Quaid-i-Azam's vision of Pakistan By OMER FAROOQ ZAIN

ARTICLE (May 19 2007): The central objective of this paper is to re-examine the vision of Jinnah about Pakistan. How did Jinnah visualised the future of the biggest Islamic state created is the subcontinent after a long struggle. According to many historians the very idea of Pakistan crystallised only after 1937. Without going into the merits and demerits of this proportion let us reconstruct the vision of Jinnah about Pakistan.

In 1946 Breverly Nicholas asked Jinnah, why do you want a Pakistan, when you know that economically it will be poor? Jinnah replied by saying 'Nicholas let me ask you a question, which may be an answer to your question. Do you want a prosperous England under German domination or a poor England free? The question Jinnah formulated said every thing.

The Muslims of the subcontinent wanted to live with dignity in the subcontinent in a democratic environment. Establishment of democratic regimes can help reduce conflicts, because democratic states avoid conflict and war and promote dialogue and negotiation.

This is what Jinnah did in his entire political career. Hence there is an urgent need to re-examine this vision as architect of the Pakistan. It is generally believed that the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries heralded a renaissance among the Muslims in South Asia, leading to the development of a liberal and modern Islamic society.

The reform movements during this era were actually seeking to create a conscious Muslim identity and a large number of social reformers, freedom fighters, political activists and visionaries contributed in creating a momentum for this movement. Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was by far the most important and an effective Muslim reformer who dominated the political scene in the subcontinent and brought the Muslim struggle for a separate identity to a climax.

The Quaid-i-Azam combined in himself realism, pragmatism and idealism in consonance with the aspirations of the broad masses of Muslims in the South Asian subcontinent. He had deep insight into the Muslim psyche that had been greatly enfeebled during the long colonial reign. The Quaid-i-Azam had unbounded reservoir of spiritual energy and an unshakable determination to resolve contradictions and paradoxes that had for long woven a cobweb of uncertainties in the Muslim mind.

This is exactly why he succeeded in pointing out a common destiny to the Muslims that could liberate them from oppression, tyranny, poverty, ignorance and external occupation. The degree of heightened consciousness he aroused among the Muslims and the drive that he infused in them to march ahead for the attainment of an independent homeland is perhaps unprecedented in the annals of history. By bringing the collective will of the Muslims to a crescendo and by employing his unrivalled persuasive ability in a punctiliously democratic manner, he founded a state on the basis of ideology which added a noteworthy dimension to the concept of nationalism.

Unlike other contemporary Muslim politicians, Quaid-i-Azam conceived an Islamic, democratic and progressive Pakistan where the will of the people would rule supreme.

On 11 October 1947 in his speech, he said 'The establishment of Pakistan for which we have been striving for the last 10 years is, by the grace of God, an established fact today, but the creation of a state of our own was a means to an end and not the end in itself.

The idea was that we should have a state in which we could live and breathe as free men and which could develop according to our own lights and culture and where principles of Islamic social justice could find free play.'

The prime significance of this version about Pakistan was an attempt to build a cohesive and tolerant society without any kind of discrimination. Quaid-i-Azam was of the view that minorities could play a leading role in the making of the country.

One of the cardinal traits of the Quaid-i-Azam's politics was his genuine concern for the welfare of the minorities. Originally, he desired for reforms and certain provisions in the future constitution that could ensure the rights of the minorities. He always stressed the need for special protection of the minorities so that they could occupy an equally honoured place in the society. Before and after the establishment of Pakistan, the Quaid-i-Azam was frequently asked about the status of minorities and his response always was reassuring, elaborate and consistent.

Since the minority problem weighed heavily on his mind, his statements must be studied in this perspective in order to comprehend their true meaning. On 14 July 1947, he said: 'Let me tell you that I shall not depart from what I said repeatedly with regard to minorities.

They will have their protection with regard to their religion, faith, life and culture. They will be citizens of Pakistan without any discrimination of caste or creed'. This viewpoint was also aimed at dispelling the Indian propaganda that Pakistan would be a theocratic state where the minorities would be kept as slaves.

While refixing the goals of the nation in the field of social infrastructure after the achievement of Pakistan, the Quaid showed the keenest interest in shifting of emphasis in education from colonial administrative objectives to a professional and technical bias suited to the needs of a nondependent, progressive economy.

The Quaid had a well-defined agenda. First and foremost, was primary and elementary education. To him shortage of resources was no excuse. Not only was the business of the state to provide basic education, it had to do it by compulsion and not through voluntary system. Quaid favoured mass education and was extremely critical of elitist education.

There was no place in his scheme of things for purposeless general education. Professional education and acquisition of useful skills was important for education to be a potent instrument of progress.

In Quaid-i-Azam's count of pillars of progress, economic development stands next to education. By economic development, the Pakistan Quaid always meant industrial development as the leading factor. During the times of struggle for Pakistan, Quaid's emphasis on industrialisation led to the vicious propaganda that Muslim League was against agricultural development.

The Quaid was not against agricultural development. About the fear that industrialization would only lead to certain famine and labour shortages in agriculture he told the Associated Press of the of America in November 1945: 'There was no merit in the contention that to draw mass of persons into industry would rob farms of needed labour and invite food shortage.'

While opening the Bengal Oil Mills on 2 February 1948 the Quaid remarked: 'The only way in which the people can be put on their feet again is the rapid industrialization of the country which would provide new avenues of employment for them. I have no doubt that commerce of Pakistan would be an effective instrument in the establishment and maintenance of high standards of business integrity and practice. If Pakistani goods are to establish for themselves a reputation of their own, a beginning must be made now and I would like Pakistan to become a synonym and hallmark for standard and quality in the market places of the world'.

The Quaid also made it clear that 'the socio-economic system of Pakistan would not be the economic system of the west which has failed to do justice between man and man. The adoption of western economic theory and practice will not help us in achieving our goal of creating a happy and contented people'.

To the landlords and capitalists, he issued the most strongly worded warning: Here I would like to give a warning to the landlords and capitalists who have flourished at our expense by a system which is so vicious, which is so wicked and which makes them so selfish that it is difficult to reason with them. Do you visualise that millions have been exploited and cannot get one meal a day. If that is the idea of Pakistan, I would not have it.

If they are wise they will have to adjust themselves to the new modern conditions of life. If they do not, God help them; we shall not help them."-Courtesy: Pakistan Perspectives The Quaid was deadly against illegal trade and anti-social practices like bribery and corruption. In terms of economic development, Quaid's objective was to make Pakistan economically invincible.

If we carefully examine the speeches and statements of Quaid-i--Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the quality of his character in mind, we would be driven to the conclusion that Quaid envisioned Pakistan as peoples democracy. The Quaid opposed theocracy because the concept does not exist in Islam.

He maintained that democracy is closer to the Islamic framework and assigns the power of Ijtihad (interpretation) to the on their representatives chosen by people. Quaid's speech delivered on 11 August 1947 as the first President of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan should be studied in this perspective.

This speech was intended in the to provide a sense of security to the people of Pakistan as well as to integrity reiterate his commitment of complete religious freedom and equal rights to all the citizens which was perfectly in line with his previous versions.

The Quaid also made a fervent appeal to the people to forge unity, which was the key to progress and development of Pakistan. The core principle that 'the Jinnah stood for was that of clean, honest and unstained politics. To him politics was not the broad avenue to amass power but the straight path to serve the community and the country. Quaid-i-Azam's vision of Pakistan was meant not only to meet the internal and external challenges of the day but this vision is still relevant to the contemporary situations and present day needs.

THE CONTEMPORARY PAKISTAN IN ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL OUTLOOK Almost each study of Pakistan over the past 57 years has found its performance unstable and its future uncertain. Quaid-i-Azam's vision of a democratic, tolerant, plural and egalitarian Pakistan was dashed down soon after his death when the oligarchies led by the bureaucrats and generals took over the new state and began using religion and so-called strategic compulsions in order to earn legitimacy for their non- representative regimes.

From bureaucrat-turned executives to a long line of successor generals, democratic and peoples representative forces were either simply suppressed or surpassed with religious symbols providing the convenient legitimising ideology. The suppression of normal democratic process only multiplied acute dissension within the society, and the state.

In December 1971, the tenuous link between East and West Pakistan was snapped after a climate of political unrest. This resulted in the people rising against the establishment's unbridled power and the army had to compromise on a civilian rule after the dismemberment of the country. However the populist government of Mr Bhutto failed to continue the civil-military consensus and martial law was proclaimed.

In Zia-ul-Haq's era corruption rose to unprecedented heights. Pakistan was declared the second most corrupt country in the world. Since then, the system of government inherited from colonial times appears to be on the verge of collapse. The civil service has been extremely politicised; the judiciary has been drawn into political disputes and has come under the pressure of the ruling elite, the state does not have the means to meet the basic needs of its people.

The country is increasingly indebted and successive governments have lacked the political will or the necessary planning to impose or control sufficient taxation. Furthermore, politicians scent more intent on personal enrichment than on sorting these matters out. Political corruption has become endemic.

Although Pakistan was created in the name of Muslim culture, broadly interpreted, but it has never managed to resolve definitively how adherence to Islam should be translated into principles of statehood and how such a state should differ from the ideal of liberal democracy which its founder held so dear.

Unresolved debates about Islamization have resulted, however, in far greater questioning of inherited political systems, whether of justice or democracy or the principle of equality for women. It is pertinent to note that the unfortunate consequence of Islamization is the armed conflicts between different Muslim sects in Pakistan, exacerbated by lack of education, poverty and the involvement of transnational extremists and foreign powers.

A massive growth of sectarian violence has been one of the greatest blots on the Pakistan's political landscape, as activists of rival religious factions are killing members or sympathisers of their 'opponent' sects in the name of religion.

Islam, as a means of cementing national political unity has been shown to be a flawed political instrument, yet the idea that personal faith has nothing to do with the business of the state seems farther from acceptance today than when Jinnah made the assertion in 1947.

In addition to the poor 'quality of leadership provided by the feudal aristocracy, the unbridled authority assumed by bureaucracy has also contributed to the woes of the people of Pakistan. The bureaucrat-feudal-Mullah trio has singularly failed in setting worthy examples of devotion, motivation, services above-self, social consciousness, justice and political morality, which the future generations of Pakistanis would have willingly emulated.

The misdeeds of the feudal-led governments have destroyed all institutions - political administrative, judicial and economic. The country has been driven deep into debts of IMF, World Bank, Asian Development Bank and the Paris Club. The people are the groaning under taxes in a bid to repay the debts of international financing agencies which has made life of the common man miserable.

The country's economy is in the doldrums and measures are being taken to take a U-turn in due course of time. On the other hand, Pakistan in spite friore, of handicaps, is well-armed and has gone nuclear. But, can it decide independently? Traditionally, in the sphere of influence of America Pakistan has been forced to play host to US military in the 'fight against Iture, terrorism . However, this partnership has not brought about any significant change in the state of economy of the country.

This is exactly I and why the angry, frustrated and totally disillusioned young generation of Pakistanis looks beyond the frontiers of Pakistan for inspiration and have prosperity.

Furthermore, the most glaring failure is the law and order situation in the country, which has emerged as a product of despotic regimes' oppressive and unethical policies and a cocktail of socio--economic factors, with all its catastrophic consequences for us all.

Lawlessness is not limited to sectarian killings only. Bombings throughout the country, tribal and family feuds in Balochistan and Sindh, rocket attacks on law enforcement agencies and gas pipelines and other forms of violence in rural as well as urban areas suggest that Pakistani state's record of maintaining public order is not a story of success.

Intolerance has become a serious and deadly issue as one sees ethnic and linguistic divisions all over Pakistan. Sadly enough, our social life stinks of the pungent odour of discrimination and lawlessness in the name of tradition. There is rampant killing going on in the name of honour. Besides, kidnapping for ransom, sexual abuse and violation of human has rights are common occurrences.

Successive governments have taken no concrete measures to control such widespread criminal activities and to provide relief to victims. The law enforcing agencies often act or allow guardians criminals, perform their prime task of elimination of the mischief-mongers.

Due to crippled economy, low literacy rate, black money, politicisation of governmental machinery and authoritarian rule, lawlessness is considered and accepted as a part of life. People have become immune to the injustices upon women and children, the most hapless sections of the society.

Governments, one after the other, claim to be busy in tackling more pressing issues like national defence and the battered economy. Things have hardly improved for the poor and down-trodden masses of Pakistan.

Since the last 57 years we have failed to decide what sort of political system, economic structure and social set-up we have to evolve for ourselves. The common man is so helpless that he too plays a role in increasing the atrocities that are inflicted upon the victim. The result is obvious: the voice of the people is hardly ever heard and important decisions of national life are made only for the protection and promotion of interests of the elite class.

CONCLUSION In examining Pakistan since its emergence, one might conclude that the nation has at least survived its formative years. But the question remains whether those formative years lead towards a future that will be as troubled and chaotic as its past, or whether the misfortunes, misdeeds and negligence of those early decades provide a learning experience that ultimately will benefit the nation in the era yet to unfold. Pakistanis cannot escape their past, but can they not at least learn from it?

The nation is poised to enter into a new international environment to set a progressive course and to begin the process of realising a significant destiny. Pakistan's failure to define a political experience that offers prospects for democratic achievement, notwithstanding, we have to understand thoroughly that in order to exist, the people in general and their so-called representatives, in particular, have to demonstrate a will to transcend personal ambition and assume that selfless role that Quaid-i--Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah played in evolving a progressive Islamic society. Nothing short can help Pakistan to get back on track!

Being successors of a great visionary, we owe a debt of gratitude to the Quaid-i-Azam and this requires of us to deal with the complexities around according to the Quaid's principles of unity, faith and discipline. Needless to say that salvation lies in Quaid's vision of Pakistan. Concerted efforts have to be made in the light of Quaid's mottos to evolve a political culture, which should have the consensus of all actors on the political stage, in order to have a system of checks and balances and of accountability.

Only sincere efforts to follow the Quaid will have the required impact and a definite influence on the whole scenario. Signs are there that we are relapsing into our old state of decadence and indolence. A culture of vice and corruption has raised its ugly head.

To survive, we have no alternative but to find a permanent place for the vision of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah in our national life. The future will belong to us only if we follow the canons of the great Quaid in our social, economic and political fabric, in his spirit. There's no other way out!