IK: work in Progress by Najam Sethi
 

[B][COLOR="DarkSlateBlue"][SIZE="4"]IK: work in Progress by Najam Sethi[/SIZE][/COLOR][/B]

The decisions of my life have rarely been made through rationality or logic and more by impulse and passion" - thus spake Imran Khan in "A personal memoir" published some years ago. His passion for cricket in the 1960s enabled him to scale the heights of sporting greatness in the 1980s. And his impulse to get into politics twenty years ago is beginning to yield fruit. But this equation is changing as he gears up to confront the challenge of electoral politics and a failing state.

In a recent interview, Imran seemed to come of age. He admitted that in the pursuit of his revolutionary dream, he was compelled to inject a reality check. This is good news. The last thing Pakistanis need is another lying, cheating, dynastic demagogue.

Not so long ago Imran enraged many liberals by calling them "fascists" and "scum" for labeling him "Taliban Khan" because he was not ready to criticize the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, let alone support military action against them. His position on the TTP is unchanged. But he now realizes he cannot afford to alienate the liberal constituency that needs to be nurtured in realizing his dream to reconstruct a democratic Pakistan with civil liberties and freedoms.

Imran acknowledges the misuse of Islam for political purposes by generals and politicians alike. Therefore he doesn't support those sections of Constitutional Articles 62 and 63 that stipulate certain Islamic provisions for electoral qualification, like having to be a good, sagacious and practicing Muslim knowledgeable about Islamic teachings and precepts. He thinks that, apart from weighing corrupt practices, the election commission must not get involved in scrutinizing a candidate's personal life. This is as "liberal" and "realistic" a viewpoint as any to avoid arbitrariness or victimization.

Most significantly, Imran's strong support for "democracy" ("our biggest fault lies in waylaying democracy from the day Pakistan was created") and opposition to conspiratorial schemes for delaying elections and setting up a technocratic caretaker set-up for a few years is timely. That is why, he says, despite his impulse to yield to popular pressure, he did not jump into the fray with Dr Tahir ul Qadri, and that is why he will not plan "long marches" that could destabilize the government and play into the hands of conspirators.

Imran has a realistic view on normalizing relations with India without pre-conditional settlement of the Kashmir dispute. He also thinks Pakistan should have good relations with the United States and the international community without selling out on our own national interest, in particular in relation to the endgame with the Taliban in Afghanistan. This is eminently reasonable and rational and is a far cry from the charge of "anti-Americanism" that unfairly dogs him.

Imran's views on the economy show a learning curve. Yes, Pakistan will need to broker a fair deal with the IMF to weather the structural transition to self-sustainability. Yes, the necessity of deepening and widening the tax net will entail a small value added tax on retail and elimination of the discretionary powers of income tax inspectors that encourage corrupt practices.

But ambiguity persists in some significant areas. Imran admits that a land reform that breaks the back of feudalism - he is an absentee landlord himself and is aware of the contradiction in his position - is needed for progress, as in India and China. But his party's core committee lacks the conviction to make this policy because the decision making body is dominated by some powerful land owners. Similarly, he says he supports a tax on agricultural incomes but doubts persist about his willingness to take the bull by the horns.

Much the same sort of ambivalence is apparent in some other positions. Imran is all for increasing the tax net substantially but is not ready to concede more than a token value added tax on retail. Similarly, he is opposed to subsidizing public sector corporations and accepts the need to prune them (which is easier said than done for many reasons). But he is averse to privatization, which is really the only viable option for some of them. Imran wants to convert the lavish Prime Minister's House, Governor's Houses and Presidency into educational institutions and museums. This is good for point scoring over the ruling politicians. But he has to be nudged into admitting that the same rules should apply to the sprawling mansions of Chief Ministers, Generals, Judges and Bureaucrats. He is opposed to religious extremists and jihadists. But is ready to share the platform from which they spew hatred and violence. His argument that he is engaging with them only to wean them away from their beliefs and practices is a hangover of his continuing respect for and fear of the powerful military establishment that pulls their strings.

Imran Khan is "work in progress" much like Pakistan itself. If their synergies lock-in during the next elections, well and good. If not, he will still be a popular parliamentarian defender of the national interest.

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