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  #21  
Old Thursday, April 18, 2013
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India schemed for East Bengal since 1947

Asif Haroon Raja


When India was partitioned and moth eaten Pakistan deprived of West Bengal, East Punjab, large slices of West Punjab and Kashmir came into being on August 14, 1947, West Punjab was relatively more developed than all other provinces which became part of Pakistan. Balochistan, Sindh and East Bengal were under developed but East Bengal was the poorest of all. In united India, it had been among the most prosperous provinces during the golden rule of Mughals. However, it was ruthlessly plundered by the British joined by the Hindus after the battle of Plassey in 1757 in which Siraj-ud-Daulah was defeated because of the treachery of ill-famed Mir Jafar and some Hindu Mahajans.

If Mir Jafar knew beforehand that he will be kicked out by Robert Clive two years later and that within a decade the Muslim ruling elites of Bengal will lose all their powers and privileges, Mir Jafar would not have committed treachery in 1757. People of Bengal had to pay a very heavy price for Mir Jafar’s betrayal. In matter of 50 years, the entire nobility of Muslim Bengalis was reduced to serfs and lowly Hindus became big landlords and business tycoons. While Hindu dominated West Bengal prospered leaps and bounds, Muslim heavy East Bengal became the hinterland for extracting raw material only. No factory, mill or industry was built in East Bengal but business, agricultural lands and property remained in the hands of moneyed Hindus. The Muslims deprived of government jobs could only take up menial jobs.

The Muslims of East Bengal were so fed up of their cruel masters that they became the ardent supporters of Pakistan Movement. A.K. Fazl-ul Haq, the then chief minister of Bengal, moved the historic 1940 Lahore Resolution. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Maulana Bhashani were among the passionate supporters of Pakistan who later changed colors. In the 1946 elections, Muslim League secured maximum votes from East Bengal. In 1948 when Quaid-e-Azam addressed a huge gathering in Dacca and asked the audience to tell him whether they wanted to remain with Pakistan or join India, the people vociferously shouted ‘Pakistan’. Their love for Pakistan was slowly and gradually transformed into hatred by the psychological operators of India and influential Hindu minority residing in East Bengal. Their major focus was directed against the youth and the seculars who felt more homely with Hindu culture rather than Islamic culture. They saw the latter too suffocating and devoid of fun and frolic.

A large section of the educated Bengali Muslim elite saw themselves more as Bengalis and less as Muslims and they did not even bother to find out how the Indian political regime were treating the Kashmiri Muslims and Indian Muslims. Blinded by their hatred for Islam, those Secular-Bengali-Muslims remained totally ignorant that the Bengali Muslims in West Bengal were facing far greater discrimination than the discrimination they faced within Pakistan. They completely forgot the extreme atrocities and discriminatory behavior of the upper-caste Hindu Bengali Bhadroloks against Muslim Bengalis before 1947. It was imbecile and unforgivable on their part to consider West Pakistanis as sworn enemies and Hindus as friends and to seek independence with the help of India.

India not only wanted to divide Pakistan to give a deathblow to two-nation theory, but also to do it in a bloody and vicious manner to ensure that the separation of Bangladesh from Pakistan should take place through the most bitter and vicious struggle possible so that the memory of those atrocities could be used to legitimize the suppression of Islam in Bangladesh, just as the Zionists use the memory of the Nazi Holocaust to oppress the Palestinians and deprive them from their right of self determination and their right of return. They wanted to show to the world that Muslims cannot rule themselves and the Muslims of the sub-continent will be better off if they submit to the Indians. It was also necessary to show to the millions of Muslims in India that they are lucky indeed that they are citizens of India and not Pakistan.

Basant Chaterjee revealed in his book ‘Inside Bangladesh Today’, that Pundit Nehru had been scheming since August 1947 to reclaim East Bengal and to make it an integral part of Indian Union.

The long-term master plan to reclaim East Bengal was always there since August 1947, but the reclamation project suddenly became extremely urgent for the Indian Political High Command after the 1962 debacle. In that war India was thoroughly humiliated by the Chinese Army. Indian defense completely collapsed and the Chinese were able to march down into the Assam plain without any Indian resistance whatsoever. The entire state machinery collapsed and panic set in.

After the humiliating defeat in 1962, the Indians realized that if they ever have to fight against China again, they will need a better transport and logistics infrastructure.
The Chicken Neck obstacle had to be removed and India needed to establish unfettered road, rail and-river right-of-way through East Bengal to North East Frontier and Arunachal. Creation of Bangladesh was the solution and Awami League under Sheikh Mujib was the answer. Agartala Conspiracy was a tactical element in the long-term North-East Strategic Plan of India. Treachery of Mir Jafar in 1757 was to be repeated by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and East India Company was to be replaced by All India Company, i.e. RAW.

Mujib was invited to Agartala on November 3, 1963, just a year after 1962 war. That was the only occasion he visited Agartala. The “Bangabandhu” had come to test the waters to secure Indian help for his cause. Satya Deb, a former Class IV staff of Smarajit Chakrabarty, the then Sub Divisional Officer of Khowai in West Tripura is among the three living men in Bangladesh who had seen Mujib during that top secret trip to Tripura. After holding series of discussions with Mujib, Tripura Chief Minister Sachindra Lal Singh accompanied by Chief Secretary B. Raman flew to New Delhi to meet Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. In his book, B. Raman disclosed the meeting with Nehru in which Indian help for Mujib’s contemplated secession movement was discussed.

It is puzzling as to why no one in Bangladesh talked of this critical visit where the foundation of secession plan had been laid. Dr Kalidas Baidya in his book ‘Ontoraler Sheikh Mujib’, Kolkata, 2005 ultimately spelled out the details of Mujib’s connections with the Indian policy makers as early as 1950s. Current Bangladesh PM and daughter of late Mujib, Sheikh Hasina Wajid claimed, as reported in Bangladesh media on 8 March 2010, that Mujib planned separation from Pakistan in 1969 in London.

In the Indian game plan for East Bengal, the most crucial role was played by the Bangladeshi academics and journalists who consciously opted or unconsciously got ensnared, due to their lack of historical perspective and short-termism. The first shot in this Indian game plan was fired by Rehman Sobhan. He was an economist at the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics and was an extremely close and long-term associate of economist Amartya Sen. He wrote a paper in 1966 in which he highlighted economic disparities between two wings and step motherly attitude given to East Pakistan. He fudged the figures.

The entire East Bengal press and political activists took the issue on board and soon it snowballed into a secessionist movement. RAW coordinated and guided the movement behind the scene. RAW also provided unlimited financial, intelligence and material support.

On 22 February 2011, on the anniversary of the withdrawal of Agartala conspiracy case, a surviving conspirator and Deputy Speaker of the Bangladesh Parliament Colonel Shawkat Ali confessed to the parliament at a point of order that the charges read out to them were accurate, stating that they had formed a Shangram Parishad under Sheikh Mujib for secession of East Pakistan. He was among the 35 accused in Agartala case.

Oli Ahad, Jatio Rajniti 1945 to 1975, 2nd Ed., Bangladesh Cooperative Book Society, Dhaka, p. 450, gives out details of Tajuddin Ahmed’s seven-point secret agreement which he signed with India. It amounted to making Bangladesh a vassal state of India. It read:

1. A paramilitary armed force for Bangladesh will be raised under supervision of Indian military experts; this force shall be stronger and more active than regular armed forces of Bangladesh.
2. Bangladesh shall procure all military equipment from India and under planned supervision of Indian military experts.
3. Bangladesh shall direct her foreign trade under supervision and control of Indian government.
4. Yearly and five-yearly development plans for Bangladesh shall conform to Indian development plans.
5. Foreign policy of Bangladesh must be compatible with and conform to that of India.
6. Bangladesh shall not unilaterally rescind any of the treaties without prior approval of Indian government.
7. In accordance with treaties signed before December (1971) war of Pakistan and India; Indian force shall enter into Bangladesh at any time and shall crush any resistance that may erupt there.

(The writer is a columnist and a defense analyst)

http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/40/
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Old Sunday, April 21, 2013
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Let bygones, be bygones

Khalid Khokhar


Whilst Salima Hashmi, an acclaimed TV artist, social activist and columnist, has been handpicked by the Caretaker Punjab Chief Minister Najam Sethi as a Minister in the interim set-up, the civil intelligentsia is quite mindful of her recent anti-Pakistan rhetoric on the eve of 6th BD Foreign Friends Award ceremony held on March 24, 2013.

After receiving the posthumous “Bangladesh Liberation War Honour Award” of her late father poet Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Salima Hashmi said that Pakistan government should formally apologise to the people of Bangladesh for the atrocities committed by Pakistan occupation army during the War of Independence in 1971.

As a part of its larger campaign, Bangladesh has planned to confer awards of “Bangladesh Liberation War Honour” and “Friends of Liberation War Honour”, to the nation's foreign friends for their wholehearted support to its liberation in 1971. Besides inviting 568 foreign friends from all over the world, a phased-wise invitations to 41 Pakistani were also extended. During the recent phase, the Bangladesh government had honoured 68 foreign nationals, including 13 Pakistani nationals. Amongst Pakistanis, the Human right activist Asma Jahangir also received award on behalf of his late father Malik Ghulam Jilani, who was Vice President West Pakistan Awami League. Late Mir Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo was posthumously given ‘Bangladesh Liberation War Honour Award’, which was received by his son Mir Hasil Bizenjo. Tahira Jalib received the award declared for Habib Jalib. Begum Tahira Mazhar Ali Khan, Ahmed Salim, Dr. Iqbal Ahmed, Sindhi poet Inwar Pirzada and Qazi Faez Isa were also given awards for their contributions to oppose military operation in the then East Pakistan. While some patriotic people may call the ceremony as well-articulated campaign to belittle Pakistan, yet 13 Pakistanis revealed their inclination to accept the award and inadvertently or consciously involved in incriminating their own motherland. However, some experts in foreign diplomacy had termed this “Bangladeshi move” as a litmus test on the faithfulness/allegiance towards Pakistan of the incumbents in question.

Pakistan-Bangladesh relations have been eclipsed by the tragic events of 1971, which led to the formation of Bangladesh as a separate state. The war between East and West Pakistan in 1971 lasted only for nine months. Actively supported by Indian Army, the eastern flank of Pakistan was separated from the rest of Pakistan. While Pakistan acknowledged that the unpleasant incidents that took place during the 1971 war, the excesses were done in retaliation against Indian Army’s wickedness coupled with Mukti Bahini’s brutalities. What Mukti bahinis did to the Pakistani families is also equally horrified and gruesome. Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League, the political party that advocated for an independent East Pakistan, is blamed for the provocation in the West Pakistan army to commit these excesses on their part. Most of the incidents alleged by Bangladesh authorities did not take place at all, while other incidents were distorted in such a manner to appear as atrocities on the local populace, manipulated for the purpose of maligning the Pakistan army and gaining world sympathy. Indian writer Sharmila Bose’s book titled ‘Dead Reckoning: Memoirs of the 1971 Bangladesh War”, is a testimony to the facts that makes Bangladesh’s demand for an apology illogical and unfounded. Nobody knows exactly how many people were killed, but the claim that Pakistani soldiers aided by local collaborators killed 3 million people was too much exaggerated. Nonetheless, Hamood-ur-Rehman Commission to investigate into the excesses perpetrated in then East Pakistan, had put the figure of casualties at twenty six thousand including the killings of West Pakistanis, members of Pakistan’s security personnel and Biharis that were butchered by Mukti Bahini guerillas.

Despite repeated expressions of grief over 1971 tragedy, the Bangladesh’s demand for an apology has not only become a regular feature in Bangladesh-Pakistan foreign relations, it took the form of an electioneering campaign to gain political mileage over opponents at domestic level. The issue was raised by PM Hasina Wajid when she demanded an ‘unconditional apology’ from the visiting Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar to Bangladesh last year. This shows that some internal as well as foreign forces are hell-bound to re-ignite the dead issue to incriminate Pakistan Army and create a wedge between Bangladesh-Pakistan good relations. The statements of Salima Hashmi and many other recipients of the award, may be seen in the context of promoting reconciliation between Pakistan and Bangladesh, but at what price? The country is passing through such a critical stage that any misadventure will make the country in a position of strategic peril. Working on a well deliberated strategy, the detractors are leaving no stone un-turn to defame the sacred institution with an aim to draw a wedge between the people and armed forces. Cornering our own armed forces would be disastrous blunder for the country, especially when it is coping with militants in tribal areas, besides facing a perennial wave of suicide attacks on the security officials across the country.
Such like developments have not only undermined public’s confidence in the military, it is also creating rifts amongst the high command with low-tier hierarchy command of the military. Pakistan Army is one of the most professional, responsible and goal-directed segment of the Pakistani society and this nation can never repay the debt of the Martyrs of our Armed Forces.

Asking to apologize from Bangladesh for the wrong done by West Pakistan would be adding more vagaries to the guilt, especially in the light of Tripartite Agreement-1974, where Pakistan had already regretted the incidents that took place in 1971. At this critical juncture of Pakistan history, it is the duty of every patriotic and peace-loving citizen of Pakistan to stop the anti-Pakistan elements from disparaging the army/ISI/civil administration. Criticism is always healthy for a thesis, but it should have been a balanced one, otherwise unnecessary criticism may be causing demoralization in military ranks. The COAS Gen. Kayani said that media campaign against Pakistan Army cause demoralization within institutions.

Nonetheless, harboring a four decade old resentment is not going to solve the rift between the two countries. We can take a fresh start by agreeing to forget past disagreements and differences. Although Pakistan shares a common cultural heritage and maintains kinship and religious affinity with the Muslim brethren of Bangladesh during all seasons, both the countries should mutually agree to strengthen cooperation in the fields of trade, economy, diplomacy, culture and people-to-people interface. However, the relationship between Pakistan and Bangladesh is still based on leaders and their perception of their own country’s relationship with India that determines the nature of bilateral ties between the two parts of what was undivided Pakistan. Both the countries need to reconcile with the historical facts that the large scale genocide in that distasteful era would not do good to respective future generations of both the Nations.

This may be in contravention of the vision of Shiekh Mujibur Rahman who dreamt of prospective Bangladesh as a progressive and developed nation. There appears to be significant difference between opposing the military action in the then east Pakistan and those receiving awards for being friends of Bangladesh, especially in the backdrop of stated stance of Pakistan. Just as ‘unbiased scrutiny’ by the ECP has rejected the nomination papers of the former Pakistan Muslim League-N lawmaker and noted columnist Ayaz Amir, similarly, a closed scrutiny of remaining anchorpersons, bureaucrats, technocrats, politicians etc, who have sneaked into the Interim set-up, should be undertaken meticulously with the people having questionable track record ought to be brought to justice by democratic forces.

http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/40/
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