Women (Important Articles)
 

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Saudi women: Pampered or oppressed?[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/CENTER]

Rima Maktabi and Schams Elwazer

Samar Badawi, a 30-year-old mother of one, has served seven months in jail. Her crime? Disobeying her father.

Badawi, 30, fell foul of Saudi Arabia's guardianship laws, which require women to gain permission from their father, husband or even adult son for many daily activities.

In a case that was highlighted by Human Rights Watch, Badawi was physically abused by her father from the age of 14 after her mother died of cancer.
At the age of 25, she decided to "stand up for herself" and ran away to a women's shelter. She was jailed for seven months after her father brought a "disobedience" case against her and she refused to return to his home.
Badawi was released last year after an online campaign, and eventually got a ruling to transfer her guardianship to her uncle.

She also successfully filed a suit against her father's refusal to allow her to marry.

"I went in a broken woman," she said. "I was very hurt when I went to prison. But I came out victorious and was very proud of myself that I was able to handle those seven months. It wasn't easy."

Despite her own trauma, Badawi does not call for a change in the law, but rather for better awareness.

"Our laws are fair, very fair," she said. "If not for the law, I would not have been able to escape the difficult situation I was in. "The problem is that there is no legal culture here. Women here, from various backgrounds, aren't aware of their rights, there is no awareness.

"That's why I wish that law would be taught in schools from an early age."
Badawi was presented with an International Women of Courage award by US First Lady Michelle Obama and US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton on March 8. Presented annually, the award recognises women who have show exceptional courage and leadership in advocating for women's rights.

Women's rights is a hot issue in Saudi Arabia, and there is a surprising range of views, from both women and men.

Aside from the guardianship laws, women are not allowed to drive, an issue that grabbed headlines around the world last year when many women challenged the law by getting behind the wheel.

One of those was Najla Hariri, who drove her son to school one day after her driver failed to show up for work.

She continued to do so several times after that, but can no longer drive after she and her husband were both forced to sign legal pledges that she would not drive again.

"What is more upsetting to me than having to sign the pledge is that my 'guardian' was summoned," she said. "I reject the whole idea of his being my 'guardian' because I'm a 47-year-old woman, I should be my own guardian."
For Hariri, there is far more to campaign for than driving.

"Saudi women are facing many problems - divorced women, women in judicial limbo, women who have been abused, issues with inheritance distribution - we have many problems.

"So we started calling for the establishment of a 'personal status law' to protect these rights," she added.

Hariri said the rights she wants are those already given to women in the Quran and the Sunna, the teachings of Prophet Mohammed.

But not everyone agrees. Rawda Al Youssef runs a campaign called "My Guardian Knows What's Best For Me" in favour of the controversial system.
She argues that Saudi women are lucky to be looked after and that guardianship reinforces the family as a foundation of society.

"The relationship between men and women inside the family is a complementary relationship and not an equal relationship," said Al Youssef. "The man serves the woman and supervises her affairs inside the home and outside the home."

For Al Youssef, women who campaign for more rights are a pampered minority with no real problems.

"Saudi women - specifically those who are talking about women's rights - these come from a social class that is well-off and pampered.

"Bring me a poor woman who talks about these things and I'll say ok, maybe she needs this, but those who talk about women's rights ... these are women who have everything they need and all they're missing is to be able to take their passport and travel as they want, or to drive a car.
"They didn't think about the needs of the poorer class."

Source: [url=http://www.weeklycuttingedge.com]WEEKLY CUTTING EDGE[/url]

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Can Women be Equal in Pakistan?[/SIZE][/FONT][/B]

It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up within the four walls of the houses as prisoners.[B]( Quaid-e-Azam)[/B][/CENTER]

July, 2010

Women in Pakistan, though facing tough challenges, can be equal due to their fast empowerment supported by effective media, progressive policies, and changing mind set. In practice, women are victims of financial discrimination, inhuman customs and laws such as Karo Kari, Qasas and marriage to the Quran and half witnesses according to the state law. In contrast, the recent political, legal, educational and social measures by the liberal forces are strengthening the ‘weaker sex.’

On March 10, 1944, Quaid-e-Azam addressed a meeting of the Muslim University Union (Aligarh): "It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up within the four walls of the houses as prisoners. You should take your women along with you as comrades in every sphere of life."

[B][U]Challenges to Women’ equality in Pakistan[/U][/B]
The Pakistani state is heavily dependent on mullahs and feudal/tribal sardars for its ideological and political legitimacy, respectively.

In the presence of such feudal/tribal chiefs, no military dictator was afraid of holding of elections. In return, they are given a free hand in their constituencies. Besides, women are being prevented to participate in the electoral process both as voters and candidates.

In the rural areas, women are like slaves subject to labour, considered as foolish creatures according to the dominant social and cultural norms. Likewise, marriage is also a sort of trade between different families.

A woman's right to liberty is restricted in the name of modesty, protection and prevention of immoral activity. As for the Mullahs, though they played no role in the creation of Pakistan, they managed to assert themselves through the civil bureaucracy and conservative politicians. When Zia imposed his dictatorial rule, he fully used the mullahs against the secular parties. The jihadi groups intimidated democratic elements and suppression of women.

The tragedy with the women' movements is that women from the upper classes, have never had to suffer the same ordeals as the women of the oppressed classes. Our cultural system has made male as the earning hand and, thus, kept the women financially weak. In the near past, limited education increased their ignorance.

[B][U]The Factors which will ensure Gender-Equality [/U][/B]
Judicial activism should be observed strictly. Our constitution guarantees (under articles 25 & 34) equality of both sex.
True interpretation of religion should be by authentic scholars on TV channels.
Weak but flourishing democracy will maintain one man one vote, thus one male should be equal to one female.
Rising poverty will leave us with no choice but accepting women participation in national production. Now women’ freedom is not an option but a completion.
Awareness should be created by Media about their issues. It shows injustice done against them like Mukhtara Mai case. Such cases in the past should not go unnoticed and unjustified.
Spread of Education, especially for women and awareness about their rights and duties.
NGOs, though doing not so fair but at large they are serving the women against all sorts of injustice. Foreign aid is given to NGOs.
Global wake up about women’ importance.

[B][U]Steps Taken by the Present Government[/U][/B]
Liberal Leadership - Musharraf and the present PPP regime, role of Fozia Wahab, Fahmida Mirza and newly appointed Governor of Gilgit-Baltistan.
Women’ Protection bill to minimize the negative effects of Hadood ordinance.
33% Seats in the Parliament according to LFO of 2002 from 17%.
Recruitment of Women in Army.
Addition of 10% quota in CSS.
Awareness by workshop, seminars and newspaper.
Research, documentation and publication on violent issues related to women.
Crises and shelter centers.
Free education in rural area.
Voices and activities of NGOs at local and international levels.

[B][U]Number of seats allocated for women:[/U][/B]
N.A = 60 Sindh = 29
Punjab = 66 N.W.F.P = 22


[B][U]Effects of gender discrimination:[/U][/B]
Increased poverty due to non participation of 51% population. The rise of China and India is also due to the active participation of women.
Honor killing and Vani are against human rights and the principles of Islam but only supported by the egoistical minds.
Marriage with Quran is the outcome of diseased minds of the feudal lords.
Pessimism in women is snatching all their potential, abilities and hopes to excel in life.
Worldwide criticism of Pakistan as an ignorant country like Afghanistan.
Domestic violence is a routine practice due to low status of women.
Population growth as the female is not the decision makers about the family planning

[B][U]Pragmatic Solutions
[/U][/B]
Easy and free Education will generate awareness about rights and duties. Technical education will provide job opportunities. Financial empowerment for the women should be enhanced. Media should play its role in creating awareness. Women must use their voting power as a tool for gender change. They should form alliances across social groups i.e. trade unions, peasant associations and artisans etc. The women councilors can provide leadership at local level.

Microfinance provides a stable and sustainable source of income that enables women to climb steadily out of poverty. Solution of all these problems did not require big budgets but all it needed was good governance and political will.

To sum up, Pakistani women still have to go a long way to achieve their birth right of ‘equality’. The optimistic side makes this task possible due to inevitable but positive changes.

“If Eve was the cause of Adam’s expulsion from Heaven, it is Eve now who has made the earth a heaven.” Goethe glorifies the woman status.

Source: JWT

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Women Rights[/SIZE][/FONT][/B]
[I]They sometime make abortive attempt to equate Islam with terrorism or fundamentalism and sometime they project Islam as anti women and male dominated in the garb of Equal Rights.
[/I][/CENTER]
[B]September, 2010[/B]

Certain known and hidden elements having vested interests within and outside the country have initiated a disgusting campaign for maligning Islam. They sometime make abortive attempt to equate Islam with terrorism or fundamentalism and sometime they project Islam as anti women and male dominated in the garb of Equal Rights.

Equal Rights is a phenomenon which is common to everyone in today’s world but its pros and cons are highly complicated. Especially in a country like ours where Islam is the foundation stone of our policies and the integral part of our constitution, the concept of Equal Rights should be used and utilized in a very sensible and prudent manner.

Our Holy religion Islam has granted a dignified and respectable role to the women folk in every sphere of society, but the men and women have not been termed equal. In verse 36 of Surah ‘Al Imran’ it has been stated that when the spouse of Imran gave birth to a female baby she said “Man and woman are not alike, I have named her Merry”. Like all the teachings of Islam, this philosophy of Islam is completely in conformity with natural and universal truths.

According to our holy religion, there are three kinds of relationship between men and women. As per the first aspect in some matters women have been bestowed with more privilege and respect than men. For example as a mother the status of women is more valuable than that of father. Similarly the family and the house where a female baby is born has been termed as more lucky and honored than the one where a male baby is born.

Unlike the men, the women have been exempted from Jehad and congregational prayers. In the same way, women have been relieved from performing certain religious obligations during particular days of their lives. In the second instance, there are some matters in which men and women enjoy equal rights.

Such matters include the reward and punishment on account of virtues and vices respectively. In this regard, Islam has not made any difference between them. It is not so that noble deed of a man would be having more reward than that of a woman and vice versa. Similarly the women are not likely to be punished more for nefarious deeds than those of men.

In the third instance there are certain matters in which the men have been given more powers and rights than women not owing to some discrimination but due to the physical and mental structure of both and certain ground realities. The rights and powers of husband are more than those of wife.

In respect of leadership too, the status and position of man is more important than that of woman as a woman is not allowed to lead a congregational prayer. Likewise the share of men in inheritance is double than that of the women and the testimony of women are considered half to that of the man. Islam also favors patriarchal family system. The Almighty God says in the Holy Quran, “Man are in charge of woman because Allah has made the one of them to excel the other and because they spend of their property”(Verse 34, Surah Nisa/Chapter The women).

Similarly (in verse 228 of Surah Baqara/Chapter The cow) the Almighty God says, “Women have the same rights against men as men have against them but men have a higher degree over them”. Biologically too, women have different instincts such as shyness, passiveness and frequently changing temperament etc. whereas man have different such as aggression, boldness and rudeness etc.

Similarly women have more loving, kind hearted and tender nature than that of the man. In this regard, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) has said, “Woman was created from the rib and the most crooked part of the rib is its top. If you attempt to straighten it you will break it, if you leave it then it will remain crooked; so act kindly towards them (Bukhari and Muslim)”.

Instead of having a sense of inferiority and deprivation, if we compare the rights and privileges enjoyed by women in our beloved country with the other so called developed countries of the world, we would find that the status of women in our beloved country is much more respectable than that in those countries. For instance in our country a woman has assumed the office of Prime Minister twice, whereas in the 218 years history of US Presidency, and amongst the 44 US presidents never a woman has assumed this office.

The same is the case with other European countries as in German history for the first time a woman has assumed the office of Chancellor and in France the first female presidential candidate has been defeated. The government of Pakistan has also undertaken marvelous and laudable reforms for the betterment of the status of women folk in our country.

These steps include the provision of 33% representation to the women in all spheres of legislature. Similarly women have been extended due representation in the federal and provincial cabinets and they have been given appropriate and concrete share in all kind of services including all the fields of Armed forces.

As misperceived by many; wearing a half naked dress, indecent inter mixing of male and female in certain obscene gatherings, not offering the obligatory five time daily prayers, blatant violation of other Islamic obligations and flouting Islamic code of ethics cannot be termed acquisition of women rights or enlightened moderation as the Islamic concept of enlightened moderation emphasis and concentrate on properly educating both the sexes about their original rights and responsibilities so that they could be enabled to play a stable and dignified role for the betterment of society while remaining within the limits prescribed for both the sexes as well as adhering to and implementing all the obligations of Islam in letter and spirit.

We cannot claim that no abuse of woman right exists in our motherland but in the same way we cannot held our holy religion Islam responsible for these vices and abuses. The causes for these vices should be traced in the inherent flaws of our administrative and judicial system as well as the in the un-Islamic and brutal customs and tribal traditions that are prevalent in our society which varies from region to region.

Source: JWT

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Rediscovering PAKISTANI WOMEN[/SIZE][/FONT][/B]
[I]Muslim reformers in the 19th century struggled to introduce female education, to ease some of the restrictions on women's activities, to limit polygamy, and to ensure women's rights under Islamic law.[/I][/CENTER]

December, 2010

Women in Pakistan have been confronted with four important challenges since the end of 20th century: increasing practical literacy, gaining access to employment opportunities at all levels in the economy, promoting change in the perception of women's roles and status, and gaining a public voice both within and outside of the political process.

Since partition, the changing status of women has been largely linked with discourse about the role of Islam in a modern state. This debate concerns the extent to which civil rights common in most Western democracies are appropriate in an Islamic society and the way these rights should be reconciled with Islamic family law.

Muslim reformers in the 19th century struggled to introduce female education, to ease some of the restrictions on women's activities, to limit polygamy, and to ensure women's rights under Islamic law. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was the first man who convened the Mohammedan Educational Conference in the 1870s to promote modern education for Muslims, and founded the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College. Among the predominantly male participants were many of the earliest proponents of education and improved social status for women. They advocated cooking and sewing classes conducted in a religious framework to improve and advance women's knowledge and skills and to reinforce Islamic values. But progress in women's literacy was slow: by 1921 only four out of every 1,000 Muslim females were literate.

Promoting women education was a first step in moving beyond the constraints imposed by purdah. The nationalist struggle helped fray the threads in that socially imposed curtain. Simultaneously, women's roles were questioned, and their empowerment was linked to the larger issues of nationalism and independence. In 1937 the Muslim Personal Law restored rights (such as inheritance of property) that had been lost by women under the Anglicization of certain civil laws. As independence neared, it appeared that the state would give priority to empowering women. Pakistan's founding father, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, said in a speech in 1944:
“No nation can rise to the height of glory unless your women are side by side with you; we are victims of evil customs. It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up within the four walls of the houses as prisoners. There is no sanction anywhere for the deplorable condition in which our women have to live.”
After independence, elite Muslim women continued to advocate women's political empowerment through legal reforms. They mobilized support that led to passage of the Muslim Personal Law of Sharia in 1948, which recognized a woman's right to inherit all forms of property. They were also behind the futile attempt to have the government include a Charter of Women's Rights in the 1956 constitution. The 1961 Muslim Family Laws Ordinance covering marriage and divorce, the most important socio-legal reform that they supported, is still widely regarded as empowering women.

Two issues — promotion of women's political representation and accommodation between Muslim family law and democratic civil rights — came to dominate discourse about women and socio-legal reform.

The second issue gained considerable attention during Zia-ul-Haq regime (1977-88). Women living in urban areas formed groups to protect their rights against apparent discrimination under Zia's Islamization programme. It was in the highly visible realm of law that women were able to articulate their objections to the Islamization programme initiated by the then government in 1979. Protests against the 1979 Enforcement of Hudood Ordinances focused on the failure of Hudood ordinances to distinguish between adultery (zina) and rape (zina-bil-jabr). A man could be convicted in a zina only if he were actually observed committing the offense by other men, but a woman could be given sentence simply because she became pregnant.

The Women's Action Forum (WAF) was formed in 1981 to respond to the implementation of the penal code and to strengthen women's position in society. The women in the forum perceived that many laws proposed by the Zia government were discriminatory and would compromise their civil status. In Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad the group agreed on collective leadership and formulated policy statements and engaged in political action to protect women's legal position. The WAF has played a central role in exposing the controversy regarding various interpretations of Islamic law and its role in a modern state, and in publicizing ways in which women can play a more active role in politics. Its members led public protests in the mid-1980s against the promulgation of the Law of Evidence. Although the final version was substantially modified, the WAF objected to the legislation because it gave unequal and unjust weight to testimony by men and women in financial cases. Fundamentally, they objected to the assertion that women and men cannot participate as legal equals in economic affairs.

Beginning in August 1986, the WAF members and their supporters led a debate over passage of the Shariat Bill, which decreed that all laws in Pakistan should conform to Islamic law. They argued that the law would undermine the principles of justice, democracy, and fundamental rights of citizens, and they pointed out that Islamic law would become identified solely with the conservative interpretation supported by the Zia's government. Most activists felt that the Shariat Bill had the potential to negate many rights women had won. In May 1991, a compromised version of the Shariat Bill was adopted, but the debate over whether civil law or Islamic law should prevail in the country continued in the early 1990s.

Discourse about the position of women in Islam and women's role in a modern Islamic state was sparked by the government's attempts to formalize a specific interpretation of Islamic law. Although the issue of evidence became central to the concern for women's legal status, more mundane matters such as mandatory dress codes for women and whether females could compete in international sports competitions were also being argued.

Another challenge faced by the Pakistani women concerns their integration into the labour force. Because of economic pressures and the dissolution of extended families in urban areas, many more women are working for wages than in the past. But by 1990 females officially made up only 13 percent of the labour force. Restrictions on their mobility limit their opportunities, and traditional notions of propriety lead families to conceal the extent of work performed by women. Usually, only the poorest women engage in work — often as midwives, sweepers, or nannies — for compensation outside the home. More often, poor urban women remain at home and sell manufactured goods to a middleman for compensation. More and more urban women have engaged in such activities during the 1990s, although to avoid being shamed few families willingly admit that women contribute to the family economically. Hence, there is little information about the work women do. On the basis of the predominant fiction that most women do no work other than their domestic chores, the government has been hesitant to adopt overt policies to increase women's employment options and to provide legal support for women's labour force participation.


The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) commissioned a national study in 1992 on women's economic activity to enable policy planners and donor agencies to cut through the existing myths on female labour force participation. The study addresses the specific reasons that the assessment of women's work in Pakistan is filled with discrepancies and under enumeration and provides a comprehensive discussion of the range of informal sector work performed by women throughout the country. Information from this study was also incorporated into the Eighth Five-Year Plan (1993-98).

A melding of the traditional social welfare activities of the women's movement and its newly revised political activism appears to have occurred. Diverse groups, including the Women's Action Forum, the All-Pakistan Women's Association, the Pakistan Women Lawyers' Association, and the Business and Professional Women's Association, are supporting small-scale projects throughout the country that focus on empowering women. They have been involved in such activities as instituting legal aid for indigent women, opposing the gendered segregation of universities, and publicizing and condemning the growing incidents of violence against women. The Pakistan Women Lawyers' Association has released a series of films educating women about their legal rights; the Business and Professional Women's Association is supporting a comprehensive project in Yakki Gate, a locality of the poor inside the Walled City of Lahore; and the Orangi Pilot Project in Karachi has promoted networks among women who work at home so they need not be dependent on middlemen to acquire raw materials and market the clothes they produce.

The women's movement has shifted from reacting to government legislation to focusing on three primary goals: securing women's political representation in the National Assembly; working to raise women's consciousness, particularly about family planning; and countering suppression of women's rights by defining and articulating positions on events as they occur in order to create more public awareness.

Though in 2006, the Pakistani parliament passed the Women's Protection Bill, repealing some of the Hudood Ordinances, besides approving reservation of 10 percent quota for women in the Central Superior Services (CSS) examination and establishing women welfare ministry yet there was a long way to go. Now during the present PPP regime, President Asif Ali Zardari signed the 'Protection against Harassment of Women at Workplace Bill 2009' and 'Protection against Domestic Violence Bill 2009' which the parliament adopted in 2010. Still hundreds of thousands women are deprived of their basic rights and a long way to go in emancipation of women in Pakistan. Some of these recommendations can be fruitful in changing and improving women lives.

Without progress of women our country cannot be developed. We must realize that women constitute half of the population and keeping 50 percent population backward how can the entire community progress. Thus they should be given full rights and complete freedom.

Women have a great potential, talent and intelligence which can be used in right direction by giving them equal opportunities in jobs. This talent and intelligence has to be nurtured to improve the status of women in the world.

Men and women have different strengths and weakness, so playing off one another can make for a better workplace.

Women should also be treated as human beings and they should be granted equal rights like men. Thus if democratic and human rights culture develops in the country, intra-religious differences can also be minimized and peaceful coexistence can become possible. This can be further ensured with modern education particularly for women and rational outlook.
To provide an encouraging environment for women development we have to ensure economic empowerment, security, equal rights, opportunities, implementation of current legislation and initiating further legislations, soft loans and skill development of women.
There is a great need to provide liberty, individuality and dignity to women given them by the Holy Quran and our rhetoric should match our practice.



To provide an encouraging environment for women development we have to ensure economic empowerment, security, equal rights, opportunities, implementation of current legislation and initiating further legislations, soft loans and skill development of women.

The participation of women in economic activities should be improved because it can help companies diversify and enhance corporate performance,

Women should be treated equally and should have same job opportunities as that of men.

Women should get higher reservations in government offices and parliament so that their problems can be heard at central level.

There should be very strict norms that should be taken against those people who commit discrimination against women.

Media should come up with significant strategy to create awareness regarding women's rights.

Policies of the government and laws should protect the rights of women.

These recommendations can bring positive and constructive change in the plight of women from individual to structural level.

Source: JWT

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Status of Women in Islam[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/CENTER]
[I][CENTER]The western media is projecting a very gruesome and poor plight of the women in Muslim countries with the intention of distorting the true image of Islam.[/CENTER][/I]

January, 2011

There is a lot of talk about women’s rights in Pakistan and other Muslim countries these days. The western media is projecting a very gruesome and poor plight of the women in Muslim countries with the intention of distorting the section image of Islam. Unfortunately, this propaganda is proving quite effective and the entire west and a small section of females in our society have misinterpreted Islam as being the cause of their troubles instead of the Aryan culture that we have inherited.

Family, society and ultimately the whole mankind are treated by Islam on an ethical basis. Differentiation in gender is neither a credit nor a drawback to anyone. Therefore, when we talk about status of woman in Islam we should not think that Islam has no specific guidelines, limitations, responsibilities and obligations for men. What makes one valuable and respectable in the eyes of Allah, the Creator of mankind and the universe, is neither one's prosperity, position, intelligence, physical strength nor beauty, but only one Allah-consciousness and awareness (taqwa).

Islam was revealed at a time when people denied the humanity of the woman; some were skeptical about it; and still others admitted it, yet considered the woman a thing created for the humble service of the man.

With the advent of Islam, circumstances improved for the woman. The woman's dignity and humanity were acknowledged for the first time. Islam confirmed woman’s capacity to carry out Allah's commands, her responsibilities and observation of the commands that lead to heaven.

Islam considers woman as a worthy human being, with an equal share in humanity to that of the man. Both are two branches of a single tree and two children from the same father, Adam, and mother, Eve. Their single origin, their general human traits, their responsibility for the observation of religious duties with the consequent reward or punishment, and the unity of their destiny all bear witness to their equality from the Islamic point of view.

The status of women in Islam is something unique that has no parallel in any other religion. In the midst of the darkness that engulfed the world, the divine revelation echoed in the wide desert of Arabia with a fresh, noble, and universal message to humanity:
"O Mankind, keep your duty to your Lord who created you from a single soul and from it created its mate (of same kind) and from them twain has spread a multitude of men and women".

A scholar who pondered about this verse states:
"It is believed that there is no text, old or new, that deals with the humanity of the woman from all aspects with such amazing brevity, eloquence, depth, and originality as this divine decree."

Stressing this noble and natural conception, then the Quran states:
“He (God) it is who did create you from a single soul and there from did create his mate, that he might dwell with her (in love)”.

In the early days of Islam when a girl was born, she was buried alive. This custom is still observed in Hinduism. However, the Holy Quran forbade this custom and considered it a crime like any other murder. The Quran says: -
"And when the female (infant) buried alive - is questioned, for what crime she was killed."

Far from saving the girl's life so that she may later suffer injustice and inequality, Islam requires kind and just treatment to her. The sayings of Holy Prophet Muhammad (SAW), in this regard, are following:
“Whosoever has a daughter and he does not bury her alive, does not insult her, and does not favor his son over her, God will enter him into Paradise”.

The Holy Quran provides us a clear-cut proof that woman is equal in all respects with man before God in terms of her rights and responsibilities. The Holy Quran states:
"Every soul will be (held) in pledge for its deeds"
(Quran 74:38)

In terms of religious obligations, such as offering daily prayers, fasting and pilgrimage, woman is no different from man. In some cases indeed, woman has certain advantages over man. For example women can and did go into the mosque during the days of the Holy Prophet (SAW) and thereafter attend the Friday prayers is optional for them while it is mandatory for men.

This is clearly a tender touch of the Islamic teachings because of the fact that a woman may be nursing her baby and thus may be unable to offer prayers in mosque. They also take into account the physiological and psychological changes associated with her natural female functions.

The right of females to seek knowledge is not different from that of males. When Islam enjoins the seeking of knowledge upon Muslims, it makes no distinction between man and woman. Holy Prophet Muhammad (SAW) said:
"Seeking knowledge is mandatory for every Muslim".

This declaration was very clear and was implemented by Muslims throughout history.
According to a hadith attributed to Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), he praised the women of Medina because of their desire for religious knowledge.
"How splendid were the women of the Ansar; shame did not prevent them from becoming learned in the faith."

Under Islamic law, marriage was no longer viewed as a "status" but rather as a "contract", in which the woman's consent was imperative. The dowry, previously regarded as a bride-price paid to the father, became a nuptial gift retained by the wife as part of her personal property.

The Holy Quran clearly indicates that marriage is sharing between the two halves of the society and that its objectives, besides perpetuating human life, are emotional well-being and spiritual harmony. Its bases are love and mercy.

The rules for married life in Islam are clear and in harmony with upright human nature. In consideration of the physiological and psychological make-up of man and woman, both have equal rights and claims on each other, except for one responsibility, that of leadership. This is a matter which is natural in any collective life and which is consistent with the nature of man. The Holy Quran thus states:
"And they (women) have rights similar to those (of men) over them, and men are a degree above them."

Such degree is Quiwama (maintenance and protection). This refers to that natural difference between the genders which entitles the weaker gender to protection. It implies no superiority or advantage before law. Yet, man's role of leadership in relation to his family does not mean the husband's dictatorship over his wife. Islam emphasizes the importance of taking counsel and mutual agreement in family decisions. The Holy Quran gives us an example:
"...If they (husband wife) desire to wean the child by mutual consent and (after) consultation, there is no blame on them..."

Islam also gives the option of divorce to the women and educated men to make a gracious end to the relationship is it cannot be continued. The Holy Quran states about such cases:
“When you divorce women, and they reach their prescribed term, then retain them in kindness and retain them not for injury so that you transgress (the limits)”.

Woman is entitled to freedom of expression equal to man. Her sound opinions are taken into consideration and cannot be disregarded just because she belongs to the female sex. It is mentioned in the Holy Quran and history that woman can not only expressed her opinion freely but also argued and participated in serious discussions with the Holy Prophet (SAW) himself as well as with other Muslim leaders.


Apart from recognition of woman as an independent human being acknowledged as equally essential for the survival of humanity, Islam has given her a share in inheritance. Before Islam, she was not only deprived of that share but was considered as inherited property to man.

Out of the transferable property, Islam has made her an heir, acknowledging the inherent human qualities in woman. Whether she is a wife, mother, a sister or daughter, she receives a certain share from the deceased kin's property, a share which depends on her degree of relationship to the deceased and the number of heirs. This share is hers, and no one can take it away or disinherit her.

Woman enjoys certain privileges which man do not have. She is exempted from all financial liabilities. As a mother, she enjoys more recognition and higher honour in the eyes of God. The Holy Prophet (SAW) acknowledged this honour when he declared that Paradise lies under the feet of mothers.

She is entitled to three-fourths of the son's love and kindness with one-fourth left for their father. As a wife she is entitled to demand of her prospective husband a suitable dowry that will be hers. She is entitled to complete provision and total maintenance by the husband. She does not have to work or share with her husband the family expenses. She is free to retain, after marriage, whatever she possessed before it, and the husband has no right whatsoever to any of her belongings.

As a daughter or sister she is entitled to security and provision by the father and brother respectively. That is her privilege. If she wishes to work or be self-supporting and share family responsibilities, she is quite free to do so, provided her integrity and honour are safeguarded.

By now it is clear that the status of woman in Islam is unprecedentedly high and realistically suitable to her nature. Her rights and duties are equal to those of man but not necessarily or absolutely identical with them. If she is deprived of one thing in some aspect, she is fully compensated for it with more things in many other aspects.

The fact that she belongs to the female sex has no bearing on her status or personality, and it is no basis for justification of prejudice or injustice against her.

It is also worthwhile to state that the status which women reached today in the west was not achieved due to the kindness of men or natural progress. It was rather achieved through her long struggle and sacrifices and only when society needed her contribution and work, more especially during the Two World Wars and due to the escalation of technological change.

In the case of Islam such compassionate and dignified status was decreed, neither because it reflects the environment of the seventh century, nor under the threat or pressure of women and their organisations, but rather its intrinsic truthfulness of Islam.

Source: JWT

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Women Empowerment in Pakistan[/SIZE][/FONT][/B]
[I]The lives of Pakistani women have changed during the past 30 years and they are more empowered and emancipated than they were ever before.
[/I][/CENTER]
August, 2011

Quaid-e-Azam said in a speech in 1944, “No nation can rise to the height of glory unless your women are side by side with you; we are victims of evil customs. It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up within the four walls of the houses as prisoners.” The lives of Pakistani women have changed during the past 30 years and they are more empowered and emancipated then they were ever before. More and more women are entering the workforce today as their predecessors, who made the first time at the work place and also made life easier for other women, lent them the encouragement to do so.

The supporting and opposing views with regard to working women can be analysed by taking into account various aspects of the society regarding the subject namely the social, legal, religious and the political.

[B]Sociological aspect[/B]

Technological advancement has added to the urbanisation of society, yet the old customs and norms often act as impediments to the progress of a modern society. While many advocate women empowerment, others oppose the very idea. There are various reasons of the above stated attitude towards working women. Firstly, a woman who remains at home and can, therefore, look after her children in a much better and productive way. She keeps a check on their studies, is more aware about their everyday activities and is capable of bringing them up in a healthy way. On the contrary, a working woman is always busy in her work schedule leading to neglected children. A change of priorities from children to work makes her negligent towards her children.


Secondly, a woman when remains at home is sheltered from the callous attitude of other elements of the society. She is safe at all times and does not face any kind of depression as a result of such unhealthy behaviour towards her. On the other hand, a working woman has to withstand the teasing behaviour of men all the times—from starting her journey to work to the workplace itself. Gender discrimination and harassment at workplaces is common in almost every sector perceived as achievement activity. This leads to high depression levels amongst women shattering their personality and their productivity at work.

The advocates of working women believe that that they can contribute to the financial matters of the family. With ever rising prices and inflation, two earning people would surely help run the financial affairs of the family. Apart from the material gains, working women are self-actualised entities. They are confident as they know how to utilise their abilities best. This inculcates in them a sense of satisfaction and contentment, while the housewife often has a low self-esteem as she is financially dependent on her husband and is mostly considered good-for-nothing.

[B]Legal aspect[/B]
Let's take a look at various laws or bill passed regarding women in Pakistan.

[B]The Protection against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act (2010)[/B]

The objective of this Act is to create a safe working environment for women, which is free of harassment, abuse and intimidation with a view to fulfilling their right to work with dignity. Harassment is one of the biggest hurdles faced by the working women preventing others who want to work to bring themselves and their families out of poverty. This Act will pave the way for women to participate more fully in the development of the country. This Act builds on the principles of equal opportunity to women and their right to earn a livelihood without any fear of discrimination as stipulated in the Constitution. This Act complies with the government's commitment to high international labour standards and empowerment of women. It also adheres to the Human Rights Declaration, the United Nations Convention for Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women and ILO's Convention 100 and 111 on workers' rights. It adheres to the principles of Islam and all other religions which assure women's dignity.

This Act requires all public and private organisations to adopt an internal code of conduct and a complain/appeals mechanism aimed at establishing a safe working environment for all working women.

[B]Prevention of Domestic Violence Act (2008)[/B]

The Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Bill was passed unanimously by the National Assembly on August 4, 2009, but the bill lapsed after the Senate failed to pass it within the three months period required under the Constitution.

Legislators from both opposition and government parties told Human Rights Watch (HRW) that even though President Zardari and Prime Minister Gilani supported the bill, it was delayed by unofficial opposition from some ministers.

The Domestic Violence bill seeks to prevent violence against women and children with a network of protection committees and protection officers and prompt trials of suspected abusers.

The measure makes sexual harassment or intimidation punishable by three years in prison, a 500,000 rupee fine, or both. The bill includes protection in public places such as markets, public transport, streets or parks, and more private places, such as workplaces, private gatherings, and homes.

[B]Hudood Ordinance (1979)[/B]
The Hudood Ordinance was enacted in 1979 as part of General Muhammad Ziaul Haq's Islamisation and replaced or revised in 2006 by the Women's Protection Bill. The Hudood Law was intended to implement Sharia law, by enforcing punishments mentioned in the Holy Quran and Sunnah for zina, qazf, offence against property, and drinking. As for zina, a woman alleging rape is required to provide four adult male eyewitnesses. The ordinance has been criticised as leading to hundreds of incidents where a woman subjected to rape, or even gang rape, was eventually accused of zina and imprisoned becoming a victim of extremely unjust propaganda.

In 2006, then President Pervez Musharraf again proposed reforms in the ordinance. On November 15, 2006, the Women's Protection Bill was passed by the NA, allowing rape to be prosecutable under civil law. The bill was ratified by the Senate on November 23, 2006, and became law after President Musharraf signed it on December 1, 2006.

[B]Religious aspect[/B]

In Islam the importance of women and their success as human beings, is measured with completely different criteria: their fear of Allah and obedience to Him, and fulfillment of the duties He has entrusted them with, particularly that of bearing, rearing and teaching children.

Nevertheless, Islam is a practical religion, and responds to human needs and life situations. Many women need, or wish, to work for various reasons. For example, they may possess a needed skill, such as a teacher or a doctor. While Islam does not prohibit women working outside her home, it does stipulate that the following restrictions be followed to protect the dignity and honour of women and the purity and stability of the Islamic society, the conduct of women, after all, is the backbone of any society:

1. Outside employment should not come before, or seriously interfere with her responsibilities as wife and mother.

2. Her work should not be a source of friction within the family, and the husband's consent is required to avoid later disagreements. If she is not married, she must have her guardian's consent.

3. Her appearance, manner and tone of speech and overall behaviour should follow Islamic guidelines.

4. Her job should not be one which causes moral corruption in society, or involve any prohibited trade or activity, affect her religion, morals, dignity and good behaviour, or subject her to temptations.

The above guidelines clearly show that a woman is not prohibited to go out of her home for the purpose of a job if she has the right intentions.

[B]Political aspect[/B]

The political representation of women in Pakistan is higher than India, Sri Lanka and Iran. Pakistan is listed as 45th in the Inter-Parliamentary Union's (IPU) list of women in national parliaments and stood ahead of several developed democracies, including Canada, the UK and the US. The only positive development thus far has remained the relatively large representation of women in the National Assembly, the Senate and provincial assemblies in comparison to other countries. Of the 342 seats in the NA, women now comprise 22.2 per cent of those seats. In the Senate, women make up 17 per cent of the parliamentary seats. This indeed is significant departure from the past considering that women are often discouraged from entering politics. Pakistan is also one of the 30 countries which have a woman as Speaker of the National Assembly.

The political growth of a country requires both male and female participation in the government affairs. Women representation in the government ensures that work is done for the overall good of the woman folk. However, the woman participation in the state structure calls for responsibility on the part of women and requires them with intellect taking up the posts instead of women who have been selected by their male counterparts.

Source: JWT

[B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"][CENTER]Women Protection Bill: its Never Too Late[/SIZE][/FONT][/B]
[I]The aim of the bill is to reduce social injustice against women by discouraging several practices and customs in vogue in the country which are not only against human dignity, but also in contrast with Islamic injunctions.[/I][/CENTER]

December, 2011

Whenever came to power Pakistan Peoples Party has been striving, through a number of ways to protect the rights of minorities, children and women. Be it the first regime of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto two terms of Benazir Bhutto Shaheed and the present dispensation lead by President Asif Ali Zardar and Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani, the history of PPP has been enviable so far as the betterment and welfare of the weaker segments of the society are concerned. The Prevention of Anti-Women Practices (Criminal Law Amendment) Act 2011, is another milestone achieved by Pakistan Peoples party on its way to empower and enlighten women.

The struggle of women for emancipation and against discrimination has a long history throughout the world. Even in Pakistan, it is the high time to introduce a legal redress to ensure basic rights of women in society and to protect them against discriminatory traditions. The long awaited bill has given a conspicuous form by Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid MNA Dr Donya Aziz, was unanimously passed by the lower house headed by a woman Speaker Dr Fehmida Mirza on November 16. The bill is focused mainly upon marriage with the holy Quran, forced wedlock, and depriving women from inheritance.

The aim of the bill is to reduce social injustice against women by discouraging several practices and customs in vogue in the country which are not only against human dignity, but also in contrast with Islamic injunctions.

It is, therefore, necessary that such inhumane practices and customs are done away forthwith and those who found guilty should be dealt severely by providing penal and financial liabilities.

The Pakistan Peoples Party's government has always played a vital role in the empowerment of Pakistani women. Ms Benazir Bhutto has always given priority to legislation that protects the rights of women. A good example to cite in this regard is the creation of a new ministry for Women Development during her regime. The credit of establishing the First Women Bank in 1989 also goes to her government in late 80's. The Bank is run and managed by female staff throughout the country. Hence, Pakistan Peoples Party has a history as far as uplifting of the status of women is concerned. To support the vision of Benazir Bhutto, socio-economic empowerment of women is imperative. Hence the bill seeks social justice for women by introducing a strict ad rigorous punishment structure for all the excesses done in various shapes and manifestations to almost half of the country population.

Following the traditions and manifesto of Pakistan Peoples Party, the present government has shown a reasonable performance in the given context. Earlier a bill for the Protection of Harassment of women at working places was approved by the legislature. And now 'The Prevention of Anti-Women Practices' Bill has passed which can rightly be regarded as a watershed move in the direction of women emancipation freedom in the country, which aims at granting them their due status in the society by blocking ways to cause them unjust and unfair treatment.

The bill can be regarded as a historic piece of legislation. Though the bill was initiated by a private member but all the legislators of the ruling Pakistan Peoples Party lent their full support to this bill and got it passed unanimously, which is really commendable. It reflects the government's commitment to the vision of Benazir Bhutto. Moreover, the unanimous approval of the bill indicates that the political culture in the country is getting matured with every passing day. The members of the lower house rose above the party politics to support the bill. It is a demonstration of collective resolve by political parties to fight social taboos against women.

The bill is widely hailed by the members of the parliament, civil society and intelligentsia. It is no doubt an enormous achievement in the history of parliament in the country. Legislation according to the demands and aspiration of public is the hallmark of democracy. Present government lead by Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani is not only committed to cater the needs of people but also devoted to strengthen the institution of democracy in Pakistan. It wouldn't be wrong to regard the bill as another milestone achieved for the success of democracy in the country.

Pakistan has yet to develop into a modern welfare state that guaranties the basic fundamental rights to women in there true letter and spirit. The legislation will not only improve the condition of women lot within Pakistan but would also be very helpful in presenting a better image of Pakistan abroad.

Although the legislation is hailed as a step towards giving women their due status in the society, there is lot more to be done in this regard. Particularly changing the centuries old mind set of powerful social group largely influenced by male chauvinism. Moreover, the government should also ensure that the legislation must be followed by a concrete and effective mechanism of implementation of the law.

Prime Minister Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani not only congrats the members of the Lower House for passing the bill unanimously but also ensure full support of Pakistan Peoples Party to its implementation. One should remain optimist that the present government will continue its efforts in making the parliament more affective by undertaking legislative business aimed at the overall betterment and welfare of society.

Source: JWT

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Exceptional in death[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/CENTER]

Afiya Shehrbano
Tuesday, April 03, 2012

The dead body of ‘dancing girl’ Shabana, mocked with currency notes strewn across it at Khooni Chowk in Swat, the dog-ravaged limbs of Taslima Solangi in Khairpur, the alleged live burial of five women in Naseerabad, the acid-burn scars of Fakhra, have all caught the nation’s sympathetic imagination in recent years.

Unlike the routine violations of domestic violence, acid-throwing, honour crimes and murder, cases such as those listed above, have somehow become exceptionally symbolic. It is true that the media has some role in influencing and shaping our outrage on select cases over others. This deflects our attention from analysing the deeper systems and nodes of power and social relations that motivate and sustain such expressions of violence against women. We seem to be stuck in the voyeurism of the spectacle such that it is the horrific nature and brutality of the crime that commands our attention, rather than the cause and sustenance of the social order that allow for the continuation of such crimes.

One can offer several reasons for this. The first, as mentioned, is the attraction of the spectacle. The visuals that distinguish some cases from others means that less horrific violations, which may be equally damaging as the more high-profile cases, are relegated lesser attention. This creates a hierarchy of violations which compete for media space and our attention.

Second, violations resulting in death seem to carry more ‘value’ than cases of survivors. Acid survivor Fakhra’s case had vanished from the consciences of Pakistanis but there was renewed moral outrage after she committed suicide recently. The sympathy for victims outweighs that of survivors.

Third, the pragmatic approach to violence against women concentrates on the criminal justice system and a demand for punishment, with a focus over forensics and improved legal procedures. This may or may not mitigate the nature of crimes against women because the whole purpose of many such crimes is to use women’s bodies as a message board for posting warnings of what happens to women who defy, or deny, male social codes. Perpetrators do not deny the crime; they own it and claim the reparations for damages to their self-defined honour.

Lastly, as always, the potential of using women victims as pawns in the larger game of male politics and using it as leverage, is a determining factor of male interest in violations against women.

Thus, over the years we see the many cases, particularly of sexual violence against women, being hijacked by male leadership of political parties and communities to contest out their ideological agendas. Such male leaders deliberately attribute the violation to be a politically motivated act, rather than an act of patriarchal regularity. The rhetoric of ‘feudalism’ or ‘tribalism’ as the root cause of the deaths of Fakhra, Solangi, and the Baloch women, and the charge that the slaughter of Shabana was a result of extremist ‘mind-sets’, renders invisible the regular, routine sexual violations and killings of women in urban settings and ‘liberal’ households. It also deflects from the central issue common to nearly all the cases, which is that of marital arrangements, women’s free-will and exercise of choice (including over their own sexualities and reproductive rights).

The temptation to give into voyeurism attracts us to accept cultural atavism, lack of education, lack of rule of law, feudalism, and even the influence of western, secular ideologies or, permissiveness of the media, as causes of violations and hence, masks the actual, very utilitarian purpose of violence. The central commonality, in all the cases cited has been, not so much the issue of honour, culture, feudal powers, or corrupt policing. Yes, these are players on the staging of such cases but the seed of contention lies in the women’s expression of their choice and will, particularly those that concern their sexuality.

Exercising the option to refuse a marriage proposal often motivates acid-throwing as an act of vengeance and purportedly to placate the injury to male egos. The decision to choose her own spouse may spark off serial murders between families in order to restore male control over a community and particularly, to send a warning to other women in the community to prevent future thoughts about female autonomy. The decision to end a marriage or re-marry, threatens male prerogative and control and often results in persecution of the woman, or forces her to surrender custody of children, forfeiting property or even, in death. The choice to terminate a pregnancy or indeed, proceed with an illicit one, all make women vulnerable to violence and death, usually brutal.

The final solution that many outraged citizens insist must be found, maybe simpler than the current grand propositions that call for abolishing supposed feudalism, extremism, corruption or which calls for mass education. One radical suggestion would be to simply, abolish marriage. But given the unlikelihood of ridding us of this patriarchal institution, it could be proposed that a concerted revamping of marital laws, reproductive rights and bargains brokered by male-dominated parallel systems such as jirgas and panchayats, be undertaken.

Even as activists propose the complete abolition of such extra-legal institutions, it may be expedient to take emergency measures to de-fang them in their role in decision-making in marital relations. This would mean a law that not only bans jirgas but which simultaneously, actively challenges the notion of the wali and concept of male guardians and indeed, the unequal laws of child custody, the removal of refuge given to perpetrators under the Qisas and Diyat laws, the reinforcement of protection for divorced women and prevention of child/early marriages, not just in rural but also urban contexts.

All those men who are outraged and speak on behalf of women victims and survivors of violence may contribute too, by giving up their own roles in controlling and making decisions for their wives, daughter and sisters in their choices – in marital relations and over their own bodies, including how many children and of which gender they produce. All of us know how many ‘liberal’, educated women produce that one extra child in the hope for a male prodigy.

Instead of being swayed by the fascination of the spectacle, of being horrified while equally admiring the bravery, the oscillation between regarding the violated woman as victim or sovereign agent, it may be time to re-adjust our corrective efforts towards the systems that benefit from such violations, and radically dismantle them.

The writer is a sociologist based in Karachi. She has a background in women’s studies and has authored and edited several books on women’s issues Email: afiyazia@ yahoo.com
-The News

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Giving women their due[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/CENTER]
By Farrukh Khan Pitafi
Published: April 10, 2012

On March 8, almost a month before the parliamentary ruckus over the domestic violence bill, scholar and activist Dr Fouzia Saeed, also MNA PPP and the mover of the bill, Yasmeen Rehman and another woman lawmaker from PML-N sat in my studio. It was a special for International Women’s Day and the discussion was on women’s rights. It was my unfortunate duty to disabuse the participants of any complacent views. Yet, their euphoria and optimism were contagious. I was finding it particularly difficult to convince them that a lot still needed to be done and whatever was achieved could easily be undone by the right wing. Faced by the possibility of annoying them all, I finally threw in the towel.

But my fears were soon proven right. After a few days, Fakhra Younus committed suicide and otherwise quite sane intellectuals were found rationalising the act of acid-throwing. A prime time host, a woman no less, even invited Bilal Khar, the man accused of throwing acid on Fakhra, to her show and allowed him to bad-mouth the deceased. The parliament, too, did not allow the name of Mr Khar to be included in the resolution demanding justice for Fakhra.

As if that was not enough, when the bill against domestic violence was presented in the senate, all hell broke loose and the parliament that we have so lovingly empowered was inundated by rants. A religious politician lost control and demanded that the bill which had already been cleared by the National Assembly be sent to the Council for Islamic Ideology, an unrepresentative body headed by Maulana Sherani, a member of Fazlur Rehman’s party. Later, President Asif Ali Zardari was to call Fazl and sympathise with him.

Why would anybody, not totally deranged, condone domestic violence and sabotage such an important bill? This question has been haunting me ever since. And yet, there they are. The children, brothers, fathers of women and yet, they want them to be beaten black and blue. And they use their religion to justify such barbaric acts.

Has it occurred to us that every time a woman is disfigured, hurt or killed we always manage to blame the victim? From Mukhtaran Mai to Fakhra Younus, why is it always the fault of women? In a country where men can get away with whatever they want, regardless of what their faith commands them or society demands of them, why should women always pay the price?

The time has come for the well-intentioned and conscientious men of this society to answer one question. Do they or do they not want women in their lives? If they don’t, the issue is settled and we can ask all women to leave the country en masse. But if they do want women to remain in their lives, they will have to end their silence and speak up now. The only parent who bore you for nine months, sirs, is a woman. The sibling who was always most affectionate towards you is a woman. The child who loves you blindly above anyone else will one day grow up to be a woman. Women in our lives have always been givers. Is it not time we give them something in return by ensuring that they are protected and no one can hurt them? Let us show them that we are not threatened by their happiness but rather we welcome it.

Published in The Express Tribune,

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Acid throwing and crimes against women[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/CENTER]
April 12, 2012
By: Atle Hetland

I like to make films that are controversial,” Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy said at a large panel discussion organised by the Higher Education Commission (HEC) on Tuesday this week. She was honoured for her Oscar-winning film, Saving Face, by the research and intellectual community gathered in the elegant auditorium at HEC in Islamabad. The room was packed with hundreds of senior academics, students, NGO leaders, diplomats and others. HEC had also connected about 70 of the country’s universities through modern video conferencing. It was an important way for Pakistan’s intellectual community to say that acid throwing is unacceptable; it is madness and intolerable. HEC’s Chairman Dr Javaid Laghari, Executive Director Dr Sohail Naqvi, Deputy Director Dr Noor Amna, and others addressed the audience. HEC has again shown great leadership in organising such a conference. One of the fields HEC is encouraging universities to focus on is the building of better university-community linkages, and that is indeed important in the field of crimes against women.

The conference I attended this week was moderated by Dr Marilyn Wyatt from USAID. She did it very well. Generally, though, I do not like that foreigners’ take on such tasks, remembering, too, that she is the American Ambassador’s wife. When she – and I – express opinions on issues like acid throwing, we can easily be seen as ‘Besserwissers’, persons who think we know better, and have the right to point a finger. Yet, when it comes to acid throwing, maybe I will surrender my principle. I think anybody, foreigners and locals, men and women, should speak up about such a barbaric, un-Islamic, un-Christian and horrendous tradition.

The physical scars and the psychological trauma caused to the victims of acid throwing are horrendous. Normally, it takes at least two years to treat a patient after the tragedy, restoring her physical scars to the extent possible through numerous operations, and helping her psychologically to come back to life. A psychiatrist at the mentioned conference, who is a specialist in burns and acid medicine, explained that when she first began working in the field, she had to go for psychiatric treatment herself. The patient herself suffers much more, we should remember, than the doctor.

Although we need to change our mindset about acid throwing, the suffering of the victim, we should also give attention to the psychology of the perpetrator. In order to make society change, it is important to “name and shame”. Acid throwing is a cowardly act, overwhelmingly carried out by men against women. Once this terrible tradition is made socially unacceptable, then we will see a reduced prevalence and eventually an end to it.

Similarly, with the numerous forms of sexual crimes against women and children, society must make them unacceptable. We still allow many crimes to take place. We may simply say that it is “normal” that women and children are abused. Take, for example, wife battering, which is so widespread in all cultures, and rape within marriage. We may turn away, not wanting to see that these crimes are frequent. When sexual abuse of children takes place, and keeps going on, family members, neighbours, teachers and others in the local community, are usually aware of it, or suspecting it. But they let it pass quietly, almost as “normal”. But it isn’t. They are terrible crimes.

There is a need for applying “critical anthropology”. We should never condone such practices as acid throwing and other crimes against women. We must not excuse them, pretend that they are based on cultural traditions, and therefore it is all right only to be half-heartedly against them. The same goes for female circumcision, or female genital mutilation to use the correct term, which is practiced in many African countries until this very day. It is a cruel and terrible tradition. That, too, like acid throwing has to do with men’s dominance over women. It has to do with power. Hence, it is only somebody who feels superior who can do it to somebody he and society consider inferior. Or, in rare cases, a woman can throw acid on her father-in-law, if he has abused and maltreated her for years and decades. Then, in despair, it may be done against somebody who enjoys higher rank.

There are about 200 registered acid crime cases in Pakistan every year, with women constituting more than two-thirds, while the other cases are against men and boys, usually related to refusal of forced sexual favours or marriage arrangements. Almost all perpetrators of the crimes are men. Acid throwing is more common in southern Punjab and northern Sindh, but it also happens elsewhere in the country.

Once the registering of cases becomes better, we will discover the true number and locations of the crimes. At the same time, it is likely that the number of cases decreases with more information in society. In Bangladesh, a country with similar cultural and religious settings to Pakistan, the number first rose with better registration. But then as awareness rose, over a couple of decades, the government and activists could document success: the number of known cases has gone down from 500 to 100 per year.

Advocacy through civil society organisations is important to create awareness. NGOs do a good job in this field, as well as in providing advice and organising direct support programmes for victims. Over time, though, it is very important that NGOs realise that in the long run it is the government that must be in charge. It is actually only the government, through its presence at all levels, that the malady of acid throwing and other crimes against women can be eradicated.

The police are at all levels of a society, but there is a need to improve the training of policemen and women about gender-based violence in general, including acid throwing. The new Acid Prevention Act 2011 is an amendment to the existing laws, redefining the acid crime and increasing the punishment. The next steps would be to develop a more comprehensive legislation. Today, many cases are not pursued in the court, as it is costly for the victims, who also face huge medical expenses. The government and NGOs should find ways of assisting victims financially.

Many speakers in the interactive conference I attended this week about Sharmeen’s award-winning film were students, teachers and researchers. The students should be encouraged to follow up the issues because they would be the main persons to implement the future changes and developing a society without acid cases and other serious crimes against women. At the conference, which inspired me to write this article, one of the speakers suggested that students should ask for meetings with MNAs and MPAs to keep up the pressure on them and to create greater awareness among them and pass better laws. I think that was a good suggestion.

As always when we want change to take place, we turn to the media, especially radio and TV. Yet, since advertisements are necessary to make programmes, and give the owners of stations profit, serious and sad programmes about acid victims may not attract the required advertising. But I believe that simple call-in programmes on the radio could be popular, taking up acid throwing and other crimes against women, and incidentally, some men.

Educational and research institutions, from school level to university must be involved in improving the situation. At the recent conference, I was very pleased to hear that the Chair of the Vice Chancellors’ Committee, Prof Imtiaz Gilani, University of Engineering and Technology (UET), Peshawar, outright invited NGOs and other experts to contact the academics to develop educational courses and projects together.

Sharmeen’s Saving Face will soon be screened in Pakistan, with subtitles in Urdu and regional languages. Although the stories of acid throwing find their way into the media, we often fail to see the suffering of the victims who survive the attacks. Storytelling through film is a powerful tool to create awareness and help change attitudes. The most basic change is simply to realise that the victim was never responsible for what happened to her. Acid throwing is a crime against women, and it is also a crime against God, as we should protect and cherish his creation.

n The writer is a senior Norwegian social scientist based in Islamabad. He has served as United Nations specialist in the United States, as well as various countries in Africa and Asia. He has also spent a decade dealing with the Afghan refugee crisis and university education in Pakistan.

Email: [email]atlehetland@yahoo.com[/email]
-The Nation

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Time to pass the domestic violence bill[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/CENTER]
By Bina Shah
Published: April 13, 2012

So the opposition have raised an objection to the Domestic Violence Bill (DVB) that was supposed to go through in Parliament.

This has delayed the passage of the bill, which was formulated by women’s rights activists in the National Assembly to make it a criminal act to enact violence upon women and children. But in a startling show of resistance, parliamentarians from the JUI-F and the PML-N have refused to bow down in subjugation to the American-Zionist-Indian conspiracy that they believe the bill represents, masquerading under the guise of human rights. “We won’t let Western culture dictate to us,” is the tagline used by the maulvis who want the Bill’s passage delayed and possibly cancelled completely.

What does this even mean? The mind boggles. If ‘western culture’ is opposed to domestic violence, does this mean ‘eastern culture’ is supportive of it? Of course, the answer is no. Domestic violence is not an ‘eastern’ or ‘western’ issue, but a global issue.

The debate on the DVB continues to rage in Pakistan’s parliament and behind the scenes. The Bill has not been thrown out; it continues to be discussed in a parliamentary committee. Apparently there are some technical lacunae which some of the parliamentarians find troublesome, but the greater objection is that its opponents say that the Bill itself is harmful to family structure. On the other hand, the Bill’s supporters say that the technical lacunae can be removed without losing the Bill’s intent to protect women and children against violence enacted in the household.

I’ve read through the Bill in its entirety and honestly can see nothing ‘un-Islamic’ or ‘anti-Pakistan’ or ‘anti-Eastern culture’ in it. At the most, it provides technical and legal procedures and due process under legal guidelines for how to stop domestic violence, harassment, and emotional and mental abuse (such as the withholding of money from a spouse in order to manipulate or control her). If anything, this Bill strengthens Pakistani families, and is completely in line with what Islam outlines as proper behavior between spouses in the sacred space of the home.

According to Marvi Sirmed, who is taking part in a civil society committee on the Bill that’s running parallel to the parliamentary one, The News International misreported that women demonstrators in favor of the Bill “insulted” Maulana Fazlur Rahman, the head of the JUI-F, on the floor of Parliament. What really happened, says Sirmed, is that women demonstrated outside Parliament, raising slogans against Mullah-ocracy (“Mullah gardi nahin chaley gi” or “Mullah-ocracy won’t fly here”). This was in return for Fazlur Rahman’s statement in Parliament that the proponents of the DVB were “home-breakers, shameless, westernised, pursuing a Jewish/westernised agenda”. This kind of bombastic soapboxing, great for headlines and soundbites, is very common in Pakistani politics. Incendiary, provocative and untrue, it has caused us more harm over the years than good.

In a parliamentary committee meeting held to discuss the objections to the DVB last week, representatives of both Maulana Ghafoor Haideri and Ataur Rehman of the JUI-F and Khwaja Saad Rafique of the PML-N attended the meeting, in which the Bill’s proponents and supporters — including Bushra Gohar, Attiya Inayatullah, Yasmeen Rehman and Nafisa Shah, amongst others — explained the necessity of the Bill, answering their questions and clearing their doubts about the Bill’s value and intent. There seemed to be general consensus on the portions of the Bill that criminalise violence against women from all parties, reports Sirmed, and women’s rights activists remain hopeful that the Bill will be presented in Parliament and passed as soon as possible.

As yet, no word on whether the Bill will make it through or not. But with headlines like “In-laws burn woman alive for not bearing a son” (April 11,The Express Tribune), sixty per cent of acid attacks taking place because of domestic disputes (according to Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy), and a persistent patriarchal mindset in which women who are the victims of domestic violence have ‘provoked’ men into beating, burning, and killing them, there is simply no more time to lose.

It’s a tough fight, but respect for women, for Pakistan’s parliament, for democracy, and for its institutions are all being demonstrated in the process of passing this Bill. We have every reason to hope. Perseverance will pay off. And Pakistan will be better off for it in the end.

The Express Tribune

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="4"][SIZE="5"]Binding women to restrictions[/SIZE][/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/CENTER]
April 22, 2012
By Tariq Al Maeena

Women in Saudi Arabia continue to face restrictions. Or so that’s what most of the liberal intellectuals and social activists believe. And they are quick to point out a few examples among many that substantiate their claims.

Take the case of Dr Samia Al Amoudi, an obstetrician and gynaecologist by trade who found herself diagnosed with breast cancer six years ago. The ordeal with her affliction shook her to the core, but it also strengthened her resolve to meet her illness head-on. In her own words, she describes the moment she was diagnosed as “a date that has a special place in my heart and the hearts of my children, family and my loved ones.”

“Being a doctor, the moment I felt a lump, my medical instincts sharpened. I began to feel the lump and checked the tumour and the lymph nodes under my arm. The disease did not only make me a stronger woman, it also made me more capable of dealing with life’s crises. It added to my faith and made me see my life differently,” she said.

But she did not choose to suffer in silence. She informed her family about her condition and then turned to the requisite chemotherapy radiation for treatment. After beating the disease, she took the path of spreading awareness and received many global awards for bringing the issue of breast cancer to the forefront among Arab women. As a single mother of two, she was the first Saudi to share her private conflict with cancer with women in the region by bringing her ordeal and its impact out on the public stage.

In 2007, Condoleezza Rice the US secretary of state, recognised her achievements during an award — the first International Women of Courage Award — that was presented to honour her breast cancer awareness campaign across Saudi Arabia and the Middle East. In 2010, she was chosen among the top 100 in the region who had made changes in their societies. Samia also has written more than a dozen books and has received international honours from governments and international institutions.

After having successfully fought her personal battle so courageously and helped thousands of other women seek early detection and care, Samia admits that she remains defeated in one aspect of her personal life. And that is the restriction placed on her mobility by the issue of male guardianship which dictates that she, like all other Saudi women, requires the permission of a male to travel abroad.

It is not enough that driving is not permitted for women and often leaves women at the mercy of some very inexperienced hands at the wheel, but to be subjected to asking for permission to travel to attend conferences or lectures in her field is something that does not sit well with a woman who not only overcame a personal battle with a deadly disease, but along the way helped over 50,000 other women deal with it.

Narrow mentality

As she tweeted, “I have passed 50 years [age] and am a physician, and have received at my hands thousands of patients, and yet I am required to get permission from a male guardian to travel to a medical convention. In my case [as a single mother] it is my son who I will have to turn to, the baby I had given birth to.”

Why then, many wonder, is this restriction on women’s mobility still allowed to continue, especially in view of the kingdom’s publicly announced intentions of ensuring that women’s rights would be promoted and respected?

Perhaps it has something to do with the mentality of some of our clerics who arouse enough vocal complaints when it comes to women’s issues. Perhaps none can be highlighted better than a point of view raised by a Saudi cleric at a recent conference in Qaseem, a city outside Riyadh. During the ‘Women in the Prophet’s tradition and the modern woman: Saudi Arabia a model’ conference, Shaikh Al Fowzan, who is also a member of the Saudi Human Rights Commission, shared his apprehensions that CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women) could be implemented and that it sent shivers through him.

Since Saudi Arabia had formally signed the agreement in 2000, the conclusions of this conference were that the Saudis should withdraw from the CEDAW agreement, as its implementation may give women more freedom than they should be allowed. It is precisely this narrow framework of thinking that has left many, intellectuals or otherwise, perplexed at the continuing restrictions on women at a time when they feel the kingdom is coming of age. It is not an Islamic issue, they point out, quoting many scholars, but one of control. And that control is precisely what those who vigorously oppose women’s rights are afraid of losing.

Tariq A. Al Maeena is a Saudi socio-political commentator. He lives in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.
Source:Gulf News

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]How to combat acid violence[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/CENTER]
By Sahar Bandial
Published: April 27, 2012

The writer practices law in Lahore and is a recent law graduate from the University of Cambridge.

Horrific memories have a staying power, easily rekindled upon the appropriate trigger. The tragic end of Fakhra Younus in Rome last month was one such trigger. It took me back to the summer afternoon, some years ago, at the Mayo Hospital in Lahore: a dark room with a hospital bed covered by a makeshift protective tent and a muffled voice emanating from behind. A disfigured limb reached out; I stepped closer to encounter a persona, not recognisable in its physical form as human, melted away indiscriminately by the corrosive acid thrown on her by her spouse. Words of comfort and promises of redress and legal action offered by the team of aid workers I accompanied did little to move the maimed woman, who had resigned to the dictates of fate, uninterested in seeking justice. The image is hard to forget and evokes horror, disgust, guilt and insecurity even today. It epitomises the capacity of evil, the frailty of life and the desperate dependability of women on patriarchal social norms and structures that remain untouched by a passive, and at times, complicit legal system.

Our legislature appears cognisant of the evil of acid violence and has taken the initial steps to redress it. The Acid Control and Acid Crime Prevention Act passed last December — through the insertion of Section 336-A and 336-B in the Pakistan Penal Code — has explicitly identified “causing hurt by dangerous means or substance”, including any corrosive substance or acid, as a crime. It also provides for stringent punishment, extending to life imprisonment. However, the definitional clarity brought by the Acid Control and Acid Crime Prevention Act is not a sufficient response to the incidence of acid crimes in Pakistan, where over 700 cases of acid violence have been reported since 2006. Violence against women is recognised as a human rights violation that states are duty-bound to guard against. Under the due diligence standard identified by the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) committee as a tool to assess state action, Pakistan is duty-bound to introduce and enforce appropriate measures for the prevention, protection, investigation, prosecution and punishment of all forms of gender violence, whether perpetrated by the state or private actors. Whether the Acid and Burn Crime Bill 2012 — which is a follow-up to the Acid Control and Acid Crime Prevention Act — meets these due diligence requirements, if approved by the federal and provincial assemblies, will have to await determination.

The experience of Bangladesh indicates that a legislative enactment that criminalises acid violence within a supporting legal framework that ensures effective and timely investigation, speedy trials and legal support to victims, can cause a significant reduction in the incidence of the crime. Following the promulgation of the Acid Crime Control Act 2002, in Bangladesh, reported cases of acid violence have fallen from 416 cases in 2003 to 84 cases in 2011 as reported by the Acid Survivors Foundation. The 2002 Act criminalises the commission of attempting to and abetting in ‘hurt by acid’ and specifies applicable sanctions. This aspect of the Bangladeshi law deserves particular reference because of its regulation and oversight of investigative and prosecutorial procedures in acid violence cases. The Act establishes special tribunals to prosecute ‘hurt by acid’ and mandates a verdict within a period of 90 days from the date of receipt of the file. Investigating agencies, too, operate on a defined time frame of 30 days to complete requisite investigations and are subject to review and scrutiny by the special tribunal, empowered under the Act to call for the replacement of investigating officers (if their actions seem wanting) and command censure for their negligence or tardy investigations by relevant superior authorities. Moreover, victim support centres established under the Act at police stations provide protection against intimidation to victims and witnesses, further reinforcing the investigative process.

Underlying this regulatory aspect of the Bangladeshi Act is the acknowledgment that systemic failures of delayed prosecution and inadequate and tampered investigations permit perpetrators of acid crimes to employ their sociopolitical prowess to manipulate and outwit the criminal justice system. Fakhra Younus eventually succumbed to these structural failures.

The Bangladeshi experience carries an important lesson. It is not argued that the Bangladeshi acid crime prevention regime is foolproof. In fact, gaps in the legal system permit lapses in investigation, police corruption, gender bias and witness intimidation — problems that are equally descriptive of our legal system. The Bangladeshi model should guide Pakistan in meeting the dictates of the due diligence standard to eliminate all forms of violence against women. For a start, the federal and provincial legislature should, as recommended by the National Commission on the Status of Women, pass the Acid and Burn Crime Bill 2012, which in a manner similar to the Bangladeshi enactment regulates the investigation and trial of acid violence and provides free legal aid and medical and rehabilitation services to victims. It is also critical that state undertakes measures to prevent commission of the crime and protect victims. The state of Pakistan should put in place an effective reporting system and an emergency response scheme that permits and trains investigation and law enforcement agencies to respond to acid violence. A mechanism should ensure monitoring and enforcement of protective orders, forbidding perpetrators or potential perpetrators from contacting victims and providing shelter where victims may seek refuge. Only within a more comprehensive legal system can the state’s criminalisation of ‘hurt by acid’ and its commitment to gender equality and elimination of gender violence bear fruit. Failure to discharge its due diligence duties through the provision of such a framework will render Pakistan complicit in the violation of human rights of its own people.

Victims of acid violence may find little consolation in what has been achieved thus far in the fight against the vilest form of domestic violence. Indeed, there was no consolation for Fakhra Younus or the despondent woman who lay under the protective tent at Mayo Hospital. However, there exists a pro-reform sentiment now that must be capitalised upon to spare future victims from the woeful fate that befell these women.

The Express Tribune

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Do we really need a domestic violence law?[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/CENTER]

Dr. Zaheer Ahmad Babar



Shareefan Bibi is beaten up every other day by her husband, for one reason or the other: sometimes for not giving him money she earns from working as a maid in others' homes, sometimes for not cooking food on time, sometimes for not 'properly' attending to the relatives of her husband, and sometimes for no apparent reason, especially when he is drunk and in a mood of having some fun.

Almost all people living in Shareefan's neighbourhood in Dubbanpura locality of Lahore know well in what circumstances she is living. A few days ago, Mukhtaran Bibi, one of her neighbours, came to know about a domestic violence bill through a private TV channel programme and she immediately visited Shareefan's two-room rented house to give her an important piece of advice.

"You should go to Sabzazar police station and register a case against your husband for beating you daily," she suggested. "The government has made a law, and your husband cannot beat you now. And if he will do so, he will have to go to jail," Mukhtaran told her.

Though Shareefan was not sure about any such change in her destiny, she decided to give it a try. When her husband raised his hand to thrash her that evening, she put up a resistance and warned him of dire consequences. "I'll go to the police and you will have to go to jail," she told her husband. And then she was battered more severely that evening, for speaking up in front of her "majazi khuda" (Lord on Earth).

In a fit of rage, she left her house, crying and decided to go to the police station. She was stopped by another neighbour Ruqayyia, a seasoned and aged woman, in the middle of the street. "Do you know what policemen will do with you in these late hours of the evening? You are still a young woman, and they will tear you apart…" She was warned by Ruqayyia. “After treating you in their own way, they will tell you that 'it is a family matter, and send you back, as all sitting in the police station are also men. Then how will you come back to your husband's house?

“And suppose they (police) help you, they arrest your husband and put him in a jail, what will happen then? He will divorce you at once when he will come to know that you have registered a case against him. Then what will be the future of your son and you? Do you think then you, a divorcee, will be able to get a better husband, who would not beat you?”

A long list of questions, put by Ruqayyia, had baffled her. "It is better for you bear with beatings by your husband, instead of being humiliated by the police," she was advised.

And Shareefan knew well Ruqayyia might not be wrong, as she had heard lots of dreadful stories, when the complainant had been a young woman like her. She came back to her house, once again to be beaten by her husband.
What do you think, Shareefan should do? Should she go to the police if a bill about domestic violence is passed by the National Assembly? Or is Ruqayyia's suggestion more valid? These are the realities of our society. And these realities are hindering the passage of the Domestic Violence Bill in one way or the other, for the past three years. According to newspaper reports, in the latest session of the National Assembly, a deadlock over the passage of the Domestic Violence Bill, 2009, could not be broken. Earlier, the government had promised to address the opposition's concerns over some controversial clauses, and then get it passed by the assembly.

The ruling alliance, led by the Pakistan People's Party, surrendered before the strong opposition of the Pakistan Muslim League-N and the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl) when PPP Senior Minister Khurshid Shah announced, "We will not pass this bill till we develop consensus on the issue."

Aside from the fact whether the passage of bill would benefit the women of Pakistan, the opposition parties have their own reservations. The JUI-F, the only religious political party protesting against the bill, believes that various clauses of the bill will "promote Western culture in the Islamic state".

On the other hand, it is interesting to note that both Hindu and Muslim clerics have shown uncanny solidarity in opposing the new law as they argued that their scriptures fully endorsed child marriages. Clerics at Wafaqul Madaris Al-Arabia Pakistan have reached a unanimous understanding to 'resist' the passage of the bill in parliament, if the government does not consult them in preparing the legislation's final draft. They also demanded a 'review' of the bill, so that a consensus can be achieved on the law, before it is presented to parliament for approval. "Foreign elements are funding NGOs to promote an agenda that seeks to undermine Islamic values and traditions," a leader of the organisation said. He believes that passage of the bill would destroy the family structure of the Muslim community.

However, those pleading the case of women in Pakistan and campaigning for approval of the bill say that the new law would help a great deal in emancipation of women of the country. Maliha Zia, a lawyer who is an expert on gender and law, told this writer that the Domestic Violence Bill had been passed by the National Assembly in 2009. However, it lapsed in the Upper House of the parliament, the Senate.

What's special in the bill that frightens the males, she was asked. According to Ms. Zia, domestic violence includes much more than just physical beating. It includes assault, use of criminal force and intimidation, wrongful confinement, inflicting hurt, trespassing and harassment. Physical abuse is, of course, the most salient part. But an interesting new addition is the term "stalking" as part of domestic violence, which could mean watching, loitering
around or following the victim.

She said that economic abuse is also included, which could entail forcefully appropriating the woman's earning, as in the case of Shareefan Bibi. Willful or negligent abandonment of the aggrieved person is another form of abuse, she added. Section 4 (m), includes, very aptly, "emotional, psychological and verbal abuse". A humiliating or ridiculing attitude, for example commenting upon the wife's weight gain or lack of education, can destroy a person's self-esteem. And in such cases also, she can report to the police. While this clause thrills the advocates of the bill, it causes severe unrest among the opposing sections. They believe that the law would be misused, thus shattering the family system in the country.

Another aspect is also very important. If the bill gets passed, the aggrieved could bypass reporting to the police, and directly file a petition with a court of law, which is within the jurisdiction where the victim of domestic violence resides. A person authorised by the victim can also present the complaint.
There is another viewpoint also. A good number of educated and enlightened people believe that passing of bills and making of new laws are often no solution to various social problems. A change takes place in a society when people's mindset is changed. And a mindset can be changed through increasing literacy and spreading knowledge among people. John Stuart Mill, a
British philosopher and political economist, once observed, "Among a rude people, the women are generally degraded, among a civilised people they are exalted." There is greater need to create awareness among the people about women's rights, instead of making new laws. Otherwise, there are dozens of laws in the country, like the law about prohibition of smoking at public places, which are not observed. Without increasing literacy and creating awareness about the rights of women, another law would be added to the list of useless legislations, and the practice of domestic violence would continue unabated.

-Cuttingedge

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Beyond the story of the Arab woman
[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/CENTER]
Max Fisher


Picture a woman in the Middle East, and probably the first thing that comes into your mind will be the hijab. You might not even envision a face, just the black shroud of the burqa or the niqab.

Women's rights in the mostly Arab countries of the region are among the worst in the world, but it's more than that. As Egyptian-American journalist Mona Eltahawy writes in a provocative cover story for Foreign Policy, misogyny has become so endemic to Arab societies that it's not just a war on women, it's a destructive force tearing apart Arab economies and societies. But why? How did misogyny become so deeply ingrained in the Arab world?
There are two general ways to think about the problem of misogyny in the Arab world. The first is to think of it as an Arab problem, an issue of what Arab societies and people are doing wrong. "We have no freedoms because they hate us," Eltahawy writes, the first of many times she uses "they" in a sweeping indictment of the cultures spanning from Morocco to the Arabian Peninsula. "Yes: They hate us. It must be said."

But is it really that simple? If that misogyny is so innately Arab, why is there such wide variance between Arab societies? Why did Egypt's hateful "they" elect only 2 per cent women to its post-revolutionary legislature, while Tunisia's hateful "they" elected 27 per cent, far short of half but still significantly more than America's 17 per cent? Why are so many misogynist Arab practices as or more common in the non-Arab societies of sub-Saharan Africa or South Asia? After all, nearly every society in history has struggled with sexism, and maybe still is. Just in the US, for example, women could not vote until 1920; even today, their access to basic reproductive health care is backsliding. We don't think about this as an issue of American men, white men, or Christian men innately and irreducibly hating women. Why, then, should we be so ready to believe it about Arab Muslims?

A number of Arab Muslim feminists have criticised the article as reinforcing reductive, Western perceptions of Arabs as particularly and innately barbaric. Samia Errazzouki fumed at "the monolithic representation of women in the region." Roqayah Chamseddine wrote, "Not only has Eltahawy demonised the men of the Middle East and confined them into one role, that of eternal tormentors, as her Western audience claps and cheers, she has not provided a way forward for these men." Dima Khatib sighed, "Arab society is not as barbaric as you present it in the article." She lamented the article as enhancing "a stereotype full of overwhelming generalisations [that] contributes to the widening cultural rift between our society and other societies, and the increase of racism towards us."

Dozens, maybe hundreds, of reports and papers compare women's rights and treatment across countries, and they all rank Arab states low on the list. But maybe not as close to the bottom as you'd think. A 2011 World Economic Forum report on national gender gaps put four Arab states in the bottom 10; the bottom 25 includes 10 Arab states, more than half of them. But sub-Saharan African countries tend to rank even more poorly. And so do South Asian societies -- where a population of nearly five times as many women as live in the Middle East endure some of the most horrific abuses in the world today. Also in 2011, Newsweek synthesized several reports and statistics on women's rights and quality of life. Their final ranking included only one Arab country in the bottom 10 (Yemen) and one more in the bottom 25 (Saudi Arabia, although we might also count Sudan). That's not to downplay the harm and severity of the problem in Arab societies, but a reminder that "misogyny" and "Arab" are not as synonymous as we sometimes treat them to be.

The other way to think about misogyny in the Arab world is as a problem of misogyny. As the above rankings show, culturally engrained sexism is not particular to Arab societies. In other words, it's a problem that Arab societies have, but it's not a distinctly Arab problem. The actual, root causes are disputed, complicated, and often controversial. But you can't cure a symptom without at least acknowledging the disease, and that disease is not race, religion, or ethnicity.

Some of the most important architects of institutionalized Arab misogyny weren't actually Arab. They were Turkish -- or, as they called themselves at the time, Ottoman -- British, and French. These foreigners ruled Arabs for centuries, twisting the cultures to accommodate their dominance. One of their favourite tricks was to buy the submission of men by offering them absolute power over women. The foreign overlords ruled the public sphere, local men ruled the private sphere, and women got nothing; academic Deniz Kandiyoti called this the "patriarchal bargain." Colonial powers employed it in the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa, and in South Asia, promoting misogynist ideas and misogynist men who might have otherwise stayed on the margins, slowly but surely ingraining these ideas into the societies.

Of course, those first seeds of misogyny had to come from somewhere. The evolutionary explanations are controversial. Some say that it's simply because men are bigger and could fight their way to dominance; some that men seek to control women, and particularly female sexuality, out of a subconscious fear being of cuckolded and raising another man's child; others that the rise of the nation-state promoted the role of warfare in society, which meant the physically stronger gender took on more power. You don't hear these, or any of the other evolutionary theories, cited much. What you do hear cited is religion.

Like Christianity, Islam is an expansive and living religion. It has moved with the currents of history, and its billion-plus practitioners bring a wide spectrum of interpretations and beliefs. The colonial rulers who conquered Muslim societies were skilled at pulling out the slightest justification for their "patriarchal bargain." They promoted the religious leaders who were willing to take this bargain and suppressed those who objected. This is a big part of how misogynistic practices became especially common in the Muslim world (another reason is that, when the West later promoted secular rulers, anti-colonialists adopted extreme religious interpretations as a way to oppose them). "They enshrined their gentleman's agreement in the realm of the sacred by elevating their religious family laws to state laws," anthropologist Suad Joseph wrote in her 2000 book, Gender and Citizenship in the Middle East. "Women and children were the inevitable chips with which the political and religious leaders bargained." Some misogynist practices predated colonialism. But many of those, for example female genital mutilation, also predated Islam.

Arabs have endured centuries of brutal, authoritarian rule, and this could also play a role. A Western female journalist who spent years in the region, where she endured some of the region's infamous street harassment, told me that she sensed her harassers may have been acting in part out of misery, anger, and their own emasculation. Enduring the daily torments and humiliations of life under the Egyptian or Syrian or Algerian secret police, she suggested, might make an Arab man more likely to reassert his lost manhood by taking it out on women.

The intersection of race and gender is tough to discuss candidly. If we want to understand why an Egyptian man beats his wife, it's right and good to condemn him for doing it, but it's not enough. We also have to discuss the bigger forces that are guiding him, even if that makes us uncomfortable because it feels like we're excusing him. For decades, that conversation has gotten tripped up by issues of race and post-colonial relations that are always present but often too sensitive to address directly.

Spend some time in the Middle East or North Africa talking about gender and you might hear the expression, "My Arab brother before my Western sister," a warning to be quiet about injustice so as not to give the West any more excuses to condescend and dictate. The fact that feminism is broadly (and wrongly) considered a Western idea has made it tougher for proponents. After centuries of Western colonialism, bombings, invasions, and occupation, Arab men can dismiss the calls for gender equality as just another form of imposition, insisting that Arab culture does it differently. The louder our calls for gender equality get, the easier they are to wave away.

Eltahawy's personal background, unfortunately, might play a role in how some of her critics are responding. She lives mostly in the West, writes mostly for Western publications, and speaks American-accented English, all of which complicates her position and risks making her ideas seem as Westernised as she is. That's neither fair nor a reflection of the merit of her ideas, but it might inform the backlash, and it might tell us something about why the conversation she's trying to start has been stalled for so long.

The Arab Muslim women who criticized Eltahawy have been outspoken proponents of Arab feminism for years. So their backlash isn't about "Arab brother before Western sister," but it does show the extreme sensitivity about anything that could portray Arab misogyny as somehow particular to Arab society or Islam. It's not Eltahawy's job to tiptoe around Arab cultural anxieties about Western-imposed values, but the fact that her piece seems to have raised those anxieties more than it has awakened Arab male self-awareness is an important reminder that the exploitation of Arab women is about more than just gender. As some of Eltahawy's defenders have put it to me, the patriarchal societies of the Arab world need to be jolted into awareness of the harm they're doing themselves. They're right, but this article doesn't seem to have done it.


-Cuttingedge

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]50% of the 99%[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/CENTER]

Laura Carlsen


What's 50 per cent of 99 per cent? Hint: This isn't a math quiz. To put the question in non-numerical terms: where are women in the global economic crisis?

The movement of the 99 per cent that began in the United States made visible the human beings who suffer the brutal inequality and injustice of an economic system that, in crisis, required them to sacrifice even more. The emphasis on deficits and big banks had relegated the human impact of the crisis to the feature pages or, worse, the obituaries. Women, who in many ways receive the brunt of the crisis, remain even more invisible. Economic planners leave out women as a group in their equations, except to implicitly rely on their unpaid work and the bonus that economies receive from gender discrimination.

Yet women, especially poor women, perform economic miracles every day to insure family survival. Their contributions go unregistered, and they themselves have little concept of the social role of their work. Economics has been mystified to shut out citizen participation and gender coded to exclude women. Ironically, the message that 'there is no alternative' is being actively enforced during a crisis that clearly demonstrates that there has to be an alternative.

The answer to the question "where are women in the global crisis?" is, of course, "everywhere." The problem is making that omnipresence visible, organised, and active. The problem is assuring that the road to economic recovery isn't built on redoubling gender discrimination and the exploitation of women's labour.

Last April, some two thousand women -from 140 countries met in Istanbul to discuss not just where we are in the global crisis, but how to transform how we see and how we wield economic power.

For those of us who have witnessed the vicissitudes of the feminist movement over the past 30 years, the most astounding and profoundly important achievement of the conference, organized by the Association of Women's Rights in Development (AWID), emerged the moment you walked in the door of the sprawling centre on the strait of the Golden Horn. The women milling about the registration tables represented every region of the world. A grand diversity of religions and cultures was proudly affirmed in their dress. Various age groups, colours, culture, classes and beliefs came together at the Istanbul conference. The base of representation has broadened for a movement that might not always call itself "feminist," but defines itself by fighting for women's rights and equality in a world of multiple threats.
Lydia Alpizar, a Costa Rican feminist who directs AWID, explained that now more than ever women need tools to integrate economic issues into their many movements for human, economic and social rights across the globe. The women's rights agenda has become so broad and so urgent that there's a tendency to become entrenched in single issues, which presents the risk of missing the links and failing to grasp the broader meaning of what's happening at a critical moment in history, she noted.
Unity in diversity

Amid the diversity in Istanbul, women came together with a surprising level of agreement on key premises. First, economic inequality is the sign of our times, and as economic inequality grows, women face even deeper inequality in a system designed to discriminate. The use of women's unpaid labour in what some feminist analysts call the "care economy" intensifies with inequality and is exploited to extremes under austerity measures.

There is also agreement, as expressed in the first plenary session by Turkish researcher Ipek Ilkkaracan, that this labour cannot - and should not - be commoditised. That is, the tasks of caring for others that women do every day can't be entirely incorporated into the labour market and to do so would in many ways dehumanise what is essentially a labour of love. That work is one of the few spaces left that is organized along principles of solidarity, community, and bonds between people, rather than profit. The basics of the solution, she told the audience, will have to be some combination of creating more social recognition and organization of these tasks and moving forward on stalled efforts to get men to share domestic work.

Gita Sen, a pioneer in the field of gender and development, pointed out that women are the victims of inequality in a global crisis that does not affect everyone equally across the board. She noted that when we talk about improving conditions for indigenous people and other pressing social needs, we're told there is no money, but there is always money for bailing out the rich.

"We need to move to the needs of the 99 per cent," she told the crowd. "The welfare state is being hollowed out to continue with business as usual in the financial world, while the crisis is used as a means of blackmailing states and increasing the control of corporations."

Sen expressed the most important consensus among the women activists who came to learn about the global economic context that constrains and defines their work: There can be no gender equality within the current economic development model. She stated the problem in a rhetorical question: "Who wants a larger share of a poisoned pie?"
Life and death issues

Some speakers talked about development alternatives and others, like Lolita Chavez Ixcaquic, Quiché indigenous leader of Guatemala, talked about "alternatives to development." All agreed that the equation that macroeconomic growth means greater general well-being has been thoroughly exposed as false.

Chavez and other especially indigenous participants spoke of a battle between life and death, where women are often on the front lines.
"How do we say yes to life? In many ways: our community comes together around our meaning and existence and its close connection with nature - the sun, land and everything that gives us energy. We are told that we have to have the latest model of Blackberry, and that's a kind of slavery. We identify what are our real needs are so we don't reverse what we are doing. We are told we're undeveloped, but are we? We don't want American development or the American dream."

Among feminists and women activists from around the world, "Mother Earth" is far from being a new-age moniker. Rather, it is a central precept in the struggle between basic values representing the need to reconnect human society with the environment in a mutually beneficial relationship. Many workshops examined climate change and the fight to conserve resources and a clean environment, as the crisis initiates a new level of degradation and depredation.

Srilatha Batiwala, an Indian academic and activist, explained some of the connections between gender and resource control. "Gender and social power structures uphold differential control over material resources, as well as intangible resources, knowledge resources and human resources. These are maintained through the ideologies of inequality, social rules and norms, institutions and structures and more and more, violence or the threat of violence."

Women from Mexico, Central America, Nepal, Colombia, the Middle East, and other places testified to the increasing use of violence in land and resource grabs, increasing militarization in their regions, and attacks on women human rights defenders, including those who defend the earth and its resources in indigenous territories and beyond.
More questions

As usual, the conference raised more questions than answers. Women's participation in the formal labour force seemed to get short shrift, leaving major challenges regarding union organisation in a hostile economic environment and a heavily male-dominated milieu.

Huge questions remained, to be worked out in the daily practice of on-the-ground organizing. How do we go about humanizing the economic model, when scarcity is driving it toward more fragmentation, militarism, and aggressiveness? How can we build on concepts like the Andean indigenous "Buen Vivir" (Good living) and women's defence of human relations and Mother Earth, to create real development alternatives? How can we make gender equality and justice an integral part of a larger agenda to transform the economic system?

Most difficult of all, how do we make our alternatives politically viable?
Many speakers noted that the enemy of women's rights and visions of the future has shape-shifted in recent years. Economist Susan George noted that today "financial markets tell governments what to do" and that for that reason "the women's movement has to join more coalitions, speak to people we don't usually speak to-unions, education workers, faith, and environmental groups."
"No single group can win by itself," she concluded.

No one left the Istanbul conference with clear marching orders or a road map. Women activists left with tools to understand the economic environment they struggle in. We left with a greater understanding of the links between us-- from region to region, from sector to sector, from woman to woman.
And everyone left with a renewed commitment to figure it out, step by step, empowering women in their daily lives toward solutions that respect women's rights and build new paths toward strong and just communities, a healthy planet, and a happy future for our children.

-Cuttingedge

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Face saving needed for Saving Face[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/CENTER]
June 2, 2012
By Syed Mohammad Ali

It was upsetting to note recent media reports pointing out how some of the acid attack survivors portrayed in the Oscar winning movie, Saving face, have been compelled to seek legal assistance to prevent the director of the movie from releasing it for viewing in Pakistan.

Having done research for the same NGO which facilitated Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy in making her documentary — including firsthand meetings with many acid attack survivors, as well as with some of the perpetrators of such attacks, and visits to communities within which such heinous incidents had occurred — one does appreciate the nuances behind this seemingly strange turn of events.

I certainly do not begrudge Ms Obaid-Chinoy or her Oscar. Her accomplishment, in fact, has instilled a sense of pride among Pakistanis around the world. I also do not think that shedding light on a disturbing phenomenon, which continues to afflict tragedy and suffering in the lives of many people in our country, should be avoided out of fear that it will reinforce Western stereotypes. Even the fact that the US was quick to hand out an Oscar for a movie highlighting gender violence and thereafter denied granting a visa to another Pakistani documentary maker who chose to focus on the human cost of drone strikes, is more of a problem for US analysts and concerned citizens to contend with or to challenge. It is the ethical dimension surrounding the screening of Saving face documentary within Pakistan, however, which has evoked a personal sense of distress in me.

On the one hand, I realise the need to not only create awareness, but to take practical steps to prevent acid attacks in Pakistan. It is great to see Ms Obaid-Chinoy becoming very proactive on this issue subsequent to the Oscar win and the honours conferred on her by our government. However, she must stop insisting on screening the documentary within Pakistan if these survivors feel that they could be at risk of a backlash when and if the released film is seen by people they know. Given that the movie itself acknowledges the complex realities that these acid survivors must contend with, Ms Obaid-Chinoy must respect the wishes of these survivors, even if she had obtained some form of consent from them regarding its release. After all, the survivors featured in the documentary have not exactly signed acting contracts.

The NGO which initially provided access to the acid attack survivors — it prefers to use the term ‘survivor’ instead of ‘victim’ in order to infuse a sense of empowerment amongst people trying to recover and rehabilitate subsequent to acid attacks — is now trying to help them by providing assistance in going to court if required, to stop the documentary maker from showing the movie in Pakistan.

I have not had a chance to speak with Ms Obaid-Chinoy directly on this issue, so I do not know her side of the story. But whatever her perspective is, surely the need to protect the very people who have propelled her to international fame and glory must take precedence over any further publicity of her work. Moreover, there are several other ways to help create awareness on this issue, as well as countering the prevalence of acid attacks. Ongoing advocacy by those working on this issue have identified many practical means which merit further attention, ranging from curbing unregulated sale of concentrated acid to the need for demanding effective implementation of the new legislation that provides for the prosecution of acid attack perpetrators and to simultaneously paying greater attention to help survivors cope with recovery and rehabilitation. It is these unaddressed areas that Ms Obaid-Chinoy must offer greater attention on, rather than trying to insist upon screening her already awarded documentary in Pakistan.

The Express Tribune,

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Women’s rights must be part of future plans in Afghanistan
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Alex Pearlman


The clear message of Amnesty International's Shadow Summit, held concurrently with the first day of NATO talks recently, was that Afghan women are not victims.

While heads of state discussed troop withdrawal, training of security forces, and European missile defence systems at McCormick Place, the country's largest convention centre, the Swissotel across town was host to an inspiring series of panels where it became clear that Afghan women refuse to be ignored and have taken the responsibility of the future of their country into their own hands.

Nearly 27 per cent of Afghanistan's parliamentary seats are now held by women. They have 1,500 positions in the Afghan security forces and according to Amnesty, roughly 10 per cent of prosecutors and judges are female. Women also make up 20 per cent of university graduates and 3 million girls attend schools across the country. There are three women on President Hamid Karzai's cabinet and for the first time, women were allowed to accompany the Afghan delegation to a NATO summit.

Afghanistan is not the barren wasteland of used and abused women of the familiar media refrain. Instead, it's a burgeoning society where women are actively taking part in civil life, working outside the home and creating positive change in their communities.

But the job isn't done. Afghan women say they will still require the help and support of NATO and the allies, and many fear a return to Taliban-era rule of law, which is imminent if the 2,014 troop withdrawal doesn't come with a plan for continued security for women and girls, and a metric for measuring progress of women's rights.

"We need to end our military commitment, but we also need to ensure that US support of Afghan women does not end when our troops leave," said Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-IL) at an Amnesty International press conference before the event. "This weekend's NATO summit is an opportunity to begin discussion about a cohesive plan for protecting women and promoting their involvement in peace making."

Amnesty International released an open letter to Presidents Obama and Karzai calling for a plan of action "to guarantee that the clock is not turned back on a decade of strides in education, health, security and employment for women and girls." It adds that the signatories (which include such luminaries as Meryl Streep, William Cohen, Khaled Hosseini, Gloria Steinem and Sting) believe that "if women's progress cannot be sustained, then Afghan society will fail."
Women's rights and security are not mutually exclusive

Former Secretary of State Madeline Albright quoted former ambassador Swanee Hunt, in the first panel, saying, "Allowing men who plan wars to plan peace is a bad habit," a particularly well-received comment in light of the NATO summit happening in another part of the city. She added, "We're in Afghanistan in the first place to secure a better society for the Afghans and there can't be a better society if women aren't part of the solution. We know that when women are treated properly and politically and economically empowered, societies are more stable."

The first panel also included Rep. Schakowsky, a member of the House Intelligence Oversight Committee and a long-standing advocate of women's rights and reproductive freedom. She was boisterous and obviously excited at the prospect of having such Afghan pioneers as Mahbouba Seraj, Manizah Naderi, Hasina Safi and Affifa Azim next to her in the discussion.

She smiled as she refuted the common American opinion that securing Afghanistan and making progress on human rights are mutually exclusive. Schakowsky urged women in NATO countries to stand with the Afghans and press their governments for a monitoring plan in the future.

"We can't feel that when the troops leave that we can relent and not continue to monitor and report," she said. "We have to see ourselves as an international sisterhood and we're not going to abandon the women of Afghanistan and we're not going to fail to let policymakers know about our determination."

The Afghan women, who have survived wars, displacement and exile only to come back to Afghanistan to further the cause of women where they face death threats and abuse, were no less excited to dispense valuable advice to the NATO leadership and demand inclusion in peace negotiations.
Azim is the co-founder of the Afghan Women's Network, a coalition of 96 women-led non-profits, and lives in Afghanistan.

"It is very important to put pressure on policy makers to support women in Afghanistan," said Azim with a powerful accent. "NATO must make a strategic plan for a follow-up after 2014. Afghan women need to develop their own capacity and need financial support to play their role in society."

After all, who knows and wants peace more that the women, who have borne the brunt of the decades of war in Afghanistan? But it doesn't come easy. According to Afghan activist and radio host Mahbouba Seraj, before three women were added to the NATO delegation at the last minute, an unnamed Afghan minister said, "Don't worry dears, we'll look out for you."

The backbone of any society is a strong workforce and economic growth, and the military mission will only be successful if citizens can go to work rebuilding the country in peace. In Afghanistan, according to US Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues Melanne Verveer, there is a USAID directive that has facilitated gender integration in the workforce in nearly every industry, including healthcare, education and even mining. Through these programs the US and its allies can continue to monitor the security of women - but these programs must continue to be funded.

"We have a lens to watch if women are involved in every way, at every level and that every effort is being made in recruitment and training of women," said Verveer, but we cannot abandon this mission, or the military mission will have failed.

The uncertain future

Previously radical ideas such as women working outside the home and getting an education are spreading the traditional way ideas are shared between women - by word of mouth. But these shifts are a slow process.
"The problem is that Afghanistan has become a culture of war and changing culture doesn't happen overnight," said Naderi, executive director of Women for Afghan Women, a non-profit that focuses mostly on counselling families through centres across the country. Naderi explained that while there's progress being made on these issues, it's slow going and takes hard, patient work.

Part of what WAW does is speak directly with heads of households, many times interfering in situations such as child marriage, abuse, and other atrocities women and girls face. Naderi works with the families to explain that what they're doing isn't actually compatible with Islam, despite what clerics might say. Many of these people are illiterate and only take the words of extremist clerics to understand their religion.

"It's like a lightbulb going on," said Naderi about reactions she's witnessed in families. "Once you make them understand [the true meanings of Islam], you can see the change. In the majority of cases, the girl goes home, or the women go home, and they're not abused anymore."

Even if the women cannot return home, WAW shelters provide housing and education for women and girls, furthering the potential of the next generation of Afghan women.

Similarly, Hasina Safi, the executive director of the Afghanistan Women's Education Centre, which operates in 17 provinces promoting education for girls, said, " If you don't invest in your daughter, she will beg her husband for money. But if you educate her, she can stand on her own feet."

Education, though, will only continue to be part of the lives of Afghan women and girls if the progress achieved in the past decade continues. When it comes to peace talks, it's clear that women want and need to be at the table, but what the outcome might be is anyone's guess.

Safi and Naderi exemplified the confusing debate taking place not just at the
mahogany tables of the NATO summit, but also on the ground in Afghanistan - to negotiate or not with the Taliban.

In a fascinating mini-debate the two women discussed both sides at the Shadow Summit.

Naderi vehemently opposes negotiations, repeatedly called the Taliban "terrorists" and said, "If they want to be part of the government, they can run for elections. They can be president if they want, but they don't want to be part of the government, they want the whole government. They break their promises. They say they want girls education, and then they poison girls. They aren't trustworthy, and history has showed us that it's not a good idea to negotiate with terrorists."

Safi disagreed, opining that it's better to reason with the Taliban, teach them about true Islam, and convince them of women's badly-needed presence in civil society.

"Rather than saying we don't want to negotiate, we have to show them we're living there and we're a very important part of Afghanistan, so we [must join] the negotiations," she said. "Education is always allowed in Islam. We have to reason with them and [ask] them, 'Which Islam are you talking about?' They are misusing Islam and in that they are misusing our rights."

It's obvious that Afghan women hunger for rights and involvement in the future of their country, and NATO must take this into consideration, said Seraj, or else there will be devastating consequences.

"The world cannot afford to go back to square one. If [the NATO peace plan] is not a success, if we don't achieve what we need to achieve, this isn't going to go down well," she said. "There is no going back. We have to achieve something, make anything and everything possible. There's always possibilities if we really work at it. Because we can't go back."

-Cuttingedge

[CENTER][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Sanctity and care of women in Islam
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Sohaib Sajjad


Despite West's bitter sentiments presented toward Islam and its alleged oppressive treatment toward women, it is imperative that Islam's role is singly distinguished from some of the misconstrued practices of Muslims.
Because Islam has always remained, on the grand scheme of scopes, so judiciously receptive of the treatment of women and their rights, no such allegations can stand on the ground of truth. Perhaps the culpability for such sentiments can be directed toward the extent of the bigotry and infamous reputation of Muslims in major news outlets? Or maybe it's the outlook on a Muslim woman's covering that makes them seem imprisoned and oppressed.

At a time in history when acts like burying female infants alive, or trading women as commodities in the marketplace were among the norms, Islam came to reform man's depraved mind and abusive power over women. The Islamic code of morals and ethics revolutionized the corrupted ideologies and ill practices of people and ushered men to uphold a more compassionate standard towards the sanctity and care of women. In fact, God revealed a lengthy chapter, "The Women," in the Holy Quran, with the following verse:
"O you who believe! You are forbidden to inherit women against their will. And you should not treat them with harshness, such that you may take away part of the bridal money you have given them, unless they commit open illegal sexual intercourse. On the contrary, live with them on a footing of kindness and honor. If you dislike them, it may be that you dislike a thing and God brings through it a great deal of good." [Quran, 4:19]

While these sentiments can be traced to an amalgam of various perspectives, I believe the root of the problem lies deeply embedded in the impractical interpretations and perceptions of the religion. Nevertheless, the vantage point of Islam towards women remains one that is misconstrued, and one that holds great untruth to it.

Muslim women must be given room to express themselves, their choices and hopes. Unfortunately, their voices have been progressively silenced by the biased representation of major news outlets. In the words of the American speaker and author, Wayne Dyer, "Judgments prevent us from seeing the good beyond appearances." As citizens of a leading nation recognized for its exceptional education, we have sadly suppressed our inherent reasoning concerning the treatment of women in Islam. For example, how is it that our society accepts the covering of Christian nuns as one of religious obligation, but when that same covering is placed upon a Muslim woman, it's unquestionably an act of coercion and oppression?

If we delve into the fourth chapter of the Quran, we see that Islam has given women rights concerning marriage, education, occupational earnings, divorce, inheritance and civil rights, and others. Furthermore, if we examine Islam's extraordinary and rich tradition, we will find the following being proclaimed by its last prophet, "Treat women with kindness, for a woman was created from a rib, and the most curved portion of the rib is its upper portion. If you try to straighten it, it will break, but if you leave it as it is, it will remain crooked. So treat women with kindness and compassion."

The Prophet Muhummad (PBUH) would go on to say in his farewell speech, "O people, it is true that you have certain rights with regards to your wives. But, they also have rights over you. Remember that you have taken them as your wives only under God's trust and with His permission. If they abide by your rights, then to them belong the rights to be fed and clothed in kindness. Do treat your women well and be kind to them for they are your partners and committed helpers." The Quranic scripture reminds Muslim men about treating women in a way that does not entail aggressiveness or for the sake of selfish ends. Men are to acknowledge that they are obligated to treat women with a distinct favor and kindness. Islam's reputation and status given to women, fourteen centuries ago, set a new standard of efficacy for all of humanity, despite contemporary misinterpretations and perceptions.

-Cuttingedge

[CENTER][B][U][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Turning outrage into action[/SIZE][/FONT][/U][/B][/CENTER]
Ban Ki-moon
March 7, 2013

As we commemorate International Women’s Day, we must look back on a year of shocking crimes of violence against women and girls and ask ourselves how to usher in a better future.
One young woman was gang-raped to death. Another later committed suicide out of a sense of shame that should have attached to the perpetrators. Young teens were shot at close range for daring to seek an education.
These atrocities, which rightly sparked global outrage, were part of a much larger problem that pervades virtually every society and every realm of life.
Look around at the women you are with. Think of those you cherish in your families and your communities. And understand that there is a statistical likelihood that many of them have suffered violence in their lifetime. Even more have comforted a sister or friend, sharing their grief and anger following an attack.

This year on International Women’s Day, we convert our outrage into action. We declare that we will prosecute crimes against women — and never allow women to be subjected to punishments for the abuses they have suffered. We renew our pledge to combat this global health menace wherever it may lurk — in homes and businesses, in war zones and placid countries, and in the minds of people who allow violence to continue.

We also make a special promise to women in conflict situations, where sexual violence too often becomes a tool of war aimed at humiliating the enemy by destroying their dignity.

To those women we say: the United Nations stands with you. As Secretary General, I insist that the welfare of all victims of sexual violence in conflict must be at the forefront of our activities. And I instruct my senior advisers to make our response to sexual violence a priority in all of our peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding activities.

The United Nations system is advancing our UNiTE to End Violence against Women campaign, which is based on the simple but powerful premise that all women and girls have a fundamental human right to live free of violence.
This week in New York, at the Commission on the Status of Women, the world is holding the largest ever UN assembly on ending violence against women. We will make the most of this gathering — and we keep pressing for progress long after it concludes.

I welcome the many governments, groups and individuals who have contributed to this campaign. I urge everyone to join our effort.
Whether you lend your funds to a cause or your voice to an outcry, you can be part of our global push to end this injustice and provide women and girls with the security, safety and freedom they deserve

-The Express Tribune

[CENTER][B][U][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]The strength of Pakistani women[/SIZE][/FONT][/U][/B][/CENTER]
By: Maryam Chloé Pervaiz | March 08, 2013

It is not every day that a housewife tells you that she has spent two years talking to pirates. This has nothing to do with watching a Johnny Depp film or reading Peter Pan. It happened when I met Captain Jawaid Saleem’s family for dinner to hear about the capture of his ship, MV Albedo, by Somali pirates. As I listened to the chilling tale, I found myself truly inspired by the way in which his wife had faced the circumstances.

When Captain Jawaid set course for Mombasa in November 2010, Shahnaz Jawaid never imagined it was the course of her life that was about to change dramatically. The shipping agent informed her a few days later that her husband’s vessel had been hijacked. She was abruptly cast in a role that she was never prepared for.

Staggering emotionally from the blow, Shahnaz braced herself to face the worst. For the next two years, she would live with the ever-present threat of pirates killing her husband. She could not allow herself to give in to fear. She had to find a way to get her husband back home safely. She had her children to think of, too. With remarkable self-control, she waited until her daughter had finished an important course of study before divulging the news to her.
Being the Captain’s wife, Shahnaz was also concerned about the welfare of the other Pakistani hostages on board the ship. Some of their families did not live in Karachi. The best chance of raising ransom money was to appeal to the public. Shahnaz summoned up all her resolve and began her campaign to bring all the families, even those from out of Karachi, together on a common platform for media coverage.

Weeks turned into months. The shipping company stopped paying salaries to the abducted men. The families struggled financially. Once, Shahnaz was even told her husband had died. It was the lowest point for her in this trial.

A big challenge for Shahnaz was having to appeal to the pirates themselves. They were impatient men, who barely spoke English. Initially, she needed the help of a translator to communicate with them. It is no small compliment that these harsh kidnappers came to respect Shahnaz in the course of this dangerous international crisis. They started to contact her personally.
Ordered by a pirate to put him in touch with a Pakistani official late one night, Shahnaz was mugged on the way home. The pirate was talking to her when an armed boy snatched away her cell phone, pirate and all. Thinking Shahnaz had hung up on him, the pirate later called on her landline. He discovered that he certainly wasn’t the only bandit she had been dealing with that night! Shahnaz now laughs at the absurdity of the whole situation. It was harrowing at the time.

Governor Ishratul Ebad stepped forward in this case on humanitarian grounds. With his consent, Ahmed Chinoy, Chief of the Citizens Police Liaison Committee (CPLC), played a vital role in the negotiations. The families spent days and nights at the CPLC Headquarters, receiving the much needed moral support. The CPLC handles several emergencies at any given time. It takes someone like Shahnaz, with faith and persistence, to keep attention focused on a case. The Somalis were actually reluctant to release Captain Jawaid, afraid they would lose their menacing hold on Shahnaz. They wanted her to help them in negotiating for the remaining hostages.

The Pakistani crew finally returned home safely. Shahnaz Jawaid and her family are thankful to be reunited. Indeed, Shahnaz has shown us that a Pakistani housewife can display tremendous courage and deal with the toughest people in the toughest times. Her story is a tribute to the strength of Pakistani women everywhere.

The writer is a student at the Karachi American School. Email: [email]m.c.pervaiz@gmail.com[/email]

nation.com.pk

[CENTER][B][U][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]The gender agenda[/SIZE][/FONT][/U][/B][/CENTER]
By: Atle Hetland | March 07, 2013 .

For the first time, the UN marked the International Women’s Day on March 08, 1975. It was recommended to the member states to mark March 08 as an International Women’s Day, or they could choose another day related to women in their own country’s history and tradition.

March 08 has become the main day to celebrate women throughout the world and to debate issues to improve gender equality and women’s empowerment. Four international UN conferences have been held, first in Mexico in 2005, then in Copenhagen, Nairobi and Beijing, and several stocktaking conferences in New York to evaluate the implementation of recommendations.

Major achievements have been made. Many issues were put on the broader agenda by the UN. But the concrete debate and action were always fought and achieved by women’s organisations, in collaboration with other groups, research institutions, workers’ organisations and national governments. Laws have been changed in many fields, such as more equal payment for men and women, and maternity leave has been introduced or made longer, in a few countries also with some paternity leave. More focus has been given to how to stop violence against women, which is the theme on this year’s International Women’s Day. The right to abortion has been made legal in most countries, and it has become common that it is the woman herself, who decides whether she should terminate her pregnancy or not. Abortion is always the last option, and it often has psychological and other side-effects; yet, it is seen as a right that women decide over their own body.

Certainly, women’s emancipation did not start in 1975 at the UN Women’s Conference in Mexico! But the last 40 years, and the UN’s accelerated fight for greater equality between women and men, has led to the improvement of women’s lives. But the fight for greater equality has been significant for longer, at least for a 100 years. The labour movements in North America and Europe took up women’s rights, mainly related to work conditions and pay. Information about contraception and other reproductive health issues were also important.

Historically, it is new to place women’s equal social and political rights at par with men’s rights. No country allowed women to vote until the 20th century; New Zealand and Finland were the first ones. Most countries in the West followed suit in a decade or two. This year, Norway marks the 100th anniversary of women’s right to vote. And when the countries in the West boast about ‘newfound equality and democratic rights for all’, we should be reminded that there wasn’t much of either in the colonies and protectorates ruled by the Western powers, mainly the UK, France, Portugal, Spain, and Holland. The Scandinavian countries pride themselves on not having had colonies, but they also sided with European superpowers and took part in what we today would term unethical international trade.

A few days ago, Gloria Steinem, a leading American feminist, political and social activist, writer and journalist, was interviewed on BBC. She said that there was more need for women’s emancipation now than in the 1970s at the height of the modern women’s liberation movement. She came herself into the movement through journalism, and also through seeing abuse and difficulties in her childhood. In 1969, when she wrote an article titled “After Black Power, Women’s Power”, she became an instant authority. She captured the zeitgeist and feelings of women in America and beyond. Men were, perhaps, less on board that time.

In the interview, Steinem stressed that there are now also many feminist men. In other words, ‘women’s equality’ has become ‘gender equality’ and is seen as important for women and men alike, although still, certain issues are only about women. But when there is oppression, it is not only the oppressed that suffers, but also the oppressors; inequality in race relations and apartheid being a clear point in case.

I believe we have moved fast towards greater gender equality in the course of a few generations. In Europe, it would be strange to go into an office with only men (and a woman as Secretary at the reception). When I held my first job in Oslo in 1973, such work environments were not uncommon, and most bosses were men. Television programmes could have only men to debate political issues. Except for a few foreign university students and some newly arrived Pakistanis (from Gujrat) driving trams and working in city restaurants, there was hardly a non-European face to be seen in public or on TV. Now, there are more than 250,000 from outside Europe in Norway, in a population of five million.

I believe that diversity and multiculturalism are important for any society. People should integrate, but we don’t have to assimilate and become the same. Yet, we should learn about each other so that we can appreciate each other more. If we belong to the powerful majority group, it is our duty to help the minorities, the newcomers and others to integrate, and to do what they want to do, including being as good believers in their faiths as they can be. Women, too, have a duty to include women and men from outside in their spheres and in majority life - now when women are more and more in decision-making positions.

When Pakistani, Iraqi, Iranian, Turkish and other immigrants reach Scandinavia, they will be impressed by the role of women in society, including about 50 percent of government ministers being women, directors in government ministries and board members in publicly registered companies. Most men and women agree that it is better when there is more gender equality. But even in Scandinavia, in the most egalitarian countries in the world, there is more work to do, especially now in a time of economic and financial difficulties. The Head of UN Women in Pakistan, Lena Lindberg, from Sweden herself, underlined this in a talk in Islamabad a few days ago.
In Scandinavia, it is important to continue the debate about how we organise our daily lives. How can working parents with young children find ways of living so that their lives become less stressful? Maybe working hours should be shorter? New values and ways concerning career, home-life and social-political life must be found. Even Scandinavia is just on en route, and lessons about how to organise ‘the good life’, with equality and empowered women and men, are still being sought.

Sometimes, Pakistanis and people in other developing countries, too, have lessons to teach the highly efficient and individualistic Westerners. Many rural and urban values from different cultures should be appreciated in order to find the best development paths - and they are not the prerogative of the rich and old countries only.

The theme for International Women’s Day this year is about how to end domestic and other violence against women and violence in society at large. Several Pakistani women have in recent years become role models for women and men all over the world - and then we don’t even talk about all the ‘everyday heroines’. Many times, Pakistani men also tell me that women are cleverer than men at school and in jobs.

A less competitive world with more equality will be more peaceful and happier. It is a scar on humanity and especially the leaders in our time, that we have dozens of ongoing wars and armed conflicts. The foreign invasion of Afghanistan is particularly sad, and indeed the war on terror, with many negative consequences for Pakistan. The structural violence of major inequality between the north and south can also be solved if there is political will among powerful countries. In many cases, globalisation is not positive.
In the homes, workplaces, local communities and elsewhere within countries, we must make peaceful changes - if those who have power give priority to it. In many cases, violence against women can be reduced if the men want to change the situation. If it becomes politically, socially and legally unacceptable to beat a woman and a child and anyone else who is weak, such crimes will be few.

Women must keep up their peaceful fight for their rights, for human rights, together with feminist men. And then, when change, equality and peace come, we will all realise that the world has become better and more in line with God’s will for all his or her creatures.

Dear women and men, congratulations on the International Women’s Day 2013!

The writer is a senior Norwegian social scientist with experience from research, diplomacy and development aid. Email: [email]atlehetland@yahoo.com[/email]*

nation.com.pk

[CENTER][B][U][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]From dream to reality[/SIZE][/FONT][/U][/B][/CENTER]
By: Farzana Raja | March 08, 2013 .

It is truly a matter of immense pride and satisfaction for me that Pakistan has made vital inroads to support women empowerment and emancipation during last few years.

The Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) is one of the largest achievements in the social sector of Pakistan. This breakthrough has special significance for me because the programme has not only laid the foundation for sustainable poverty reduction, but has also been able to change the hearts and minds of the people in general about the status of women in our society.

While marking the International Women’s Day, I would like to recall that mainstreaming of women and their socio-economic uplift was envisaged as one of the prime objectives of BISP at the very beginning of this unique initiative in the social sector, besides poverty alleviation.

We as a nation are grateful to Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah, Begum Rana Liaquat Ali Khan and Mother of Democracy Lady Nusrat Bhutto, who played a significant role in the empowerment of women in Pakistan. And inspired by the dynamic leadership and vision of Shaheed Benazir Bhutto, the programme (BISP) was designed to achieve the desired goals of empowering the women folk and making them understand their basic rights.

There is no denying the fact that women empowerment is a key phenomenon for bringing about sustainable socio-economic progress of every society or nation. This forward-looking approach is helping societies to fully benefit from the active participation of women from every walk of life.

It is also worth noting that the women of today are more aware of their role, existence and rights than ever before.

The International Women’s Day is equally significant for Pakistani women, who have made an epic struggle to protect and safeguard the rights of millions of voiceless women in our society. Some historic achievements have been made during this momentous struggle, but still there is a long way to go to uplift the status of women in society.

During the recent years, some landmarks have already been achieved regarding the protection of women’s rights. It is quite an encouraging advancement to achieve the ultimate fruits of women empowerment and emancipation, as envisioned by the Father of the Nation, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

Our great Quaid was of view that “no nation can ever be worthy of its existence that cannot take its women along with the men. No struggle can ever succeed without women participating side by side with men.”
The history of Pakistan is evident of the fact that it was the democratic government of Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, which revived Jinnah’s vision in its true spirit by taking practical measures to protect the rights of women and by making the welfare of women an integral part of the social, political and economic reforms.

Later, after a long period of tyranny during which the women suffered the most, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto introduced various women-friendly policies to revive their status in society and to reduce their socio-economic hardships. She was, indeed, an ardent believer in women’s rights and empowerment, and thus served the cause of women by making it the foundation stone of her government’s policies.

The commitment of Shaheed Benazir Bhutto for the cause of women has always been a great source of inspiration for me. The first-ever Ministry of Women in the federal cabinet was also introduced by our Shaheed leader. Besides, she introduced several revolutionary policies aiming to empower women.

While highlighting the significance of women empowerment, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto once said: “Empowerment is the right to be economically independent. Empowerment is the right to be educated and make choices. Empowerment is the right to have the opportunity to select a career. Empowerment is the right to own property, to start a business, to flourish in the marketplace.”
Today BISP, through its multipronged poverty reduction and women empowerment strategy has incorporated the entire vision of Shaheed Benazir Bhutto in the form of its different components, i.e. Waseela-e-Haq, Waseela-e-Rozgar, Waseela-e-Taleem as well as health and life insurance covering millions of beneficiary families with women as primary recipients.

In the pursuit of the Shaheed leader’s vision, the PPP-led democratic government, during its constitutional tenure of five years, has introduced a number of new laws aiming to protect and safeguard the rights of women.
The women of Pakistan are still facing a number of challenges. However, it is being anticipated that the negative societal behaviours and the anti-women mindset would finally be defeated through dedicated efforts at various levels.
BISP, as a comprehensive social safety net, has played the most vital and much needed role in enhancing the cause of women’s socio-economic uplift and empowerment. By virtue of making women heads of the family and prime beneficiaries, this initiative proved to be a gaint leap and this fact has won the recognition from credible international organisations all over the world.
Thank God, more than 1.5 million women have obtained their Computerised National Identity Card (CNIC) during the last four years only to be eligible to get registered with BISP as beneficiary of the programme. It is determined to give women their lost identity in the future development of Pakistan.

The International Women’s Day provides us a chance of re-evaluating our endeavours for empowering the women of the country and to further re-established our commitment with the cause of uplifting their status in our society.

Inshallah, Pakistan will emerge as a responsible welfare state of the modern era.

The writer is federal minister and chairperson of the Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP)

[url]www.nation.com.pk[/url]

[CENTER][B][U][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Rape and respectability[/SIZE][/FONT][/U][/B][/CENTER]
By:Nadia Khawaja

Most people regard the International Women’s Day (IWD) as an occasion to pay tribute to the accomplishments of women – but it also serves as a grim reminder of the trials and tribulations faced by women in a patriachal world. The existence of a separate day dedicated to women places them in the realm of the social ‘other’, different from and still not equal to a man. Despite new legislation drafted to promote equality, the soaring success of women in a range of fields and feminism moving from a political to a more theoretical agenda, the theme for this year’s IWD, “A promise is a promise: time for action to end violence against women,” aptly reasserts that the struggle to end gender discrimination has not moved past its foundational stages. As the conversation focuses on the essential safety and security of women, it reminds us that feminism is as relevant today as it was a hundred years ago, when IWD was first celebrated.

Multiple cases of women being brutally raped have surfaced in the past few years; in their latest Violence Against Women Report, the women’s welfare NGO, Aurat Foundation, reports that the percentage of reported cases of violence against women in Pakistan has risen by 6.47 percent from 2010 to 2011. In India, a 23-year old girl was gang raped and murdered on a bus while a fifteen year old girl in Maldives was ‘allegedly’ raped by her step-father and a high-school student was reported to have been harassed and raped by her classmates in Ohio in the US. But these are only the cases that garner international media attention; in Pakistan there are 827 reported cases of rape in 2011 alone, in addition to the countless cases that go unreported every day. While these number of incidents is gruesome, what is even more terrifying is how society has reacted to such instances of violence. Following the Delhi-rape case, the defense lawyer made a statement that reflects the rape culture in a nutshell: “Until today, I have not seen a single incident or example when a respected lady has been raped. Even an underworld don would not like to touch a girl with respect.” Depressingly, the “respected ladies don’t get raped by the mafia” argument is not an anomaly as many prominent Indian politicians shared his reasoning. The West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banarjee said, “Earlier, if men and women would hold hands, they would get caught by parents and reprimanded but now everything is open. It’s like an open market with open options.” To give another example of victim blaming, in the Maldives case, the 15-year-old alleged rape victim is being sentenced to a 100 lashes for premarital sex. We are living in a society that not only tolerates such crimes but also rationalises them while treating male sexual aggression as a norm. In her article on rape culture, Melissa McEwan suggests that “Rape culture is tasking victims with the burden of rape prevention. Rape culture is refusing to acknowledge that the only thing a person can do to avoid being raped is not to be in the same room as a rapist.” How is a woman to register that she is an equal when she feels unsafe walking out of her house? When she always has be alert, always has to pay attention, always has to has to watch her back, always has to be aware of her surroundings and must never let her guard down for a moment lest she be sexually assaulted and if despite all of this protection, she is raped, she will be made to think it was “her fault”.

As we rave on about ‘violence against women,’ it is useful to provide a definition of what it means. Violence against women is any act of gender based violence, whether physical, sexual or mental or the threat of such, that causes suffering to women. Violence is not restricted to extreme acts such as bride-burning, rape or honor-killing, rather most women face violence in a much more discreet manner, living in a society that views them as subordinate beings. In a culture such as ours, women face violence that begins with discriminatory remarks to rape itself. Such a culture is created through the objectification of women, which is part of a dehumanizing process involving the regulation of their behavior, their bodies and their thinking. Take the media’s eroticization of violence—for instance in the latest James Bond movie ‘Skyfall’, Bond stands by as Javier Bardem shoots a woman in the head, causing the glass of whiskey on her head to topple to the ground and casually remarks “what a waste of good scotch.” Diminishing the gravity of such acts, even in fiction, normalizes violence against women and makes us disassociate with the fact that women constantly live under the threat of assault. Even the language we speak contains phrases that are laced with an attitude of aggression towards women and uses sexual violence as a metaphor in mainstream discourse—“The ATM raped me with a huge fee.”

Furthermore, silence provokes violence. The silence around the discrimination of women in national discourse, in homes, in schools, in streets, helps in promoting gender inequality. Aurat Foundation cites the failure to report cases of violence as a “lack of confidence” on the part of women, however this does not account for the fact that women have been taught not to speak, to repress their thoughts and desires, through the threat of admonishment. As we think of violence against women today and what we can do to prevent it, we need to focus on changing the culture as a whole, check ourselves when we speak, be critical about what we watch and conscious of how our society works.

“There is one universal truth, applicable to all countries, cultures and communities: violence against women is never

acceptable, never excusable, never tolerable.” — Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon

The writer is a staff member of Pakistan Today and holds a degree from Mount Holyoke College.

[url]http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk[/url]

[CENTER][B][U][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]International Women’s Day[/FONT][/SIZE][/U][/B][/CENTER]
March 09, 2013 .


The theme of International Women's Day 2013 is the prevention of violence against women. The UN estimates that more than two-thirds of women and girls across the world have experienced sexual or physical violence. But time to say ‘enough is enough’ has come. Discrimination or violence against women has no room in the 21st century. It is time to realize the full meaning of the term, ‘gender equality’. The situation calls for introspection. The conditions of Pakistani women vary from bad to worse; a woman in the tribal areas experiences an entirely different life than a woman in the urban centres, but both have their own challenges.

It was a sad reflection on us that the World Economic Forum last year ranked Pakistan among the worst countries in the world on its Global Gender Gap Report. Women in our society are being subjected to some of the worst kinds of atrocities including rape, acid throwing, honour killing, forced marriage and forced prostitution. The situation is a challenge for the government and NGOs working to improve the life of the nation’s female lot. At the same time, it is a fundamental responsibility of the media---electronic as well as print--- to educate masses about the inviolable rights of women.

[url]http://www.nation.com.pk[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Altering gender bias[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

Shahid Khalil


Women in Pakistan are certainly not treated fairly either in the urban or rural area. The discrimination against them is particularly stark in the rural regions, where the incidence of poverty is also very high.

However, as the world celebrates International Women's Day, Pakistani women from rural regions have shown increasing confidence as they become aware of their rights. "I believe that a woman must be educated and must work in order to prove herself in society and to be a better mother", said Zaibunisa a young and hardly educated woman from Dera Bugti. Women should work insisted Fatima Bi who works at a garment factory in a village near Lahore. "Why should I stay at home if I can work outside" she asked. "I should also earn income and my people and I should enjoy the money I can make," she added.

"Those days where our mothers had to ask for money from our fathers, even for simple things like underwear are gone: we need our own money and this means that we should work" she said. This is a good omen but there is still a long way to go.

Female farmers and entrepreneurs have less access to land than their male counterparts. Similarly, both the demand for and use of credit are lower among female farmers and entrepreneurs than among their male counterparts. These differences are rooted in failures of markets and institutions and in their interactions with household responses.

For example, accessing credit often requires collateral, preferably land or immobile assets. Women are, thus, at a disadvantage because they have lower or less secure access to land and are disproportionately employed in the service sector where capitalization is lower and output is often intangible. These forces may be further reinforced by gender-based preferences in the households that can lead to unequal resource allocations (of land, for example) to male and female members.

The combined forces of markets, service delivery institutions, and income growth that have contributed to closing gender gaps in education, and labour force participation for many women have not worked for everyone. For poor women and for women in very poor places, sizable gender gaps remain. And these gaps are even worse where poverty combines with other factors of exclusion - such as ethnicity, caste, remoteness, race, disability, or sexual orientation.

Even in education, where gaps have narrowed in most countries, girls' enrollment in primary and secondary school has improved little in many Sub-Saharan countries and some parts of South Asia. School enrollments for girls in Mali are comparable to those in the United States in 1810, and the situation in Ethiopia and Pakistan is not much better. In many countries, gender disparities remain large only for those who are poor. In both India and Pakistan, while boys and girls from the top income quantile participate in school at similar rates, there is a gender gap of almost five years in the bottom income quantile.

Beyond the poor, gender gaps remain particularly large for groups for whom ethnicity, geographical distance, and other factors (such as disability or sexual orientation) compound gender inequality. Almost two-thirds of out-of school girls globally belong to ethnic minority groups in their own countries. The illiteracy rate among indigenous women in Guatemala stands at 60 per cent, 20 points above indigenous men and twice the rate of non-indigenous women. For these severely disadvantaged groups - which can be pockets of disadvantage or entire swaths of countries or regions - none of the forces that favor educating girls and young women are working. So, the growth in aggregate income may not be broad-based enough to benefit poor households. Market signals are muted because economic opportunities for women do not expand much or because other barriers - such as exclusion caused by ethnicity, race, or caste - get in the way of accessing those opportunities.

In agriculture and entrepreneurship, large and significant gender disparities in access to inputs (including land and credit) and in asset ownership are at the root of the gender productivity gap. Indeed, yield differences for female and male farmers disappear altogether when access to productive inputs is taken into account. Differences in access to inputs may be further compounded by differences in the availability of "market time," as noted above, which can make the same investment less productive for women than for men.

In much of the world, women have less input than men in decision making in their households, in their communities, and in their societies. Consider women's underrepresentation in formal politics, especially in its upper reaches. Fewer than one-fifth of all cabinet positions is held by women. And women's lack of representation extends to the judiciary and labor unions.

These patterns do not change much as countries get richer. The share of women parliamentarians increased only from 10 per cent to 17 per cent between 1995 and 2009.

Sometimes service delivery institutions fail, for young girls and women during childbirth. Other times markets do not work well, with results that are worse for women, as illustrated by evidence of discrimination in both labor and credit markets. Often reinforcing these market failures, however, are formal institutions that treat women and men differently. Laws and regulations can constrain women's agency and opportunities more than those of men, as when women and men have different ownership rights, or when restrictions are placed on hours and sectors of work for women but not for men. Where credit and labor markets already discriminate, such unequal laws and regulations can accentuate the problem. Unequal treatment may also manifest itself more indirectly through biased service delivery, as is the case for agriculture extension services. Here, institutional bias and market structure (with women underrepresented in nonfood crops that are often the target of extension services) reinforce and even deepen inequalities.

Addressing gender gaps in human capital endowments - excess female mortality at specific periods of the life cycle and pockets of gender disadvantage in education - requires fixing the institutions that deliver public services. Providing basic services in a timely manner to expectant mothers and improving the availability of clean water and sanitation to households will go a long way to closing the gender gaps in excess mortality.

Education services need to focus on improving access for the significant population groups that are currently disadvantaged by poverty, ethnicity, caste, race, or geography. Such a focus will help address the "gender inequality traps" that affect the poor and excluded in society.

Improving the delivery of maternal care is hard, but it can be done - even at relatively low incomes, as Sri Lanka and Malaysia show. From more than 2,000 per 100,000 births in the 1930s, the maternal mortality ratio in Sri Lanka fell to about 1,000 by 1947, and then halved to less than 500 in the next three years. By 1996, it had fallen to 24. In Malaysia, it halved from 534 over the seven years from 1950 to 1957. Then, with a halving every decade or so, it came down to 19 by 1997.

To overcome the range of institutional obstacles that hampers the effective workings of health systems, Sri Lanka and Malaysia adopted integrated and phased approaches. And they did this with modest total public expenditures on health - 1.8 per cent of gross domestic product, on average, since the 1950s.

Health programs in both countries exploited synergistic interactions of health care with basic education, water and sanitation, malaria control, and integrated rural development - including building rural roads, which helped deal with obstetric emergencies. Financial, geographic, and cultural barriers to maternal care were addressed by ensuring a front line of competent, professional midwives widely available in rural areas, providing them with a steady supply of drugs and equipment, linking them to back-up services, and improving communication and transportation. Simultaneously, facilities were strengthened to provide obstetric care and deal with complications.

Better organizational management improved the supervision and accountability of the providers. Area specific mortality data were provided through monitoring systems so that empowered communities could hold political leaders accountable and national and sub national actors were forced to recognize the unacceptability of every maternal death. Finally, both countries were strongly committed to improving the status of women: women gained voting rights before or soon after national independence, and female education received special attention.

[url]http://www.weeklycuttingedge.com/women01.htm[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Affirmative action undermines equality[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

By:Nadia Khawaja Thursday, 21 Mar 2013

[CENTER][B]Is creating quotas for women in parliament advancing gender equality?
[/B][/CENTER]

As the elections draw closer, the nation continues to speculate on a number of issues ranging from the democratic future of the country to the management of the energy crisis. I would like to draw attention to a matter involving the structure of politics in Pakistan, specifically the policies governing the appointment of women to the national and provincial assemblies. As per Article 51 of the constitution, 60 out of the 342 seats in the National Assembly must be reserved for women. Similarly, 17 percent of the total number of seats in the four provincial assemblies must also be set aside for women, guaranteeing their participation in national politics. The creation of such a quota, known as affirmative action, is a policy instituted by the government/legislative body to ensure the participation and inclusion of minority groups in society. Affirmative action policies are preceded by the recognition that the group in question is marginalised and discriminated against and they seek to level the playing field by creating quotas to guarantee inclusion. While the involvement of women in politics is most definitely a positive thing, one cannot help but wonder whether the establishment of a quota is counterproductive and reaffirms the subordinate position of women in society, as they need crutches from the government to access positions of power. In an attempt to promote equality by force, affirmative action undermines the principles of democratic election and women’s efforts to achieve real equality. The election of women is often cast into doubt, with people tempted to ask, “Is the woman really outstanding or is she riding the coat tails of misguided social policy?”

Any policy that systematically separates one group of people from another contravenes the principles of equality as it reinforces difference—separating ‘women’s seats’ from ‘general seats’ is claiming that women are indeed the social ‘other’, a subgroup of the male public. Instead of focusing on meritocracy and their validity as politicians, people are drawn to their gender and as a ‘minority group’ they are held to a different standard than men. Affirmative action sends a negative message to the people it was designed to help. The message it sends is: your position is the result of one group’s machinations against you; you are not completely responsible for your own performance; you are a victim and therefore the assurance of your equality will be provided by a higher power i.e. the government via the constitution. Specifying quotas can be seen as an attempt to create a politically correct parliament as it conceals the potential bias against women that could surface if a definite number of seats were not assigned to them. For example, 72 women were members of the national assembly before it was dissolved. This means only 12 women were elected on general seats as opposed to 260 men, highlighting the real struggle women are facing. 72 is a somewhat decent number that inspires hope, 12 serves us the bleak reality and reminds us gender equality is an urgent cause.

Getting female bodies into formal political spaces is only a part of what it takes to engender democracy. In this case, the end does not justify the means, as the ‘strategy’ through which women are elected has a direct impact on the way they are perceived. In their paper “Democratising Democracy: Feminist Perspectives”, Andrea Cornwall and Annie Marie Goetz argue that “much of the focus on the debate of engendering democracy has been on how to insert women into existing democratic structures, with an emphasis primarily on formal political institutions.” Yet, affirmative action only offers a temporary and superficial solution to women’s alienation from the political sphere and it allows the government to be comfortable with a gender-biased society as it has devised a way for statistics to appear otherwise. We need to focus on bringing about changes in political and social systems that make them genuinely inclusive, where 72 women or more can enter the National Assembly through general election. The assumption that democracy can be made more inclusive by creating ‘a reserve of women’ in parliament tends to advantage sex difference over other factors shaping interests and political skills. In addition, women’s seats are filled by assigning seats for parties’ own female nominees in proportion to the seats they have won. This is often seen as a tactic for parties to boost their own majorities and it decentralizes the woman making her selection an extension of her party’s victory only.

Proponents of affirmative action claim that it is impractical not to maintain a quota for women as they are nowhere near achieving the equal status that is required for being able to contest in direct elections. Many argue that the participation of women and by extension, their morale will reach an all time low if reserved seats are abolished. The truth is that an equal, democratic society will never be actualised in a country where women are treated and labeled as a subgroup of men. Affirmative action has never proved to be a long term solution—many colleges that practiced it in 70’s to mitigate racial bias eventually dropped it after students of color protested that they wanted to be accepted for their qualifications, not identity politics. We should strive for a society where women are elected to parliament because they are worthy politicians and not just for the sake of fulfilling a quota.

The writer is a staff member of Pakistan Today and holds a degree from Mount Holyoke College.

[url]http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013/03/21/comment/columns/affirmative-action-undermines-equality/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]The changing faces of liberalism[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

By:Nadia Khawaja

[B][CENTER]Women should wear whatever they want to[/CENTER][/B]

The controversy about the politicization of dress surfaced two years ago, following the French Government’s decision to ban the burqa in public places. The Liberals of the world were left divided as they engaged in heated debates about the principles of liberty and the freedoms of religion and expression. Many argued that such a ban violated the fundamental doctrine of individual freedom while others countered that the burqa in effect, inhibited the emancipation of women and served as a tool of sexist domination. Islamic scholars also offered their opinions on the validity of face covering—Dalil Boubakeur, the grand mufti of the Paris Mosque, issued that the niqab was not prescribed in Islam while the Jamaat-e-Islami held religious protests in Karachi, turning an important ideological discussion into a technical religious matter. Whether Islam orders women to cover their faces is of little significance in a debate that is essentially about the freedom of choice.

Issuing legal restrictions over any kind of dress is the government’s way of discreetly exercising power and control over individuals. Defining the parameters of an acceptable dress code is patriarchal society’s attempt to maintain uniformity; such regulations perpetuate a culture where anyone who dares to be different is treated as a social pariah or deviant. The defining element of fundamentalism, religious or other kinds, is intolerance towards difference and strict adherence to a specific set of principles. If one of the primary arguments against the Islamic concept of purdah is that it symbolizes the subservience of women as it is enforced upon them through the threat of God’s condemnation, then isn’t banning the burqa or coercing women not to wear it, based on a similar ideology of suppression? Here, God is replaced by The Law which upheld via the threat of punishment and social disapproval. Religious fundamentalists classify values and beliefs as beyond question, subsequently placing them in the realm of the Absolute. Deeming an article of clothing as necessarily oppressive and banning it altogether stems from the same branch of absolutist logic.

The argument that the philosophical underpinnings of the burqa convey the fear of female visibility in the public sphere and by extension, the destabilization of patriarchal authority, genuinely threatening advances in women’s rights made over the past century, is undoubtedly a strong one. Put simply, the burqa conveys the idea that women have to carry the burden of morality in society. Yet, are we to promote the active suppression of choice to rally against a supposed symbol of suppression? I think not. Liberalism stands for a state in which humans are free and equal, so that any limitation of this freedom and equality stands in need of justification. J.S Mill’s classic statement on freedom dictates that where no one else is harmed, a person’s right to self-determination is unconditional. As Mill had it “The only part of the conduct of any one, for which he is amenable to society is that which concerns others. In the part which merely concerns himself, his independence is, of right, absolute.” The Western world’s alienation from Islamic culture allows them to stereotype the burqa as inevitably oppressive while the fact is that some women actively choose to cover themselves and strange as it may seem, find it empowering. The burqa is a dangerous tool of repression where it is made compulsory as is the case in many parts of Saudi Arabia, however the principle of obligation and enforcement stands in breach of liberalism more acutely than the dress itself. In a culture such as ours, it is difficult determine whether a woman has chosen to cover herself or whether she is being forced to do so. As the prominent American philosopher, Martha Nussbaum, argues, choices are distorted by “adaptation to (and even eroticisation of) a state of affairs in which men’s desire for control governs the course of life.” Yet, in circumstances in which women explicitly say they want to be covered, head to toe, skepticism about their choices does seem like a curiously illiberal direction for liberalism to head in. Sure, we can try to change another person’s mind, but we cannot coerce or harass them on matters which can reasonably be called private, even if it goes against what the majority in the community feel is ‘right’. It is important to differentiate between ‘speaking as a woman’ and ‘speaking for women’ as the first type of discourse is based on the principle of essentialism which presupposes that all women have similar needs, desires and opinions. The ban on the burqa epitomizes ‘speaking for women’ by perpetuating the idea that the burqa is oppressive for all women and must be prohibited, undermining personal choice and the right to self-determination. Former French president Nicholas Sarkozy’s statement that the “the burqa is not a sign of religion, it is a sign of subservience” is reminiscent of a fundamentalist’s proclamation that a bikini is surely an indication of immodesty. What is missing in such discourses on modesty and oppression is the voice of the wearer, the woman, the one who should ultimately decide what, if anything, her clothes stand for.

The attempt to regulate how women adorn their bodies is a way of strengthening patriarchal authority. As a feminist, liberal and a woman, but more so, as a human being, I believe that my body belongs only to me. While I do not advocate the burqa or support any other symbolic manifestation of oppression, I do believe that women have a right to choose to wear the burqa - or whatever else they wish to wear.

The writer is a staff member of Pakistan Today and holds a degree from Mount Holyoke College.

[url]http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/columns/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Protecting women from domestic abuse[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

By Samira ShacklePublished:
March 31, 2013

Last week, I visited the Acid Survivors Foundation in Islamabad. Acid attacks, in which acid or other corrosive substances are thrown at someone, with the intent to disfigure, are a particularly brutal form of gender-based violence. And it is, on the large, gender based. While men are occasionally attacked, the vast majority of the victims are women and the vast majority of perpetrators are men. A significant proportion of cases take place within the context of domestic violence. In the last two years, aided in part by the Oscar-winning documentary Saving Face, as well as by the tireless efforts of committed lawmakers and activists, awareness of acid attacks has risen sharply. But, as the co-director of the Acid Survivors Foundation told me last week, acid attacks may be the most horrific form of gender-based violence, they are certainly not the most prevalent. Indeed, campaigners say that it is impossible to take serious steps forward on eliminating acid violence without tackling the broader issue of domestic, gender-based violence alongside it.
The Merriam-Webster dictionary defines domestic violence as “the inflicting of physical injury by one family or household member on another; also: a repeated or habitual pattern of such behaviour.” Usually, though not always, this is violence by men against women. A 1999 report by Human Rights Watch estimated that somewhere between 70 and 90 per cent of women in Pakistan will suffer some form of spousal abuse. An academic study in 2007 found that 5,000 women die every year in domestic incidents, while thousands more are killed or maimed. At the most extreme end of the spectrum are acid attacks, burnings, and honour killings. But at the other end are beatings which do not require hospitalisation, psychological torment, and other forms of daily abuse. For many women, this is the norm, and they have nowhere to run to. In general, people at all levels of the criminal justice system view domestic violence as a private matter that does not belong in the courts. The police frequently respond to such complaints by encouraging the two parties to reconcile, rather than arresting and investigating the perpetrator. The few women who are examined by doctors, as part of a criminal investigation, face scepticism from physicians who should be neutral.

There is no real impetus for the police, lawyers and doctors to change the way they view domestic violence, because Pakistani law does not criminalise it. In 2009, the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Bill was passed unanimously by the National Assembly. Supported by President Asif Ali Zardari and the prime minister at the time, Yousaf Raza Gilani, it defined domestic violence as “all intentional acts of gender-based or other physical or psychological abuse committed by an accused against women, children or other vulnerable persons, with whom the accused person is or has been in a domestic relationship.” However, the bill lapsed after the Senate failed to pass it within the required three months. It was opposed by Islamist parties in the upper house, some of whom had been urged to do so by ministers who privately disagreed with the bill. The Council of Islamic Ideology said that the bill would increase the number of divorces and said that the punishments laid out in the bill were already enacted by other laws.

In 2012, it was tabled again and it looked as if it was going to be passed. But, despite the tireless efforts of female MNAs like Yasmeen Rehman and Attiya Inayatullah to win over the support of the religious right, these parties continued to oppose the law change. The Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) said that the domestic violence bill undermined Islamic values, and “promote[d] western culture”. They were not alone. “We cannot let the government legalise anti-Islamic values in the name of so-called rhetoric of women’s emancipation,” said Qari Hanif Jalandhry, a cleric with Wafaq-ul-Madaris Al-Arabia Pakistan. The deadlock persisted and the law was not passed, except in Islamabad Capital Territory.

Why does this matter? As women activists pointed out, it was a relatively soft bill, carrying sentences ranging from just three months to three years. On top of this, there is the fact that a raft of pro-women legislation introduced in recent years frequently goes unenforced due to a lack of accountability and entrenched misogynistic attitudes at ground level. However, these factors do not change the fact that the law is an important point from which to start. Defining something as a crime takes it out of the private sphere and into the public one. It is no longer something to be dealt with quietly behind closed doors, but is recalibrated as an appropriate matter for the police and the courts to investigate. Defining what is right and what is wrong by law is a vital means by which a society says what is acceptable and what isn’t. For many women, domestic abuse is such a normal feature of daily life as to be unremarkable. Criminalising such violence would not change attitudes and eliminate it overnight, but it would give some basis from which to change the attitudes of both battered women and their abusers. There is something inherently flawed about the logic of the JUI-F and other right-wing religious groups tying domestic abuse to Islamic values. A higher instance of domestic violence may be noted in traditional, patriarchal societies, but this does not mean that it should be defended as some form of religious freedom.

The election campaign is heating up. Given that women are an under-represented group at the ballot box, it seems unlikely that any of the major parties will include a commitment on gender-based violence in their manifestos. But make no mistake — this is not a personal issue, it is a political one. A 2011 Thomson Reuters survey ranked Pakistan as the third-most dangerous country in the world for women, after Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo. We can only hope that the next parliament builds upon the progress already made and makes serious efforts to work against this silent menace.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 1st, 2013.

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Eradicating poverty through women empowerment
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Riaz Missen

The UNDP’s Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) report of the outgoing year claims achieving remarkable results worldwide vis-à-vis reducing extreme poverty, enhancing primary school enrolment of girls and bringing down child and maternal mortality but equally highlights the challenge ahead: “Lack of safe sanitation hampering progress in health and nutrition, biodiversity loss continues apace, and greenhouse gas emissions continue to pose a major threat to people and ecosystems”.

The report, which carried on its title page the photograph female brick-kiln workers, said the economic slowdown in the developed world must not be allowed to decelerate or reverse the progress that has been made. Terming eradication of inequality and pressing on food security, gender equality, maternal health, rural development, infrastructure and environmental sustainability, and responses to climate change as the longstanding goals, it emphasizes on the role of governments, civil society and private sector in this regard.

Even governments around the world achieve the targets set for 2015, more than 600 million people will still be using unsafe drinking water, one billion living under and around poverty line, mothers continuing to die needlessly in childbirth, and children suffering and dyeing from preventable diseases.
Ban Ki-moon, the Secretary General UN, noted in the preface of the report that eradicating hunger and ensuring that all children complete their primary education were the targets that remained unfulfilled. “Achieving the MDGs depends so much on women’s empowerment and equal access by women to education, work, health care and decision-making,” he added while pointing out unevenness of progress within countries and regions, and the severe inequalities among populations, especially between rural and urban areas.
Pakistan may not be standing at par with many developing countries, which are fortunate enough to have peaceful neighborhood and have no ideological burdens to carry. Still, what has been done here amidst all the chaos and anarchy following the War on Terror, both on its western border and its soil, is nothing less than miraculous.

Those most amazing aspect of Islamabad’s efforts vis-à-vis eradicating extreme poverty from its soil, though the funds and resources dedicated to this cause are far lesser than rooting out militancy, constitutes adopting the strategy to this end suggested by UN Secretary General. During last five years has shown enough progress on empowering women as a means to achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

The political leadership of the country, which had jointly struggled to restore democracy through peaceful means, also took care of the people duly affected by international economic recession and the War on Terror through establishing Benazir Income Support Program (BISP) as an independent authority - patronized by President and Prime Minister and managed by a high powered Board headed by its Chairperson -through the Act of the Parliament in 2010.

Dedicating its social safety net to a female political leader, who was assassinated by extremists, gave a clear message to the world, in and around, that political leadership across the divide was as united in favor of the underprivileged section of the society as it was opposed to religious extremism. More, the program is also being led by a female politician, Farzana Raja, who has earned lot of praise as well as assistance from international donors for running the program efficiently and honestly - she is spending only 30% available resources on running the administration.

BISP conducted countrywide Poverty Survey/Census for the first time and collected the data of 27 million households. The poverty census completed in record time of one year across all Pakistan including Azad Jammu & Kashmir, Gilgit-Baltistan and FATA. The allocation for the financial year 2012-13 is Rs 70 billion to provide cash assistance to 5.5 million families, which constitutes almost 18% of the entire population. The Program aims to cover almost 40% of the population below the poverty line. Recently the Asian Development Bank (ADB) has agreed to give BISP $200 million to bring the left-outs into its social safety net.

More than 7 million beneficiary families have been identified through Poverty Scorecard Survey for disbursing Rs1000/month through ‘branchless banking system’ (Smart Card, Mobile Phone, and Debit Card). Called as Martial Plan and having focus on poverty alleviation through empowering the women, more than Rs146 billion has been disbursed to the deserving and needy of the country with complete transparency in about 4 years time through the elected representatives of the people, regardless of their party affiliation.

To make people independent financially rather than perpetually depending on government support, BISP is providing interest free loans up to Rs 300,000 to help recipients set up small businesses. The most striking feature of this program is that the female beneficiary is the sole owner/proprietor of the business and the counseling, monitoring and training for starting the business is provided through Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund (PPAF).

A total of 10,000 young males and females have been trained and another 20,000 are currently undergoing training. The target is to train 150,000 students every year. Pakistan is also providing through its social safety net insurance cover of Rs.100, 000 in the case of the death of the bread earner of the poor family registered with the authority. With a view that health shocks are the major reason for pushing people below the poverty line, Rs25000 health insurance is being provided to the poorest families for the first time in Pakistan. Pilot phase has been launched from Faisalabad.

Finally, as the Poverty Survey had indicated, millions of poor children never attend any school due to financial limitations. Waseela-e-Taleem Program has been initiated with generous help of the World Bank and DFID, to send 3 million children to school through additional cash incentives of Rs.200 per child. “The BISP was designed to alleviate the poverty through empowerment of women in the country, and, in addition, it is helping to materialize the dream of making Pakistan a welfare state,” a top official of the BISP says, adding that the work of 15 years has been done in just four-and-a-half years, and if the program continues for other 10 years, it would help reduce poverty across Pakistan by 10 per cent.

[url]http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/40/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Women in Islam

Muhammad Uzair Niazi[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

A woman is an important part of the society, with different duties as a mother, sister, daughter, and wife. Before the emergence of Islam, women were treated in a different way. New born girls were buried right after their birth. Islam emerged as a beacon of light, where women rights were secured and their position was strengthen in the society.

Islam ignited the light of rights and abolished all the dark practices and strengthened the position of women in the society, by associating paradise under the feet of mother, guaranteed a paradise to father who has brought up his daughters with the essence of love, guaranteed paradise to husband who gives care and respect to his wife, and associated sister to get the share in inheritance. Islam gave the women a life equipped with different rights, and both Quran and Hadith clearly mention about the rights of women.

Holy prophet P.B.U.H said, “Among you the most respectable is the one who respects women and the most disrespectable is the one who disrespect the women.” This instruction of the Holy prophet (PBUH) reflects the ground respect and honor for women in Islam. At present the women in our society are facing different problems, with different natures.

The main reason behind these problems is the illiterate society with a weak knowledge about the rights of women that Islam has assigned. Islam has stressed on the rights of women more than any other religion in the world and gave the rights to women before many centuries which one can expect in this modern world.

The rights of women can be further classified in to social, economic, legal, and political. When we talk about the social rights of women, the Holy Prophet P.B.U.H said “Education is mandatory for men and women”. This Hadith reflects that seeking education is not compulsory only for men, but a woman has also the same right to acquire education. There is no gender discrimination in Islam, and emphasizes on the proper deliverance of women rights. During the time of Holy Prophet P.B.U.H women use to come to mosques for getting education and offering prayers. Islam has given the right to a women to present her consent, as a Hadith reflects this point in a very proper way, as once a lady came to Holy prophet P.B.U.H and said that she was forcefully married by her father and she is not happy with her husband, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) dissolved her marriage and emphasized for marring couples by their consent.

This Hadith reflects that the consent of the females is very much important before the marriage. This problem has mounted in the society, as the mostly the women consent is bypassed before marriage. The parents can play an active role by eliminating this practice. Before the advent of Islam there was no concept of inheritance for women. Islam paved the path for women inheritance. Women have the half share of the inheritance as to men in their parent’s property. Islam also lays down stress that a wife has the right to get dower from her husband before starting a matrimonial relation.

On the other hand the husband has the right to give dower to his wife at the time of marriage. It is the duty of the men to fulfill all the needs of women that are considered as the needs of her life. Islam gives women the right to seek employment in order to spend her life properly. If a woman wants to enter in to the job spheres, then she has the right to do so. But if woman is not willing to do a job, then no force must be excreted in order to make her work.

Women enjoy a legal status in the legal and political securities. In the context of law, she is equal as that of men. Islam has given the right of vote to women, as they have the right to vote according to their own choice and will. Hazrat Muhammad PBUH use to consult Hazrat Khadija R.A and Hazrat Ayesha (RA) on various issues, and take their point of view. This means that Hazrat Muhammad (PBUH) gave much importance to them and respects their point of view.

It can be rightly said that Islam has equipped the women with social, economical, political, and legal rights. We have forgotten the teachings of Islam, and are not giving equal rights to our women. This has created a situation where the exploitation is done by making them suppressed. Women have the right to have a better access to justice, as at present it is seen that women’s rights are violated every now and then. Islam encapsulates the rights of women in a proper way.

In Islam women enjoys a better position to live their life in a proper way, but our society has bypassed all these teachings regarding the rights of women and has formulated very rigid practices.

These actions have disturbed the social fragment of our society. Being a Muslim it is our duty to establish a deep insight on the women’s rights, which Islam has laid down. Pakistan is a state with majority of Muslims, and Islam as prominent religion, but still our women are not being facilitated by their rights.

Violence against women is deeply rooted in our society, and is affecting our women from all fronts. They are being cornered with the mounting pressure.
They are not enjoying better access to their rights. Our background is supported through our religion as mostly we raise our voices that we follow the teachings of Islam, but in reality we are not paying heat to the rights of women given by Islam. We go for those practices that suit us a lot and are in our own interest. So as a Muslim it is our right to divert our attention towards our women, and equip them with their basic rights. This will help in achieving mile stones in our society, in regard to women rights.

[url]http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/40/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]The unending honour crimes
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[B]Increase in honour killings reflects continuation of primitive attitudes[/B][/CENTER]

eleven honour killings made their way into media reports in the first five days of the week. The reports came from regions as diverse as Abbotabad, Nawabshah, Mirpurkhas, Larkana and Peshawar. The story is the usual. Man and woman fall in love with each other, family disapproves and kills one or both claiming that it was a matter of “preserving family honour.” ‘Man kills daughter, paramour,’ ‘Man kills wife’ and ‘Man kills handicapped sister’ are the remorseless headlines that garnish the left out borders of the daily news pages. With 4,000 such honour killings reported between 1998 and 2004, it is as if honour killings no longer matter enough to require detailed investigation before reporting. One in eight of the cases did not even make it to the courts. Four lines are enough in most cases and newspapers are not sensitive enough to use pseudonyms for ‘honour crime’ victims.

If the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) reports are to be taken as a baseline indicator, then at least 943 women were killed in the name of honour in 2011. The HRCP itself warns that actual numbers were higher. Of these, the purported reasons offered were illicit relations in 595 cases and demanding to marry of own choice in 219 cases. Brothers were the murderers in 180 of the cases while husbands committed the murders in 226 cases. Only 20 women of the women attacked were reported to have been provided medical aid before they died.

The fact that such a primitive and barbaric crime continues to be committed as a duty across Pakistan suggests that the culture on the ground is not changing despite the outcry of various human rights organizations. Controlling women, curbing choice appears to be the diktat that society at large continues to wish to favour despite a law against honour killings having been passed in the year 2004, which made honour killings a crime against the State. On the ground, police officials continue to act as mediators between families and apply Diyat and Qisaas provisions to let the criminals off. In the cases that reach the courts, studies reveal courts are prone to using the “grave and sudden provocation” excuse to let the accused off. It is a known fact that the real motive behind many so-called honour crimes are disputes over property or taking revenge for an enmity but that has not changed the fact honour killings are on the rise. On the one side, this is reflective of a greater exercise of choice on the part of the new generation. On the other, it reflects the rise of extremist attitudes within society. Official discourse still only sanctions ‘rightful marriage’ as that arranged by families and the garb of Islam still shrouds the question of women’s rights in the legal statutes and Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Both law and society need a radical reform for honour killings to be curbed. It is hoped that the government is listening.

[url]http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/editorials/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Women’s role in peacekeeping

Muhammad Uzair Niazi[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

At the concluding stages of the Cold War, scores of domestic armed conflicts mounted up in different areas of the world, hence triggering gigantic bulk of today’s hostilities. Loads of these conflicts emerged in the world’s poorest nation states, where the state capability was fragile with rapid exploitation. Circumstances like this make a government incapable to convey vital needs for the public and can root a state of emergency.

Such conflicts can wipe out the performance of economy and will shift most of the population in to hot waters. Such drastic changes will play a vital role in disturbing the overall economic performance of the country, and will provide a very complex economic condition to people to begin with. Most of the male segment of the society is affected in such conflicts, as majority of them are killed, injured or displaced by such conflicts.

These situations make women to take on additional responsibilities, in order to uplift their family structure. By tradition, women and girls have less admittance than men to education, skills and credit and fewer prospects for employment. Populace in post-conflict situations mainly women and children are predominantly exposed to sexual exploitation and violence. By keeping in view all these conditions, the United Nations Security Council issued a resolution on Women Peace and Security on October 31, 2000. The declaration reaffirms the significant function of women in maintaining and promoting harmony and safekeeping. Particular procedures must be provided in order to guard women and girls from gender-based violence mainly rape and other forms of sexual abuse during armed conflicts. In the past, the practice of peacekeeping begins in 1948 when the first UN military onlookers were deployed to the Middle East.

The peacekeeping missions played a very vital role in different parts of the world, and became the need of the hour as they were the basic ingredient of peace in any conflict oriented situation. The overall international environment has transformed with the passage of time, and as result resulted in peacekeeping operations from different countries. At present many countries of the world are playing a vital role in UN peacekeeping missions, especially women from different countries are vibrantly participating in these missions.

Pakistani women have also played a key role in different peacekeeping missions throughout the world. Presence of more women in peacekeeping forces conveys the message that peace building is the combined responsibility of men and women. Women in the peacekeeping missions play a very important role in stabilizing the overall conflicted environment. Women peacekeepers play a vital role in building a liaison with the community especially with the women. After the induction of women in peacekeeping missions, different problems related to women were solved, as they proved to be a helping hand in such difficult situations.

Women are also the part of the society, and they are also equipped with different solutions that are helpful for the society, so it is important that they must be streamlined in the peacekeeping process in order to achieve peace and harmony with in a conflicted economy. There are countless issues that women prefer to share with only women, so the presence of women peacekeeping forces help in building a strong bond between women of a conflicted country. Pakistan’s involvement in peacekeeping missions in war-affected countries are noteworthy and an inspiring contribution for maintaining of harmony in the world. Women from Pakistan are having dedication towards maintaining peace and paving the way for a better future, during such peace missions.

Female peacekeepers are an equipped imperative as they act as role models in the local environment, inspiring women and girls in often male-dominated societies to move forward for their own rights and for chipping in peace processes. The existence of women help in improving the following areas like empowering women in the host society, escalating the network of information gathering, interviewing survivors of gender-based aggression and interacting with women in societies where women are banned from speaking to men.

The existence of women peacekeepers can also assist to lessen clashes and conflicts, look up access and support for local women, authorize women in the society, and offer an enhanced sense of safety to local population. Function of female peacekeepers comprises analysis of human trafficking, gender based violence, child abuse; mental support and safeguard victims of rape, mental illness and other victims.

The role of women in peacekeeping holds a great importance, as they are able to ensure peace within a society and make stronger the linkage between gender equality and peace. Female peacekeepers have the ability to perform better in different situations of policing. Female police officers in peace missions are also a source of motivation and support for all women. Women in peace making are a growing force, so it is important the women police officers from Pakistan must be encouraged to join peacekeeping missions.
This will help in building a positive image of the country, and will also help in providing an international exposure to our women police officials.

The government must pay heat to this area, so that the percentage of women must get increased in the peacekeeping missions throughout the world.

[url]http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/40/[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"][COLOR="Magenta"]Patriarchal ‘benefactors’

By:Nadia Khawaja [/COLOR][/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]

[CENTER][B]South Asian states continue to present women as ‘dependants’[/B][/CENTER]

The State has often appeared as a central figure through which discourses about South Asian women are created and understood with the passing of time. Women’s identity and positionality within a state is reflected in its policies which either re-affirm or seek to modify societal notions about gender. On many occasions, women’s issues are annexed by wider government policies, presenting women as residual victims in a schema over which they have very little control. The attitude of South Asian states towards women has evolved with changing socio-political regimes such as movements towards secularism, partition along religious lines and the appearance of influential non state actors like feminist groups.

The essentially male political culture of South Asia can be traced back to the Mughal Era when elite masculinity was synonymous with public relationships of power and control-over knowledge, over material commodities and over women. The wall of the Royal harem became symbolic for the separation between the male and female worlds and men exercised power through a literal and bodily rejection of feminine behaviors. However, a close inspection of the early Mughal history reveals the active participation of women in the political and social arena. A striking example of women’s participation in politics is Maham Anga, Emperor Akbar’s fourth prime minister and wet nurse who held charge of the royal household and state administration. Similarly, Emperor Jehangir’s wife Nur Jehan practically ruled over the Kingdom and edicts were issued under her authority. It is interesting to note that Maham Anga’s “manliness became the cause of her undoing” as noted by Mriducchanda Palit in an article titled Powers Behind The Throne as her willful behavior that allowed her to establish control was seen as “aggressive” by the patriarchal state and she was eventually asked to step down. Palit explains that female figures of authority “worked primarily for the benefit of the male figures around whom they orbited,” and “even when they were seated next to the throne… they moved in the shadow of it’s male occupant.”

The configuration of States as patriarchal protectors of women meant that they operated on agendas that promoted the interests of the State as opposed to the actual welfare of women. After the partition of India and Pakistan both states made efforts to recover missing women and restore them to their families. However, the resistance of many women to return to their original families was ignored and their children were treated like ‘war babies,’ presenting the state as “an abductor” forcibly removing adult women from their homes. The recovery of women became entwined with the establishment of India as a responsible and civilized state able to reclaim what was by rights its own, projecting women’s bodies as properties of the State. In addition, the relation of the abducted woman to national honor invested her with the full responsibility of upholding community honor and essentialised her as a helpless victim of a national dispute.

The State’s role as a ‘giver of values’ through drafting/implementation of legislation allows it to regulate gender identities and practices. The constitutional framework in South Asian countries is based upon the varying markers of a distinct national identity such as religion and language. The struggle of the Indian nation to define itself as a secular state in opposition to an Islamic Pakistan, is exemplified by the highly popular Shahbano case whose judgment served to claim “a society of equals between men and women”. The decision of the court for Shahbano to be provided maintenance by her former husband reflected its struggle to thwart the “injustice done to women in all religions” yet it was eclipsed by the larger concern of national integration. Shahbano’s rejection of the court’s decision in favor of Islamic Law goes to show her characterization as a “pawn” through which powerful masculine institutions such played their various games of honor and shame. The specific description of the ‘woman as wife’ in this case shows how states reaffirm the language which describes women in relation to a masculine subject.

The manner in which the State enacts and exercises various policies has a significant impact on the life of women. Structuring Pakistan as an Islamic Republic, with religion as the unifying principle of national identity, allowed the State to promote norms of behavior that controlled female apparel and conduct in the public sphere. Islamisation policies depicted women primarily as wives and mothers, removing them from the visible public sphere which became exclusively masculine. In contrast, Bangladesh came into existence on the basis of a separate Bengali identity and the mannerisms of the women were symbolic of a ‘cultural difference’ which gave them more freedom “to perform in public”. Although political analyst Naila Kabeer argues that while the secular stance taken by the Bengali State provided greater agency for women, she admits that such a policy became a “weapon for Zia’s political ambition.” The insistence of foreign benefactors such as the United Nations provoked Bangladesh to promote women’s welfare, as a result the “number of parliamentary seats reserved for women was doubled to 30” allowing women to actively participate in the political arena. However, there was a gap between “public declaration” and practice apparent in the “gross inadequacy of public sector funding for women’s programmes” (Kabeer 129) suggesting that the government was only using women to gain political capital. Strategies such as reserving seats for women pose a threat as they present a false notion of improved conditions for women, allowing the patriarchal state to exploit women for their own vested interests. Many of the Bangladeshi state’s projects targeted towards women’s rehabilitation have a preoccupation with female virtue reiterating the conservative societal expectations of women.

Legislation on the property rights of women has served as a signifier of the degree of agency and control granted to women within respective states. The opposition of most Congress leaders to the Hindu Code Bill, on the grounds that it subverted “the dependant position,” constructed women as the ‘other’ in the struggle for Indian nationalism. The Hindu Women’s Right to Property Act 1937 did not apply to agricultural land, excluding women from the capitalist economy and reinstating their position as financial dependants. In Nepal, women can only inherit as daughters if unmarried and over thirty five. In some cases, such as Pakistan, the state has taken corrective measures to remove ‘gender disabilities’ in inheritance laws. The position of women’s groups and stances of urban-educated women to demonstrate outside the assembly chambers, speak on public forums and access leadership positions, has largely contributed to the generally improved inheritance rights women enjoy today. The struggle of women’s groups against the laws mandated by the state present the latter as a phallocratic institution lacking female representation.

The emergence of the State as the most constitutive site of contestation for Indian feminists prevents it from being viewed as a neutral actor. The support of patriarchal and upper caste and majoritarian religious interests has allowed it to be constructed as an opponent to marginalized groups such as women. In contests against the state, especially in the case of Phoolan Devi, the bandit queen turned politician, the official discourse excluded gender issues of any significance. The governance of the State by a predominantly male hierarchy, allowed it to depict Phoolan Devi as a “hysterical woman” as opposed to a “successful female outlaw.” The terms of Phoolan Devi’s surrender signified the threat of embarrassment the Indian State faced on being unable to capture her. The paternalistic manner of their dealings symbolized the state’s view of women as unequal opponents, preventing women from subverting stereotypical gender roles.

With the changing global climate of increased public visibility and emancipation, The South Asian states are making efforts to open up different social arenas for women. However, women’s issues often appear as a facade that the state uses to promote its own political or economic agendas. The constitution of the state as a patriarchal protector allows it to regenerate normative ideas about femininity, placing women in traditional private spheres. Despite, the emergence of women in politics and new legislation that grants them greater agency, South Asian states largely operate within a patriarchal discourse that presents women as dependants of powerful masculine institutions.

The writer is a staff member of Pakistan Today and holds a degree from Mount Holyoke College.

- See more at: [url]http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013/04/19/comment/columns/patriarchal-benefactors/#sthash.foB49Hiw.dpuf[/url]

[CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="5"]Feminism and Islam

By:Nadia Khawaja [/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER]


[CENTER][B]An analysis of two different points of view
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In their works titled “Women in the Muslim Unconscious” and “Quran and the Woman” Fatna Sabbah and Amina Wadud respectively present contrasting opinions on the roles and depiction of women in Islam. They use the key source of information, the Quran, to validate their arguments. Sabbah suggests that women become ‘objects of religious discourse’ as the bulk of Quranic scripture is addressed to men, forming a power structure in which men regulate and enforce divine law over women. This results from an essential discrepancy between the sacred and the biological analysis of events, and as each occurrence is predetermined by God, women’s natural capacity to give birth and thus be responsible for the expansion of the human race, is undermined. Wadud conversely proposes that the Quran, except on a few occasions, addresses both men and women. According to her, the traditional interpretations of the Quran are shaped by the social/cultural notions of gender, which are separate from the actual content of the religious text. Moreover, the Quran is meant for all mankind and has a “natural adaptive nature of interpretation” meaning that no single explanation is ‘definitive’.

Sabbah suggests that Islam is based on a hierarchal structure of relationships where God has exclusive control over mankind and the male being takes precedence over the female being. Her principal argument relies on the fact that the scripture portrays women to be objects of gratification for men. ‘The existence of God is rooted in the very existence of man’ – the sacred discourse implies that God is omnipotent, attributing the creation of man solely to God’s will and therefore eradicating the woman’s importance in the process of procreation. In fact, Sabbah notes that as per the Islamic rendition of the Adam and Eve story, woman was ‘created from’ man, reinforcing her position as the ‘other’ in Islamic society.

The concept of ‘sacred space’ stretches beyond the Earth and attaining Paradise is made out to be a believer’s ultimate goal. However, in the quest for Paradise, the element of gender inequality arises as many verses pertaining to Paradise appeal to the desires of men. The importance of the earthly woman is reduced and almost obliterated in Paradise by the introduction of the ‘houri’ or the paradisal woman solely created for the pleasure of “those of the right hand”. Sabbah points out that “nowhere in Paradise are the needs of this earthly woman taken into consideration” hence reducing the woman’s significance in the sexual discourse. “The houri is defined in physical terms” and “is created to be a sexual partner for the male believer,” reducing women in general to anatomical objects. The Quranic verses are isolated and read literally by Sabbah as she uses the verse “Enter the Garden, ye and your wives, to be made glad” to suggest that women’s fate is dependant on their husband’s virtues. However, there is a contradiction in this statement as another verse of the Quran reads “and whoso doeth good works, whether male or female, and he (or she) is a believer, such will enter paradise” stressing on the accountability of men and women as individuals.

According to Sabbah, the superiority of men is established in Islam as they are defined as the caretakers of women. Islam, by allowing polygamy or multiple marriages, “encourages the husband to make little emotional investment” and reiterates the woman’s role as a pleasure tool designed to gratify the sexual desires of male. “Mastering the woman means mastering desire” and the woman’s sexual needs are given almost no importance due to their lack of mention in the Quran.

Wadud diverges from Sabbah as she takes similar verses from the Quran and dissects their language in terms of grammar and content to show that divine law is equally applicable to both men and women. Instead of concentrating on the immediate intricacies of the text she presents the idea that “allegorical verses cannot be empirically determined” and draws attention to God’s larger scheme. Her major argument rests on the fact that the verses of the Quran, whether grammatically masculine or feminine refer to both. “Grammatically the ‘nafs’ (self) is feminine… Conceptually, ‘nafs’ is neither masculine nor feminine”. However, her case for gender neutrality in Islamic learning is laid out by comparing it to other religions such as Christianity which states that Eve was created from Adam’s rib. As the Quran excludes any verse specifically stating the aforementioned, Wadud suggests that the important factor is the creation of humanity, not a particular gender.

The crux of Wadud’s argument lies in her assertion that the Quran does not “support a specific and stereotyped role for its characters”. Hence the relations to specific women must be placed in the particular “social, cultural, and historical context” in which they are related. Wadud points out that the Prophet was situated in Arab society, hence in order for the people of the time to comprehend the message, God had to speak in a cultural context they could relate to. Hence, “the references to female characters in the Qur’an use an important cultural idiosyncrasy which demonstrates respect for women.” Women, like men are used to depict models of believers/behavior in Islam.

The relationship between God and the individual is not based on gender as there is no difference in the spiritual capacity of men and women laid out in the Quran. Instead, the distinction between believers is made on the basis of faith as the verse “Whoever does good, from male or female and is a believer, all such will enter Paradise (4:124)” clearly suggests.

Examples of believing women are given, and Wadud suggests that the derived lesson ‘transcends their femaleness’. Unlike, Sabbah’s assertion that Islam removes the significance of women from the process of procreation, Wadud uses Mary’s example in the Quran to assert the opposite. The Quran refers to Mary as ‘one of the qanitin’ (believers-masculine form) instead of the feminine plural, a fact which Wadud uses to reiterate that the teachings from the narratives in the Quran are meant for all humanity.

The discussion of Paradise is also brought up by Wadud who approaches the verses/message of the Quran in an untraditional manner. Her explanation for the verses geared towards sexual gratification of men and the existence of the ‘Hur-ul-Ayn’ (the paradisal woman) is that the Quran at the time of its revelation spoke primarily to ‘prominent patriarchs in a patriarchal society’. The later verses (revealed in the Madinan period) hardly contain any mention of such women and instead lay emphasis on ‘harmony’. However, an essential contradiction arises in Wadud’s argument as she suggests that Quran is an eternal message from God that transcends time, space, gender and social norms yet her argument asks one to contextualize the Quran. This sense of confusion arises because there is no clear indication as to when the Quran can and can not be taken out of a specific context and speak to the entire mankind instead of people in a certain historical time frame or locality.

Unlike Sabbah, Wadud views the Quran as an inclusive text that “adapts to the concept of the modern woman” and instead of giving importance to literal intricacies the “goal has been to emulate certain key principles of human development: justice, equity, harmony”. The traditional patriarchal interpretation of the Quran that suggests “a woman’s subservience to a man” has been made by readers who are situated in social systems that promote these ideals and hence they take advantage of the open-endedness of they Quran by enforcing their own value system in their explanation of it. Wadud further reads the Quran as an accommodative text that does not generalize and “negative terms” “are neither directly nor exclusively associated with women”, encouraging the reader to look at them through a multidimensional lens.

The writer is a staff member of Pakistan Today and holds a degree from Mount Holyoke College.

- See more at: [url]http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013/04/25/comment/columns/feminism-and-islam/#sthash.QEF3y2oO.dpuf[/url]

Women empowerment
 

[B][SIZE="4"]Women empowerment
[/SIZE][/B][B]By S M Hali
[/B]
[B]Women comprise more than 50 percent of Pakistan’s total population. Despite this, on an average, the situation of Pakistani women vis-à-vis men is one of systemic gender subordination, although there have been attempts by the government and enlightened groups to elevate their status in society.
[/B]
In 2012, the World Economic Forum ranked Chad, Pakistan and Yemen as the worst in their Global Gender Gap Report. Having said that, several Pakistani womenfolk, especially in the rural areas, have suffered due to atrocities, like rape, acid throwing, honour killings, forced marriages, forced prostitution, etc, which were committed on them. So, a major remedy to the problem is women empowerment.
In 1988, Benazir Bhutto became the first female Prime Minister of Pakistan, and the first woman elected to head a Muslim country. During her election campaigns, she voiced concerns over a number of women-related social issues like health and inequality. She announced plans to set up women's police stations, courts and women's development banks. She also promised to repeal the controversial Hudood laws that curtailed the rights of women. However, during her two incomplete terms in office (1988-90 and 1993-96), Benazir did not propose any legislation to improve the welfare services for women, nor was she able to repeal a single one of Ziaul Haq's draconian laws.
It was only in the last regime that landmark development in women rights' legislation and empowerment in Pakistan took place, which was commended by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and, that too, at the international level. On January 29, 2010, the President signed the ‘Protection against Harassment of Women at Workplace Bill 2009', which Parliament adopted on January 21, 2010. Two additional bills were signed into law by the President in December 2012, criminalising the primitive practices of vani, watta satta, swara and marriage to Holy Quran, which used women as tradable commodities for the settlement of disputes, in addition to life imprisonment for acid throwing.
Against this backdrop of conventional social biases, policy neglect and lack of necessary exposure, capacity and advocacy skills and women representation and empowerment needed a boost. The need of the hour is drive for change not only from the legislative corridors, but also the civil society organisations, including NGOs, media and opinion leaders, in terms of working closer with women groups and leaders. When push comes to shove, one organisation, Search For Common Ground Pakistan (SFCG)’s endeavour of national level ‘Strengthening Women Parliamentarians in Pakistan for Effective Government’ is noteworthy.
The project aims at empowering and providing an impetus to women political leaders, who can become effective advocates of the cause. It supports current women parliamentarians (provincial level), as well as aspiring women councillors, to improve the larger national population’s awareness and perception of the role of women politicians as effective decision-makers in government and to facilitate them to demonstrate their leadership abilities and dynamism in advocating on a variety of issues at the local, provincial and national levels.
The initiative calls for strategic manoeuvre and its fruition is being ensured by SFCG and Insan Foundation Trust, who jointly organised a ‘National Networking Summit’ as part of their ‘Women’s Initiative for Learning and Leadership (WILL)’ campaign to celebrate the struggles and achievements of women political leaders, especially from the Provincial Assemblies of Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan, Sindh and the Federally Administrated Tribal Areas (Fata).
It is imperative to take cognisance of the summit’s strategic objectives, which comprise: setting the context and identifying key issues and perspectives on women’s leadership at all levels of government; exploring ways of enhancing and synergising women leaders’ networks at national and provincial levels; developing an inspirational environment - with the support of women leaders, civil society, government representatives, business and opinion leaders, media and other stakeholders - to support and promote women’s leadership agenda nationwide; and raising general awareness on and advocating for women’s political participation and leadership in Pakistan.
In this milieu, there is an urgent need to proactively engage and fully support Pakistan's women political leaders, as they walk their individual and collective leadership journey, while facing numerous socio-cultural, economic and political challenges in their daily lives. The forthcoming general elections provide the nation a golden opportunity to harness the true potential of Pakistani women's competent and responsible leadership.
The writing on the wall is clear that women's political empowerment is fundamental and their socio-political leadership is inevitable, and it is hard to imagine a constructive and sustainable democratic change in Pakistan, unless women are included in the decision-making processes at all levels of governance. That per se is ‘women empowerment’.

[I]The writer is a former group captain of PAF, who also served as air and naval attaché at Riyadh. Currently, he is a columnist, analyst and host of programme Defence and Diplomacy on PTV.[/I]

[QUOTE=HASEEB ANSARI;595929][B][SIZE="4"]Women empowerment
[/SIZE][/B][B]By S M Hali
[/B]
[B]Women comprise more than 50 percent of Pakistan’s total population. Despite this, on an average, the situation of Pakistani women vis-à-vis men is one of systemic gender subordination, although there have been attempts by the government and enlightened groups to elevate their status in society.
[/B]
In 2012, the World Economic Forum ranked Chad, Pakistan and Yemen as the worst in their Global Gender Gap Report. Having said that, several Pakistani womenfolk, especially in the rural areas, have suffered due to atrocities, like rape, acid throwing, honour killings, forced marriages, forced prostitution, etc, which were committed on them. So, a major remedy to the problem is women empowerment.
In 1988, Benazir Bhutto became the first female Prime Minister of Pakistan, and the first woman elected to head a Muslim country. During her election campaigns, she voiced concerns over a number of women-related social issues like health and inequality. She announced plans to set up women's police stations, courts and women's development banks. She also promised to repeal the controversial Hudood laws that curtailed the rights of women. However, during her two incomplete terms in office (1988-90 and 1993-96), Benazir did not propose any legislation to improve the welfare services for women, nor was she able to repeal a single one of Ziaul Haq's draconian laws.
It was only in the last regime that landmark development in women rights' legislation and empowerment in Pakistan took place, which was commended by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and, that too, at the international level. On January 29, 2010, the President signed the ‘Protection against Harassment of Women at Workplace Bill 2009', which Parliament adopted on January 21, 2010. Two additional bills were signed into law by the President in December 2012, criminalising the primitive practices of vani, watta satta, swara and marriage to Holy Quran, which used women as tradable commodities for the settlement of disputes, in addition to life imprisonment for acid throwing.
Against this backdrop of conventional social biases, policy neglect and lack of necessary exposure, capacity and advocacy skills and women representation and empowerment needed a boost. The need of the hour is drive for change not only from the legislative corridors, but also the civil society organisations, including NGOs, media and opinion leaders, in terms of working closer with women groups and leaders. When push comes to shove, one organisation, Search For Common Ground Pakistan (SFCG)’s endeavour of national level ‘Strengthening Women Parliamentarians in Pakistan for Effective Government’ is noteworthy.
The project aims at empowering and providing an impetus to women political leaders, who can become effective advocates of the cause. It supports current women parliamentarians (provincial level), as well as aspiring women councillors, to improve the larger national population’s awareness and perception of the role of women politicians as effective decision-makers in government and to facilitate them to demonstrate their leadership abilities and dynamism in advocating on a variety of issues at the local, provincial and national levels.
The initiative calls for strategic manoeuvre and its fruition is being ensured by SFCG and Insan Foundation Trust, who jointly organised a ‘National Networking Summit’ as part of their ‘Women’s Initiative for Learning and Leadership (WILL)’ campaign to celebrate the struggles and achievements of women political leaders, especially from the Provincial Assemblies of Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan, Sindh and the Federally Administrated Tribal Areas (Fata).
It is imperative to take cognisance of the summit’s strategic objectives, which comprise: setting the context and identifying key issues and perspectives on women’s leadership at all levels of government; exploring ways of enhancing and synergising women leaders’ networks at national and provincial levels; developing an inspirational environment - with the support of women leaders, civil society, government representatives, business and opinion leaders, media and other stakeholders - to support and promote women’s leadership agenda nationwide; and raising general awareness on and advocating for women’s political participation and leadership in Pakistan.
In this milieu, there is an urgent need to proactively engage and fully support Pakistan's women political leaders, as they walk their individual and collective leadership journey, while facing numerous socio-cultural, economic and political challenges in their daily lives. The forthcoming general elections provide the nation a golden opportunity to harness the true potential of Pakistani women's competent and responsible leadership.
The writing on the wall is clear that women's political empowerment is fundamental and their socio-political leadership is inevitable, and it is hard to imagine a constructive and sustainable democratic change in Pakistan, unless women are included in the decision-making processes at all levels of governance. That per se is ‘women empowerment’.

[I]The writer is a former group captain of PAF, who also served as air and naval attaché at Riyadh. Currently, he is a columnist, analyst and host of programme Defence and Diplomacy on PTV.[/I][/QUOTE]

Dear Haseeb Ansari instead of posting these articles separately, do post them in respective threads under proper heading that i have started so that new comers and other members could easily find and read all the related material at one place..Regards :))

[SIZE="5"][CENTER][U][B][FONT="Georgia"]Women empowerment is necessary

Muhammad Uzair Niazi[/FONT][/B][/U][/CENTER][/SIZE]

“No nation can rise to the height of glory unless your women are side by side with you; we are victims of evil customs. It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up within the four walls of the houses as prisoners. There is no sanction anywhere for the deplorable condition in which our women have to live.” Muhammad Ali Jinnah, 1944.

Women empowerment refers largely to the development of sovereignty of option and act to shape one’s life. An empowered woman will be one who is self-assured, who decisively analyses her surroundings and put into effect power over decisions that influence her life.

The inspiration of empowerment is needed itself at every level of communal relations. By empowering women we will be in a good position to give tone to the fragile and neglected. The term women right refers to self-determination and right of women and girls of all ages. Women in Pakistan are now functioning on the post of CEO’S, GT pilot, police officers, bankers, doctors, engineer. Urban side of Pakistani is not anymore backward, as they are the part of different professions.

Urbanization add much in adopting change in Pakistani society and with change the most significant thing that happened is transformation in mentality of parents who formerly consider their daughters as burdens but now its not like that any longer and due to parents support and backup women are working side by side with men and sharing the weight of society as equivalent collaborators.

Pakistan rural areas are in clutch of so called Zamindar, Jagirdars, Feudal lords who have suppressed the rights of women and considered them as their possessions. Rural women are working in fields along with men and doing all household work but despite of all the sacrifices and contribution she carries no right and has no share in anything and her life remain property of men who are dominant member of society.

Women in rural areas of Pakistan are in a different condition. May be there are 10 percent of women enjoying their rights the remaining 90 percent of women whose rights have been suppressed sometime on name of stature, their lives have been sacrificed on the name of honor killing and further unlawful customs which have no set in Islamic teaching and are man made rules for women which add in making their life more difficult.

These women have no access to education and this is the reason that they can not lift their say against any unfairness done with them. If they will be educated than they will be in a better position to say no to the aggression and unkindness done with them on the name of so called manhood.

National development must be balanced with the equivalent sharing of resources to equally males and females as in Pakistan females are more or less 51 percent of the total population and without the energetic participation of females Pakistan cannot attain the required level of growth rate.

Since the creation of Pakistan in 1947 it inherited the threat of poverty and the load of this poverty was put greatly on female populace because of the reason that the greater part of females were involved in agriculture work, performing tasks to maintain family unit, transporting water and collecting firewood, but their work in industrious activities is unrecognized and, consequently, the womanly contribution represented in economic activities seems to be small.

The political representation of women in Pakistan is higher than India, Sri Lanka and Iran. Pakistan is listed as 45th in the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s (IPU) list of women in national parliaments and stood ahead of several developed democracies, including Canada, the UK and the US.

The only positive development thus far has remained the relatively large representation of women in the National Assembly, the Senate and provincial assemblies in comparison to other countries. At present out of 342 seats in the National Assembly, women now comprise 22.2 per cent of those seats. In the Senate, women make up 17 per cent of the parliamentary seats.

This certainly is important exit from the past considering that women are frequently disheartened from entering politics. Pakistan is also one of the 30 countries which have a woman as Speaker of the National Assembly. The political development of a country requires both male and female contribution in the government affairs.

Women representation in the government ensures that work is done for the betterment of omen in Pakistan. Islam is such a religion in which women respect is so important that it can be proved from the saying of Prophet Muhammad P.B.U.H that “PARADISE LIES UNDER Mother’s FEET”. In my point of view lack of earning opportunities and education is the major reason of violation of women rights.

If women will be empowered then next upcoming generation will be educated and women can feel protected and can lift up their voice against their rights without uncertainty and fear. So this proves that women empowerment is very important for the progress of a country and nation. Discrimination against women must be brought to an end. Now is the time to identify that women, in real, have a vital role to decide the direction of social change.

They must be given an admirable place in society. Effective steps must be taken to enhance their capacity and participation at multifarious levels. Gender sensitization approaches must be cultivated. Schemes should be adopted to devise different strategies to provide economic opportunities to them; one such example can be introducing micro-credit schemes. Strategic interventions should be introduced at all policy levels to assure an inclusive participation of ladies for nation-building process.

New avenues for technical training for semi-educated or illiterate women must be explored. This practice can help the women of villages to better their lots by earning themselves and hence fetching for them and kids the basic amenities of life. In this way their dependence on men would be reduced at the same time.

[url]http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/40/[/url]