiqui, a gentleman and honourable man, would have been a good choice as governor, or for any other public office, when he was healthy and less elderly. He has had a distinguished career in the judiciary and his refusal to take oath under General Musharraf’s PCO contributed to his reputation as an upright and independent-minded judge. However, he is now nearly 80 and unwell. His image would have been enhanced if he had declined the offer to become the governor.

The writer is resident editor of The News in Peshawar.

Email: rahimyusufzai@yahoo.com
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