Friday, March 29, 2024
02:03 PM (GMT +5)

Go Back   CSS Forums > General > News & Articles > Dawn

Reply Share Thread: Submit Thread to Facebook Facebook     Submit Thread to Twitter Twitter     Submit Thread to Google+ Google+    
 
LinkBack Thread Tools Search this Thread
  #31  
Old Sunday, May 01, 2016
Man Jaanbazam's Avatar
Excursionist
Moderator: Ribbon awarded to moderators of the forum - Issue reason: Medal of Appreciation: Awarded to appreciate member's contribution on forum. (Academic and professional achievements do not make you eligible for this medal) - Issue reason:
 
Join Date: Jan 2013
Location: Into The Wild
Posts: 1,940
Thanks: 1,140
Thanked 1,478 Times in 754 Posts
Man Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura about
Default May 1st, 2016

Sabotage in plane blow-up


A disaster that killed the country’s president and chief of army staff, and other military top brass, the plane crash on Aug 17, 1988, could easily have created chaos in the country, dragging it into the worst political crisis. Some even feared that a bitter civil war could have ensued involving many political groups which had militant wings. Everybody appeared keen to fill the political vacuum caused by the utter confusion. In such a situation, the role of services chiefs was integral. Making an intelligent move, they dropped the option of promulgating martial law. Instead, they declared a state of emergency to contain any possible unrest. For the first time in the chequered history of Pakistan, sanity prevailed. While administrative arrangements were being made by the civil set up, relevant institutions began their inquiries into the causes of the crash.

Gen Zia’s remarks, made a few days before the crash about the existence of a conspiracy, were already doing the rounds, as were many theories such as the Delhi-Moscow axis, the Delhi-Tel Aviv alignment and the RAW plan which were being discussed at all levels. The acting president had already declared that the elections would be held according to the schedule announced by Gen Zia. This prompted all political parties to prepare for the ballot which was considered the most important opportunity towards the restoration of democracy that had been forfeited for almost half the country’s existence as an independent state.

On Sept 10, 1988, the acting president appointed a committee headed by the secretary of frontier territories, Fateh Khan Bandial, to hold an inquiry into the crash and present the report to him. For two years, the body reached no conclusion, nor did it mention any cause of the inordinate delay. During this period, no government official was ever asked about the possible causes of the crash. Later, there were a number of news reports in the press about the inquiry but nothing came out and finally the federal minister for defence, Mohammad Sarwar Cheema, told the newsmen that this chapter was closed.

Investigations post plane crash suggest sabotage but leave a number of questions unanswered
Acting independently, the Pakistan Air force appointed its own board for conducting an investigation into the technical causes of the C-130 crash. The PAF board, headed by Air Commodore Abbas Mirza with Air Commodore Muzamil Saeed, Group Captain Zaheer Zaidi, Wing Commander Sabahat Ali Mufti, along with six air force technicians from the US, was given the task of inquiring into the circumstances under which the crash took place, apportionment of the responsibility and to make recommendations to avoid a recurrence.

The board interviewed a large number of people, visited the crash site, examined the wreckage and sought expert advice from Lockheed Company, the makers of the plane. It also sought expert advice from professionals in the field of forensic medicine, flame patterns, aircraft structures and explosives. After conducting the inquiry into all aspects of the crash, the board presented 26 findings, spread over 350 pages. The report also made some recommendations; but this was a secret document meant for official use.

As one of the probable causes, the board examined the possible malfunction of the hydraulics of the elevator boost package, which was then sent to the US for a thorough analysis. The report in response said that high levels of contamination by non-organic matter consisting of aluminium and brass were found, either due to maintenance or failure of the pump. After investigating, the board found the contamination due to excessive wear but it was not marked as the cause of the disaster.

After extensively examining all evidence, the board said: “In the absence of technical reasons to explain the causes of the mishap, the board believes that the accident was most probably caused through the perpetuation of a criminal act or sabotage.” It concluded with the opinion that “… a low intensity detonation inside the cockpit could have caused the bursting of some innocuous container, apparently filled with air fresheners or soft drinks but, in fact, containing some poisonous gas which incapacitated the passengers and instantly paralysed the highly experienced cockpit crew members of Pak One, not giving them a chance to even give the signal. … some parts of the aircraft’s wreckage were found to be contaminated with strong traces of antimony, potassium, sulphur, phosphorus and, most significantly, pentaerythritol tetranitrate (PETN), an explosive commonly used in sabotage operations.”

“For inexplicable reasons, the inquiry report was leaked to the American press before it was released by the government of Pakistan,” said Gen Khalid Mahmud Arif, as an American team of experts was associated with the board of inquiry and the US was aware of its findings all along.

This created confusion among the people who understood the importance of the inquiry, while news items and commentaries in the domestic and international press added to the bewilderment, somewhat hampering the probe in finding the actual cause of the crash. The report indicated that it was not an accident as the “the use of ultra-sophisticated techniques would necessitate the involvement of a specialist organisation, well-versed with carrying out such tasks and possessing all the means and abilities for its execution.”

The findings of the board, no doubt, made a pertinent point that the crash was sabotage activity but could not ascertain the kind of sabotage that destroyed the plane. However, in an annexure titled “recommendations” the board made nine recommendations for further inquiry; which included an investigation to determine the perpetrators of the criminal act or sabotage, and that “either digital flight data recorders (FDRs) or simple flight recorders (FDRs) be provided for VIP aircraft”.

Although the charred bodies of all 31 victims were recovered from the wreckage, there were speculations about no autopsies having been conducted that might have provided some clues. Another point some experts raised was that in the case of the deaths of American citizens, an FBI inquiry should also have been conducted.

Source: Sabotage in plane blow-up
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine May 1st, 2016
__________________
The world is changed by your example, not by your opinion !
Reply With Quote
The Following User Says Thank You to Man Jaanbazam For This Useful Post:
Innocent Heart (Sunday, May 01, 2016)
  #32  
Old Sunday, May 15, 2016
Man Jaanbazam's Avatar
Excursionist
Moderator: Ribbon awarded to moderators of the forum - Issue reason: Medal of Appreciation: Awarded to appreciate member's contribution on forum. (Academic and professional achievements do not make you eligible for this medal) - Issue reason:
 
Join Date: Jan 2013
Location: Into The Wild
Posts: 1,940
Thanks: 1,140
Thanked 1,478 Times in 754 Posts
Man Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura about
Default May 15th, 2015

A leaf from history: Friends and enemies


Benazir Bhutto, Naseerullah Babar and Hameed Gul -Courtesy Hamid Mir
Benazir Bhutto, Naseerullah Babar and Hameed Gul -Courtesy Hamid Mir
One evening in September 1988, the Mall in Lahore witnessed a number of people arriving at a bungalow, apparently to attend a meeting. They were eagerly received and led to their respective seats, where they sat listening to lofty speeches sketching out the political scenario of the country.

For Lahore this was not unusual. But this particular gathering was however different, as there were no roaring slogans or heated speeches, nor did it culminate into a rally.

After a dozen or so speeches, the formation of Islamic Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI), or Islamic Democratic Alliance was announced. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi — a former PPP stalwart and the chief of National People’s Party (NPP), a breakaway of PPP — was elected as the IJI chief. Interestingly, the man behind him was Nawaz Sharif, who had been Gen Zia’s man previously.

Though the main components of the alliance were Muslim League-Junejo and Jatoi’s NPP, there was a conscious effort to bring more right-wing parties in order to reach the figure of nine; equating the number of parties in the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) of 1977, which launched an agitation against Zulifikar Ali Bhutto resulting in the overthrow of his government, promulgation of martial law and takeover by Gen Zia. For the following 11 years Gen Zia ruled the country in the name of religion and false promises, punishing the politicians for their past corrupt deeds.

A political alliance was formed to confront the PPP, which enjoyed a substantial sympathy vote bank
After Gen Zia’s death, the establishment covertly took upon itself the responsibility of implementing his vision of governance. With PML and NPP in the forefront, the other parties brought to the IJI fold were Jamaat Islami, Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam, Nizam-i-Mustafa group, Markazi Jamiat Ahle Hadith (Lakhvi group), Jamiat-i-Mashaikh Pakistan, Azad Group and Hizbullah Jihad. Other mainstream religious parties, Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam Fazl and Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan Noorani, stayed away from the alliance, as did some nationalist parties like Awami National Party and Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party, opting to contest polls from their own platforms.

Since the first post-Zia polls were only a few weeks away this was a pre-election exercise. Those who were aware of the major actors behind the scenes also knew of what was going on in the background. The alliance was the brainchild of Gen Hamid Gul, the then director general of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). He was not in favour of the left-leaning PPP, then led by Benazir Bhutto, daughter of Z.A. Bhutto, winning the elections. Instead, he preferred Nawaz Sharif, a businessman-turned-politician, who was mollycoddled by Gen Zia for his political ends, and who had by now grown into a politician, acceptable to the establishment.

As the intelligence reports indicated that an increase in the PPP’s sympathy vote threatened to push it into power, the top military leadership decided to bring forth the alliance of rightist parties and Gen Hamid Gul ensured that all went well. With little pursuance, the acting president Ghulam Ishaq Khan also fell in line with them and allowed IJI to establish a cell at the Presidency to monitor and assist the alliance with their plan. The flag of the alliance was designed to match the PNA (Pakistan National Alliance) flag of 1977.

Whether this kind of interference had ethical or legal support was a question to be decided by the people at the top; however, it was disliked by all democratic elements. Many years later when, after retirement, Gen Hamid Gul faced severe criticism over this overture, he proved too rigid and had no regret about it; instead he proudly stated that he would readily face any prosecution in this regard. On Oct 11, 2012 while being criticised for his role Dawn News, he said that the politicians in Pakistan were corrupt and if they continued to tread on the same path, the military would continue to intervene in affairs of the state. Admitting that he was responsibility for creating IJI, he said that he was not afraid of any case filed against him. During the interview, he said that he didn’t do anything against his conscious nor did he have any regrets. He was very vocal about the military’s role and said: “The army cannot be controlled by politicians as it has complete control on itself.”

Sharp criticism followed the airing of his interview. Two days later, the minister for information and broadcasting, Qamar Zaman Kaira (PPP), asked for a report of his activities during his time as a serving general. “If his office, home and institution were used in the formation of IJI, then he is responsible to the nation ... no one has the right to become the security adviser of the nation himself. This is the job of the state.” Kaira added that IJI was formed to steal the mandate of the people through ulterior motives that prevented PPP from winning the elections.

The election schedule was tight. Almost all parties began canvassing in their own way, refreshing old contacts. PPP leader Benazir Bhutto did not pay any attention to Sindh, as its provincial leadership claimed that they were well aware of what they had to do; however, she made quick visits to the rest of the country and at times addressed public meetings, while PML chief Nawaz Sharif, too, tried to match her speed. Foreign monitors and media observers who had come to Pakistan to watch the important elections marked the indicators which showed an unclear picture, as there were still some legal handicaps for both parties that had to be removed before going to the polls on Nov 16, 1988.

Source: A leaf from history: Friends and enemies
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, May 15th, 2016
__________________
The world is changed by your example, not by your opinion !
Reply With Quote
  #33  
Old Sunday, May 29, 2016
Man Jaanbazam's Avatar
Excursionist
Moderator: Ribbon awarded to moderators of the forum - Issue reason: Medal of Appreciation: Awarded to appreciate member's contribution on forum. (Academic and professional achievements do not make you eligible for this medal) - Issue reason:
 
Join Date: Jan 2013
Location: Into The Wild
Posts: 1,940
Thanks: 1,140
Thanked 1,478 Times in 754 Posts
Man Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura about
Default May 29th, 2016

A leaf from history: The polls of strained nerves


Since its inception in September, 1988, the nine-party right-leaning alliance, Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI), had been insisting on holding elections and allowing all parties to participate. While there was great fervour around elections, the uncertainty regarding which party the people were going to vote for also generated much pre-poll trepidation throughout the country.

All possible players were canvassing in their style. In Punjab, Nawaz Sharif, the businessman-turned-politician who had served as chief minister during Gen Ziaul Haq’s era, now wanted to reap the dividends. Nawaz had been prompted by Gen Zia to create his constituency to ensure the continuation of his vision of governance.

For the PPP, it was time to woo people again and earn sympathy votes. But Benazir Bhutto, who had been waiting for the past 11 years for such an electoral contest, was troubled by two factors: first, holding of elections on non-party basis; and second, the requirement of showing national identity cards (NIC) at the time of casting votes.

As PPP party workers activated the camp offices, Bhutto assured them that both issues would be resolved before the voters actually went to poll. Both these conditions had been planned by Gen Zia with the intention of keeping away the PPP — led by the daughter of the man whom he had hanged. Even after his death, both conditions stayed in place as acting president Ghulam Ishaq Khan decided to hold elections in a way that suited him.

Amid great uncertainty after the Bahawalpur crash, Gen Zia’s proxies went up against the force that was Benazir Bhutto
Senior PPP leaders wondered why Bhutto was so confident while launching her party’s election campaign. Before the Bahawalpur air crash, she had discussed various political possibilities — whether Gen Zia was honest this time around about holding polls or if he’d go back on his word again.

There was also the matter of meeting some of Gen Zia’s conditions. The first was the registration of the party with the Election Commission (EC). Bhutto told her aides that she was prepared to meet this condition, as it was only a question of filling a form before the EC. “There is no harm in it, on the contrary it would show our commitment to democracy,” she had argued.

To a query by one of her party leaders about whether she was prepared to work with the Gen Zia if he continued as president and she became the prime minister, she replied in the affirmative. Her rationale was that if Junejo could work with him and find his way, why couldn’t she.

“We want to move step-by-step. Our first objective is to restore the 1973 Constitution,” Bhutto had asserted. Her party leaders had no objection as many of them had also been waiting for the past 11 years to return to power. During this period, her uncles such as Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, Ghulam Mustafa Khar and Jam Sadiq Ali, had all deserted her and the party.

Gen Zia, too, was not ill-informed and had other ideas. In an attempt to block the PPP’s entry into governance and to prevent a situation where he might have to work with Bhutto as prime minister, he convened a meeting of some religious men and sought their opinion regarding a woman being the head of the state in a Muslim country.

The clerics initially supported Gen Zia, saying there was no room for a woman to head a Muslim state. But soon, they realised that they may be accused of having mala fide intentions and dropped their stance.

Once this ploy failed, it was planned to enforce a law to make it compulsory for the prime minister to be at least 40 years of age; this was intended to disqualify Bhutto as she was only 35 at the time. However, the Aug 17 crash in Bahawalpur completely changed the political landscape.

Although Ghulam Ishaq Khan and some other players were there to act as Gen Zia’s proxy, they faced successive defeats in their attempts to prevent Bhutto’s rise.

On Sept 16, for example, exactly two months before the polls, the Supreme Court handed a verdict in favour of holding elections on party basis. Ghulam Ishaq and his supporters saw the first failure of their workmanship.

The second obstacle, of presenting NICs at the time of casting votes, was a little more problematic. Electoral rolls had been prepared in 1987 by the EC under the instructions of Gen Zia. They contained the names of voters prepared for the 1985 elections and did not include about 40pc voters who had reached voting age by that time but did not possess the ID cards.

These rolls contained 32.5 million votes as compared to the revised rolls in 1987 with 47.9m votes, which meant that 15.4m genuine voters were not included as voters. In the presence of the ordinance on ID cards these voters would have been deprived of the right to vote.

This ordinance had caused much hopelessness among the political parties and constituents, as not all voters had been able to obtain their ID cards. Again Bhutto challenged the ordinance and the Supreme Court ruled it as illegal on Nov 12, only four days before the poll date, paving way for a large number of voters to join the elections process.

Electioneering began on a slow note but soon gained momentum. It was quite smooth except some scattered incidents of violence. The IJI candidates, particularly those backed by Nawaz Sharif and the Jamaat-i-Islami, enjoyed smooth sailing while PPP supporters did not have to make sturdy efforts as the force of Bhutto’s personality weaved its magic. Electioneering also brought many underdogs into the limelight who benefited from the laborious campaigns of Sharif and Bhutto.

This was undeniably a phase of strained nerves that had to pass without any unpleasant incident. This time, though, there was renewed enthusiasm — in the politics of the country and indeed its future.

Source: A leaf from history: The polls of strained nerves
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, May 29th, 2016
__________________
The world is changed by your example, not by your opinion !
Reply With Quote
  #34  
Old Sunday, June 12, 2016
Man Jaanbazam's Avatar
Excursionist
Moderator: Ribbon awarded to moderators of the forum - Issue reason: Medal of Appreciation: Awarded to appreciate member's contribution on forum. (Academic and professional achievements do not make you eligible for this medal) - Issue reason:
 
Join Date: Jan 2013
Location: Into The Wild
Posts: 1,940
Thanks: 1,140
Thanked 1,478 Times in 754 Posts
Man Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura about
Default June 12th, 2016

A leaf from history: Democracy returns to the driving seat


Despite knowing that it would get sympathy votes, the PPP had to work hard to plug the cracks that had appeared in the 11-year alienation period. Benazir Bhutto took the bull by its horns. She chartered a small plane and visited the entire country, addressing election rallies — sometimes four to five in a day.

In her speeches, she spoke about the losses that society had suffered during the dictatorial era of Gen Zia. Many analysts expected her to exploit her father’s hanging, but she vowed that her party did not believe in revenge; instead she pledged that democracy would be her party’s guiding principle. Her approach evoked a positive reaction from the public. Seemingly, unfatigued, she utilised as much time as was possible in canvassing and when the day finally came to an end, her election staff and the crew of the chartered aircraft would be relieved to go home.

Nawaz Sharif, too, was making a lot of effort and likewise chartered a plane. However, he could not match Benazir’s speed and often remarked: “Iss de dandaan wich peer naeen pendi; boli jandi, ay boli jandi ay” (Why doesn’t she feel the pain in her teeth as she speaks on and on). No matter how busy he was, he did not change his routine. Before embarking on the plane, he would make sure that his supply of cold milk bottles had been loaded. He would sit at the front seat of the small plane, where a small wooden plank served as a table. He wanted the party workers and members accompanying him to occupy the narrow aisle between the seats so that more workers could be accommodated on the plane, but alas, the captain did not allow it. After addressing the rallies, he would often be late for the return journey, with the captain sending him reminders that the late flight would make landing difficult and dangerous.

Since these elections were supposed to be a turning phase in the country’s history, all newspapers were diligently assessing the situation. Being associated with the daily Dawn and monthly Herald, I was assigned the task of monitoring the voting trends in Sindh, especially in Nawabshah, Khairpur and Larkana districts. Here, former PPP stalwart and NPP chief Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, PPP chairperson Benazir Bhutto and the spiritual leader of the Hur Jamaat, Pir Sahib Pagara were contesting. After evaluating the trends there, I reported that Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi contesting on an IJI ticket had no chance of winning. When the report appeared in the Herald’s special election issue, acting president Ghulam Ishaq Khan called Sabhago Khan Jatoi, the then deputy commissioner (DC) of Nawabshah district, inquiring about Jatoi’s position. Though he was assured that the NPP leader would win with a big margin, the DC was asked to work hard and ensure Jatoi’s victory in the light of the report published in the newsmagazine. Sabhago Khan Jatoi had been transferred to Nawabshah district in a bid to secure the former chief minister’s home seat. Despite all efforts, when the results came Jatoi was wiped out as predicted. Similar was the fate of other heavyweights, including Mumtaz Bhutto (Z.A. Bhutto’s talented cousin), Pir Sahib Pagara and former prime minister Mohammad Khan Junejo.

Promising to comply with three conditions set by GIK, Benazir takes oath as prime minister
The PPP came out as the single largest party securing 94 seats, while the official alliance, the IJI, bagged 54 seats. The Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) boycotted but took part as observers, bagging 13 seats.

In the final countdown PPP bagged 94 seats, while IJI got 55, the Independents 37 and other parties 19 seats. Among other parties JUI-F secured seven seats, ANP got two seats. The breakdown was for 237 seats (207 general, 20 seats for women and 10 for minorities).

The election results shocked the acting president, who began exploring a way out for the IJI to form the government by manoeuvring a coalition. He even asked the splinter groups to join the IJI, an attempt that went in vain. Even if all the 39 Independents would have supported the IJI, the total number of seats would have been much less than the required majority for forming the government. Instead of calling for the election of the leader of the house, Ishaq Khan thought of requisitioning the National Assembly session and call for the election of the speaker, which would indicate the majority; but the idea was dropped for fear of a political fallout. After a lapse of 14 days, Ishaq Khan finally asked Benazir Bhutto to take oath as prime minister; of course, after arriving at an agreement.

Many observers claimed that it was a deliberate attempt on the part of Ishaq Khan to delay transfer of power. No doubt Ishaq Khan delayed it, but it was the Revival of the Constitutional Order (RCO) enacted by Gen Zia which empowered the president to appoint, at his discretion, any member of the National Assembly as prime minister. He had no intention of offering power to the PPP chief but the RCO offered him a chance to play a trick.

For this purpose, Ishaq Khan laid down three conditions, and the task was awarded to Mirza Aslam Baig, the COAS, to approach Benazir. The first condition was: Ishaq Khan would stay; so would Sahibzada Yaqoob Ali Khan as foreign minister; and she would neither cut the defence budget unilaterally nor would interfere in defence matters. BB accepted all three conditions.

To form the government was easy but to run it was difficult. She did not want strained relations, but it was unavoidable. Just a few minutes before the oath taking, as BB entered the room for the ceremony, Ishaq Khan, who was to receive her at the rostrum, went up to her and politely asked Ms Bhutto to proceed ahead by saying: “Beti, after you.” “I am not Beti. I am the prime minister of Pakistan,” was the quick retort by the would-be prime minister. This baffled Ishaq Khan and he proceeded before her. Clad in a green shalwar kameez, her head covered, she took oath as the Muslim world’s first woman prime minister. After the oath, she was led to the official car by Ishaq Khan, the president who had the power to dismiss her government, and which he did, 20 months later.

Source: Democracy returns to the driving seat
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, June 12th, 2016
__________________
The world is changed by your example, not by your opinion !
Reply With Quote
  #35  
Old Sunday, June 26, 2016
Man Jaanbazam's Avatar
Excursionist
Moderator: Ribbon awarded to moderators of the forum - Issue reason: Medal of Appreciation: Awarded to appreciate member's contribution on forum. (Academic and professional achievements do not make you eligible for this medal) - Issue reason:
 
Join Date: Jan 2013
Location: Into The Wild
Posts: 1,940
Thanks: 1,140
Thanked 1,478 Times in 754 Posts
Man Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura about
Default June 26th, 2016

A leaf from history: ‘We, the people …’

After taking the oath of office on Dec 2, 1988, Benazir Bhutto addressed the crowd at the prime minister’s secretariat. “We gather to celebrate freedom, to celebrate democracy, to celebrate the three most beautiful words in the English language: ‘We, the people’.”

Both joyous and traumatic memories,of the time she had spent as ‘Pinky’ with her father, haunted her. Despite her solitary years in jails and in exile, Benazir Bhutto appeared calm and sombre, reflecting that she had perhaps changed as a person.

Undoubtedly, the oath-taking was a milestone in her life as well as for Pakistan, as it marked the end of Gen Zia’s 11-year military rule. At the time, in the 41 years of the country’s existence, democracy had prevailed for only 17 years; out of which most of the time went towards developing the Constitution. Despite the struggle made by liberal forces for the restoration of democracy, Benazir assuming post of the prime minister led to a debate within the PPP about her accepting premiership with certain conditions.

Despite Gen Beg’s hostile attitude, another Bhutto takes oath as PM
But she had reasons for it — the most compelling being that she believed she had no option. If she had refused, then there might have been a long, unpredictable wait. Likewise, the establishment had no choice either, as after Bhutto’s hanging and the dismissal of Junejo’s government, there had to be a prime minister from Sindh, as per the decision by the military leadership after the Bahawalpur aircraft crash.

After assuming power, Benazir was repeatedly reminded by Gen Aslam Baig that it was because of him, he claimed, that Benazir had become the prime minister, and that if he had set forth stricter conditions Benazir could not have become the prime minister. There were some comments in the press as well about the army hijacking foreign policy. Gen Baig did not deny this and said that they could have hijacked much more if they so desired.

When Zia found himself pressured from all quarters to restore democracy, he chalked out a plan to keep the PPP out of governance even if it won the polls. To ensure the success of that objective, Gen Zia decided to carve out a niche for himself and let governance matters revolve around him, no matter who became the prime minister, as in the case of Mohammad Khan Junejo. But on second thought about the possible re-entry of Benazir in the political scenario, he improvised his earlier plan.

Gen Zia had considered the holding of 1985 general elections on non-party basis a fruitful experience and he wanted the 1988 elections to also be held on a non-party basis, but Benazir had managed to get this move annulled by the Supreme Court. Equally important was the issue of presentation of NIC at polling booths. However, this hindrance was also removed by the court, adding considerable voting strength to the election.

Following the Bahawalpur crash, a shaky and indecisive environment prevailed at the Presidency. There was a possibility of promulgating Martial Law and putting political activities on hold. Since the top brass had been wiped out in the crash, leaving only Gen Aslam Baig as the senior-most officer in the army, he could have done away with the constitutional process. He decided to follow the Constitution, but ensured that liberal forces were kept out of the power race. His intention was to restore the democratic process and at the same time restore the army’s prestige.

Contemporary historians would record that the transfer of power in 1988 was part of a bigger plan set into action since Gen Zia had decided to keep liberal elements away from power. Perhaps he feared that if the PPP came to power again, it would avenge Bhutto’s hanging. He believed that a segment of armed forces subscribed to his political perception. The overthrow of July 5, 1977, was part of the plan which was to be followed by a personal dictatorship extending beyond a decade.

After consulting with his colleagues, Gen Zia decided to dispel the common feeling in regard to the army’s continued intervention in political administration. With Pakistan’s crumbling economy and a society plagued by ills, it was believed that democracy could bring stability and revive economic reforms. Pakistan’s action as a front state to defeat the (now defunct) Soviet Union had brought an influx of 7m Afghan refugees to an already ailing economy, plus a drug and Kalashnikov culture.

The selection of a prime minister from Sindh was a commendable idea, and since other contenders for the position, like Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi and Illahi Bakhsh Soomro were rejected at the ballot box, Benazir was the best option.

Another compelling factor was the upcoming presidential election. On Aug 17, the armed forces chiefs had decided to name the Senate chairman as acting president, in accordance with the Constitution. This was part of a process to get him elected as president after the election of a prime minister. The PPP did not have absolute majority to get the premiership outright, but it had the strength, without which Ghulam Ishaq Khan could not have been elected. Considering all these realities, the establishment decided to redo its roadmap.

Source: A leaf from history: ‘We, the people …’
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, June 26th, 2016
__________________
The world is changed by your example, not by your opinion !
Reply With Quote
The Following User Says Thank You to Man Jaanbazam For This Useful Post:
derawall (Monday, June 27, 2016)
  #36  
Old Sunday, July 10, 2016
Man Jaanbazam's Avatar
Excursionist
Moderator: Ribbon awarded to moderators of the forum - Issue reason: Medal of Appreciation: Awarded to appreciate member's contribution on forum. (Academic and professional achievements do not make you eligible for this medal) - Issue reason:
 
Join Date: Jan 2013
Location: Into The Wild
Posts: 1,940
Thanks: 1,140
Thanked 1,478 Times in 754 Posts
Man Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura about
Default June 28th, 2016

Jamal Faqir — the last of the Soung singers


In the death of Jamal Faqir, Sindh’s music culture has lost a great exponent of the Soung school of music.

Among music lovers and mystics he was an exponent of peace, love and brotherhood as reflected in the Sufic poetry he sang for nearly five decades.

The contribution of Jamal Faqir will be long remembered, for, he was an eminent and popular group leader of the Soung school of music, which is considered an indigenous form of Sufic music in the Indus valley.

Historically, Soung style was established with the rise of Sufic music in Sindh, in which a group sings collectively like in a chorus. As in other parts of the world, Soung music is being practised for many hundreds of years. During all these years a number of Sufis have been associated with this phenomenon known for its piety that binds human being with his creator.

Sound and music are the two most effective modes of expression for the Sufis to get closer to God and seek his blessings. Music to Sufis is the medium that transcends the dedication the subject owes to the Lord. It has been the most popular medium for the Sufis as a mode of prayer to invoke the compassion of God, irrespective of the religion, caste and creed.

Since he was born in the vicinity of the shrine of Mahmood Faqir Khatyan he took to loving Faqir Khatyan’s poetry. The other mystic poets whose poetry is sung by Soung faqirs are; Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai, Sachal Sarmast and Shah Inayat Shaheed.

Soung music, which literally means The Song of Togetherness, is the sense underlying the inspiration the singers gather for being attributed closely to the nature and from there they draw His energy and ecstasy.

Singing with the traditional musical instruments such as chappar (castanets), yaktaro (one-stringed lute) and dando (the stick bearing bells), it transcends a deep sense of togetherness induced by music and the yearning for love and dedication.

The singers essentially singing in unison generally choose waee (a poetical genre similar to kafi) for singing. In the contemporary singers, the kafis and waees of Shah Latif, Sachal Sarmast, Roohal Faqir and Mahmood Faqir Khatyan are the main attraction for the Soung singers.

Sometimes, out of exaltation, the singers who sing while standing, swirl around in a simple dance form. This action, it is said is a derivation of dedication to the love and affinity expressed in the poetry they sing.

The Soung school of singing generally involves a group of singers led by some eminent artists.

In the second half of the 20th century, Faqir Abdul Ghafoor, Dhol Faqir, Faqir Yar Ali, and Inayat Faqir had been very popular Soung faqirs. Suhrab Faqir (Khairpur, 1934-2009) had been a very popular figure and sung for almost four decades before he died.

Jamal Faqir also sung with Suhrab Faqir and travelled extensively as a member of the cultural troupes that performed in different parts of the world and won acclaim from the world connoisseurs.

Born in 1952 to a Manganhar family, a troubadour scion of Sindh involved in music and musical arts of Bobi, a small sleepy town of Sanghar district in southern Sindh.

His native area being adjacent to Rajasthan it has rich traditions of music, he grew up in rural culture and got early education. He developed a taste for Sufic music from the childhood.

Singing in various Soung groups, Jamal Faqir finally joined Suhrab Faqirs and sang at almost all shrines and earned laurels. He also became part of musical troupes which travelled various countries of the world and won praise.

After the death of Suhrab Faqir he continued singing till he was rendered indisposed by the disease that eventually led to his death on Saturday.

Source: Jamal Faqir — the last of the Soung singers
Published in Dawn, June 28th, 2016
__________________
The world is changed by your example, not by your opinion !
Reply With Quote
  #37  
Old Sunday, July 10, 2016
Man Jaanbazam's Avatar
Excursionist
Moderator: Ribbon awarded to moderators of the forum - Issue reason: Medal of Appreciation: Awarded to appreciate member's contribution on forum. (Academic and professional achievements do not make you eligible for this medal) - Issue reason:
 
Join Date: Jan 2013
Location: Into The Wild
Posts: 1,940
Thanks: 1,140
Thanked 1,478 Times in 754 Posts
Man Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura about
Default July 10, 2016

A leaf from history: Slaves to Ghulam


Despite the return of democracy, Benazir Bhutto wasn’t too pleased about the fact that she did not have complete executive power as the prime minister. Since the moment she became prime minister, she had been telling her associates to be very cautious. It was only later that her inexperience, negligence and self-centred approach proved to be disastrous for her premiership.

On the other hand, President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, armed with draconian laws including the Eighth Amendment, came across as politically impotent, did not want to be (soft?) like Fazl Ilahi Chaudhry, president in the PPP’s first government. He conveyed his concern through various channels, which was actually a message to Benazir that she did not have a free hand. Under the Constitution, Khan had taken oath as acting president the day Gen Zia’s plane crashed but the Constitution required a permanent president. However, the strained relations between the president and prime minister meant that an election for a new president were on hold.

Ishaq Khan enjoyed the support of Nawaz Sharif, the businessman-turned politician from Punjab. Shocked at the election results and the PPP’s victory, Sharif began campaigning for Ishaq Khan. In order to run a hassle-free administration, Benazir had to mend fences with Ishaq Khan.

She therefore had accepted the proposition of working alongside Ishaq Khan, after obtaining a pledge from him, that he too would reciprocate with his support. In the same manner, she agreed to extend her party’s support to him for the presidential election.

Benazir’s second premiership began with presidential polls and ended with dismissal of her government
It might have been an easy victory for Ishaq Khan, but Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, a senior politician and a former opposition leader who was not in favour of Ishaq Khan being elected unopposed, decided to contest for the august office.

The presidential polls were scheduled for December. Nawabzada was a highly respected political leader committed to democracy and would never let anti-democratic forces go unchallenged. Earlier, during Ayub Khan’s era, he had opposed the creation of the National Assembly through indirect elections (the Basic Democracy system) in 1962. It was during these days when there was a lull on the political horizon that he began his speech in the National Assembly with the couplet Har shakh pe oloo betha hai, anjam-i-gulistan kiya hoga, applauded greatly following the pin drop silence.

Similarly, he had persuaded Fatima Jinnah to contest presidential elections in 1964 and expose the tactics played by Ayub Khan to win the presidential race. In 1969, he successfully formed the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), a five-party alliance which became instrumental in the removal of Ayub Khan. In 1977, too, he played a significant role in forming the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) which finally led to the ousting of Z.A. Bhutto’s government.

Nawabzada had hoped that smaller parties and groups in the National Assembly would support him outright but they were so few that he could bag only 91 votes, while Khan with the support of two major parties secured 348 votes.

In the centre, Benazir formed a coalition with Muhajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) and the Awami National Party (ANP). However, in the provinces too, the results were not favourable for her. In the NWFP, the IJI won 28 seats, the PPP 20 and the NAP 12 out of 77 seats. In Balochistan’s 34-seat house, the PPP won three seats while IJI and JUI-F won eight seats each, while the rest went to independent candidates.

The governor of Balochistan, Lt-Gen (rtd) Musa Khan dismissed the assembly even before a provincial government could be formed. However, in January 1989, Balochistan High Court restored the assembly. The dissolution of the Balochistan Assembly did not augur well and needed careful handling.

The worst show of politics was seen in the Punjab, where Muslim League-Nawaz emerged as the largest party with 108 seats in a house of 260 members. The PPP lagged behind with 93 seats. In a strange manner of voting in Punjab, 41 members were elected as independents.

In Sindh, the home province of Benazir, the PPP won 67 seats in a house of 114 members, with the MQM bagging 26 seats followed by 16 independent members. Since the IJI had not found a footing in the province till then, it could only secure one seat.

Although the PPP could have formed an independent government in Sindh, the situation there was quite different from the rest of Pakistan. With the MQM having won 26 seats in urban Sindh, it was the obligation of the majority party to include the MQM in the government. After a number of consultative meetings, the PPP and MQM agreed on a long charter of cooperation with the latter pledging support to PPP in both federal and provincial governments.

The agreement resolved that the coalition government would protect and safeguard the interests of all the people of Sindh, irrespective of language, religion or origin of birth as well as stamp out violence and support the rule of law. However, the coalition moved with certain difficulties which affected the overall administration in Sindh.

Urdu-speaking students had begun taking part in activities under the banner of All Pakistan Muhajir Students Organisation in 1984. They contested local politics in 1987 a and after the 1988 elections, their party became a part of the PPP-led coalition government. Reports of continued violence from Karachi and other parts of Sindh put pressure on the leadership of both parties. With no end in sight to the violence, the coalition government came to an end on May 1,1989 —just six months into the partnership. Three MQM ministers resigned but the party leadership decided that it would continue to support the PPP in the centre. The cooperation continued till Aug 6, 1990 when the PPP government was dismissed by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan on charges of misgovernance and corruption.

Source: A leaf from history: Slaves to Ghulam
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, July 10th, 2016
__________________
The world is changed by your example, not by your opinion !
Reply With Quote
  #38  
Old Monday, July 25, 2016
Man Jaanbazam's Avatar
Excursionist
Moderator: Ribbon awarded to moderators of the forum - Issue reason: Medal of Appreciation: Awarded to appreciate member's contribution on forum. (Academic and professional achievements do not make you eligible for this medal) - Issue reason:
 
Join Date: Jan 2013
Location: Into The Wild
Posts: 1,940
Thanks: 1,140
Thanked 1,478 Times in 754 Posts
Man Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura about
Default July 24th, 2016

A leaf from history: A taste of defeat


From the very beginning of her term, Benazir Bhutto was aware that she had been elected in an unfriendly environment and would have to sail through rough waters. Just three weeks into the Prime Minister House, she was confronted by the election of the chairman of the Senate, scheduled for Dec 24, 12 days after the presidential vote on Dec 12.

The election to the prestigious office, which had fallen vacant when Senate chairman Ghulam Ishaq Khan had assumed the responsibility of acting president after Gen Zia’s crash, had become a point of prestige for Benazir Bhutto and the opposition leader Nawaz Sharif.

Bhutto did not have enough seats in the Senate to enable her to elect a Senate chairman of her choice without support from any other party or group. While she was still looking for a perfect candidate, Senator Tariq Chaudhry, a PPP supporter at the time, despite having no support in the house decided to contest the election.

Senator Wasim Sajjad however stood a better chance as he enjoyed support of other leaders and was a popular person. He belonged to a respectable family from Jalandhar, India. His father Justice Sajjad Ahmad Jan was a jurist and had served as chief election commissioner for the 1977 elections. Wasim Sajjad was well-educated and had served as federal minister for interior in Mohammad Khan Junejo’s government. He had been elected member of the Senate in 1980 during Gen Zia’s dictatorial regime.

Wasim Sajjad’s victory in the Senate elections came as Benazir’s first defeat in the early days of her premiership
In 1988, supported by President Ghulam Ishaq, the opposition leader Nawaz Sharif and other IJI component parties, Sajjad was ready to contest election for the Senate chairman.

Benazir did not want Tariq Chaudhry to contest the election because Wasim Sajjad had a better chance of winning but Chaudhary took a decision without her approval. Consequently, Wasim Sajjad bagged 53 votes while Tariq Chaudhry got 24 votes — Bhutto’s first defeat in her nascent political career.

As chairman, Wasim Sajjad played a positive role in the house, consolidating his position. He was elected four times till 1999, and with 12 years in the office he became the longest serving chairman of the Senate.

Meanwhile, Benazir Bhutto was trying to tackle the issues confronting her as best as she could. She hoped that more democratic elements would come to the assemblies after the next elections so that it would be possible to scrap the Eighth Amendment.

The situation in Punjab was most challenging for Benazir. As she waited for a favourable time, rumours spread that the PM was going to introduce a new strategy that would give her government a fresh boost. Before the ruling party could confirm or reject it, Chief of Army Staff Gen Aslam Baig called on her and advised her to make a broad-based government by inducting some members of the opposition parties in order to come out of political instability. Apparently, this advice had some sinister undercurrents. Benazir Bhutto took the advice, along with additional recommendation from the COAS to invite the opposition party leaders to nominate their members, instead of picking them out by herself. This was aimed at stopping Benazir’s attempts to woo members of the opposition to her government so that she could form a multi-party government.

On the other hand, it had become quite obvious that Nawaz Sharif was persistently trying to end the PPP government through a mid-term elections and had been meeting with leaders of various parties in this regard. In response, Benazir Bhutto initiated a move to destabilise Nawaz Sharif in Punjab, where he had formed a provincial government without any external help. It was purely a numbers game and to dislodge Nawaz Sharif in Punjab was not as simple as she thought.

The result of the Senate chairman election was no surprise for Benazir Bhutto and she was more concerned by reports of other moves being contemplated by Nawaz Sharif, presumably supported by President Ishaq Khan and the COAS Gen Aslam Baig. There were rumours that President Ghulam Ishaq might ask Benazir Bhutto to seek a vote of confidence. This was the brainchild of Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, once a PPP stalwart and now head of a faction supported by his allies Nawaz Sharif and Ishaq Khan.

Benazir was surrounded by a political mess that could only be dealt with shrewd political skills. She wanted to create a smooth, working atmosphere.

Source: A leaf from history: A taste of defeat
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, July 24th, 2016
__________________
The world is changed by your example, not by your opinion !
Reply With Quote
  #39  
Old Sunday, August 07, 2016
Man Jaanbazam's Avatar
Excursionist
Moderator: Ribbon awarded to moderators of the forum - Issue reason: Medal of Appreciation: Awarded to appreciate member's contribution on forum. (Academic and professional achievements do not make you eligible for this medal) - Issue reason:
 
Join Date: Jan 2013
Location: Into The Wild
Posts: 1,940
Thanks: 1,140
Thanked 1,478 Times in 754 Posts
Man Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura about
Default August 7th, 2016

Leaf from History: Politics and lies


Even before she took over the reins of leadership on Dec 2, 1988, Benazir Bhutto was aware of the problems — political or otherwise — that lay ahead. Though her party, the PPP, had secured more seats than any other party and she had managed to form the government in the centre, in the provinces the situation was different. In Sindh, her home province, despite having bagged 67 seats in the house of 114, Bhutto had to join hands with MQM, which had 26 seats.

However, the situation was not favourable for the PPP in Balochistan, Punjab and NWFP (now KP). Led by Nawaz Sharif, the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI) gained popularity in Punjab and NWFP.

But what was most disconcerting was the result from Punjab where, in a house of 240 members, the IJI had captured 108 seats. This was a fairly good position but it could not form the government on its own. With 94 seats, the PPP had emerged as the second largest party, defeating Bhutto’s ambition of making a government in the province which was once PPP’s stronghold. In this situation, the 41 independents assumed a decisive factor in forming the government

In Balochistan’s 42-member house, the PPP had bagged three seats, IJI eight seats, Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (Fazal) 11 seats, while seven members were independent. The Balochistan National Alliance (BNA), led by Baloch nationalist Akbar Bugti, rose as a new force by gaining six seats. Post elections, Bhutto let Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali, the caretaker chief minister of Balochistan to continue as head of the coalition government.

Much manoeuvring and manipulation continued in NWFP and Balochistan in the first few months of Benazir Bhutto’s premiership
Since Sharif did not want Bhutto to form the government in Balochistan, he disapproved of this move and asked the governor, Gen (Retired) Musa Khan, to dissolve the provincial assembly under Article 1 (112). Subsequently on Dec 15, 1988 — just 12 days after Bhutto had taken over as PM, the provincial assembly was dissolved.

Although the dissolution was carried out on the pretext of the assembly not functioning according to the Constitution, the governor had not consulted the prime minister before using the particular constitutional clause. The dissolution disappointed Bhutto, but she resolved to make a comeback and form a coalition government in Balochistan once again with the help of the independents.

On Jan 22, 1989, the Balochistan High Court restored the Balochistan Assembly, terming the dissolution as illegal. Zafarullah Jamali, who had been appointed caretaker chief minister after the dissolution had to resign and a new game of political manoeuverings began.

In the meantime, Sharif brought about an accord among BNA, IJI and JUI and a coalition was formed. Nawab Akbar Bugti was elected as chief minister of Balochistan on Feb 5, 1989. This was another loss for the PPP.

Sharif now began to eye NWFP, where in the house of 77 members, the IJI had secured 28 seats, the ANP 12 seats and the PPP trailed behind the IJI with 20 seats. The PPP had formed a coalition with the ANP in the centre and the MQM in Sindh, and it wanted a coalition with the ANP in NWFP as well. Bhutto reached an agreement with ANP chief Wali Khan according to which the provincial government would be led by PPP, while the governorship would go to the ANP. As a result of the alliance, Aftab Ahmad Sherpao was elected as NWFP chief minister, while Amir Gulistan Janjua was appointed as governor. But soon differences arose between them and the PPP-ANP coalition fell apart.

Bhutto manoeuvred the situation so that 10 members from the IJI left their alliance with the PML-N on Jan 19, 1989 to join the PPP-led coalition, thereby preventing a collapse of the PPP-led government. However, the final blow to the alliance with the ANP came in April 1989, when a row was sparked with the PPP after a tough US stance on Pakistan which had a direct bearing on NWFP politics.

The US at the time was negotiating on three major policies with Pakistan, and had put forth demands for continuing close cooperation. These included capping the nuclear programme, and a crackdown on the narcotics trade which was reportedly being run on a high scale from NWFP. It was also demanded that drugs smugglers be handed over to the US or be tried in Pakistan.

Bhutto’s forthcoming scheduled visit to the US was only weeks away and she wanted to complete a few tasks before her visit. She ordered Aitzaz Ahsan, the federal interior minister, to undertake an operation against drug trafficking being run by some influential people in NWFP. The arrest of some of these powerful people during the operation infuriated the drug barons. Despite attempts made by the ANP leadership to justify the operation, it bitterly failed. Finally, on April 27, 1989, the enraged ANP leadership withdrew its cabinet members, bringing an end to the PPP-ANP coalition.

This left the NWFP open to Sharif who was desirous of making inroads there. After much politicking, he finally succeeded in being able to woo ANP chief Wali Khan, convincing him to join the Muslim League in a coalition government in the province. In June 1989, the ANP entered into an alliance with PML-N which survived till 1998, only to break down again on differences regarding the Kalabagh dam and renaming of the frontier province.

Source: Leaf from History: Politics and lies
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, August 7th, 2016
__________________
The world is changed by your example, not by your opinion !
Reply With Quote
  #40  
Old Sunday, August 21, 2016
Man Jaanbazam's Avatar
Excursionist
Moderator: Ribbon awarded to moderators of the forum - Issue reason: Medal of Appreciation: Awarded to appreciate member's contribution on forum. (Academic and professional achievements do not make you eligible for this medal) - Issue reason:
 
Join Date: Jan 2013
Location: Into The Wild
Posts: 1,940
Thanks: 1,140
Thanked 1,478 Times in 754 Posts
Man Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura aboutMan Jaanbazam has a spectacular aura about
Default August 21st, 2016

The ‘dawn of a new era’ that remained a dream


For over 28 years, no Indian premier had visited Pakistan — a situation underscored by recent hostilities between the South Asian neighbours. On December 29, 1988, the status quo changed: Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi set foot in Islamabad in an attempt to usher in a new, more peaceful era for Indo-Pak relations.

Gandhi arrived in the capital on the morning of the 29th, seemingly to attend the fourth summit meeting of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (Saarc) which was to be held the December 29 to the 31.

But behind the scenes, both the Indian and Pakistani governments had been working overtime to ensure that the visit did indeed take place.

For Benazir, who had assumed the office of prime minister only four weeks ago, this was the first opportunity to host leaders from across the region and liaise with them. After she had been sworn in, Rajiv had sent her a message of felicitation and expressed hope that their mutual efforts could bring about peace and prosperity to both countries and the region at large.

Indeed, the last Indian premier to visit Pakistan was Rajiv’s grandfather, Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, who had arrived in 1960 to pen the historic Indus Basin Water Treaty between the two countries. The treaty had cooled political temperatures back then, and diplomatic circles were hopeful that Rajiv’s visit would thaw the ice in bilateral relations ever since.

Rajiv Gandhi’s visit to Pakistan in 1988 was heralded by Benazir Bhutto as a historic departure from over 40 years of hostility
The Saarc moot therefore was an opportunity that couldn’t be squandered by either leader. Security of the presidents and prime ministers of Saarc countries was paramount and appropriate arrangements were therefore being made in the fortnight leading up to the Saarc moot.

Five days before the conference was to begin, a special messenger of Rajiv Gandhi arrived in Islamabad to review security details being made for the Indian premier’s visit. He also called on the prime minister and spoke to her about the extent of normalisation of relationship and the issues she would bring up in the meeting with Gandhi.

On behalf of Rajiv, an invitation was also extended to Benazir to visit India. She duly accepted the request but was advised to delay announcing her decision till the meeting between the two leaders was held; the announcement would be made by her later on.

On the first morning of the moot, December 29, the Indian prime minister and his team arrived. The delegation included Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, his wife Sonia, son Rahul and daughter Priyanka. A reception chamber had been set up at the airport to welcome them; the reception party included President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, various political leaders, as well as high-ranking military and civilian officials.

Within two hours of their arrival, Rajiv and Benazir had the first of their meetings. Held in a cordial atmosphere, this meeting would set the tone for their respective teams to iron things out.

In the evening, while other guests were being hosted by other high officials, Rajiv and his family enjoyed Benazir’s hospitality at a dinner hosted at the PM House. Bhutto’s spouse, Asif Zardari, and mother, Begum Nusrat Bhutto, were also present.

This dinner paved the way for the normalisation of bilateral relations as Bhutto later remarked: “I am sure each of us will give our best and I hope the time would come when historians would point to your time in India and my time in Pakistan for heralding the dawn of a new era.” The Indian negotiating team beamed at this comment.

At the Saarc meeting, attended by leaders from India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and the Maldives, discussions were held as per the agenda that had been agreed upon. All leaders emphasised the need for such meetings and called for action on the decisions taken.

Some speeches, however, somewhat embarrassed Benazir Bhutto. For instance, General Irshad Hussain of Bangladesh and President J.R. Jayawardene of Sri Lankan paid tributes to Pakistani despot Gen Ziaul Haq and expressed their condolences on his death. Gen Irshad went on to say that Gen Zia was the founder of the Saarc.

Being the host, it was not easy for Bhutto to sit there and hear praise for the man who hanged her father. When she rose to deliver her address, she ignored the remarks about Gen Zia and paid rich tributes to Shaikh Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh and former Sri Lankan leader Bandaranaike. The first day ended on a positive and encouraging note.

On the second day of the moot, after attending regular business, Benazir and Rajiv met separately and were later joined by their respective foreign ministers. During the two-hour meeting, they discussed many issues including Kashmir.

Rajiv did not budge from the traditional Indian stand on the disputed territory; however, he emphasised that they should talk openly on the subject. But as the meeting progressed, he did not find much to support or concede in the Pakistani viewpoint on Kashmir. Rajiv concluded the discussion by calling the Kashmir issue a “dead horse.”

Besides general agreements on various issues, the two leaders inked the Nuclear Non-aggression Agreement between the two countries. Both India and Pakistan suffered a great sense of insecurity about their nuclear plants, and with this accord, both prime ministers pledged not to attack or assist foreign powers to attack either country’s nuclear installations and facilities.

On December 31, the last day of the Saarc summit moot, the two prime ministers met without aides. Later, they held a joint press conference to inform the press that two key issues had not been brought up during discussions: namely, India’s withdrawal from Siachen and Pakistan’s alleged support to the Khalistan movement.

Despite some disappointments, it was widely believed that Rajiv-Benazir meetings held on the sidelines of the Saarc summit were the dawn of a new era in Pakistan-India ties.

Almost 28 years later, we still wait for that new era.

Source: The ‘dawn of a new era’ that remained a dream
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine August 21st, 2016
__________________
The world is changed by your example, not by your opinion !
Reply With Quote
Reply

Thread Tools Search this Thread
Search this Thread:

Advanced Search

Posting Rules
You may not post new threads
You may not post replies
You may not post attachments
You may not edit your posts

BB code is On
Smilies are On
[IMG] code is On
HTML code is Off
Trackbacks are On
Pingbacks are On
Refbacks are On


Similar Threads
Thread Thread Starter Forum Replies Last Post
NAB ::: Psychological Test ::: HELP NEEDED MYG2010 National Accountability Bureau (NAB) 1216 Friday, September 16, 2016 06:45 PM
NAB Result Announced: Please Share Your Marks sarfaraz shami National Accountability Bureau (NAB) 240 Saturday, August 15, 2015 12:07 PM
YPIP Result Announced Descendant of Saul Banking Jobs 443 Thursday, November 21, 2013 05:38 PM
indo-pak relations atifch Current Affairs 0 Monday, December 11, 2006 09:01 PM


CSS Forum on Facebook Follow CSS Forum on Twitter

Disclaimer: All messages made available as part of this discussion group (including any bulletin boards and chat rooms) and any opinions, advice, statements or other information contained in any messages posted or transmitted by any third party are the responsibility of the author of that message and not of CSSForum.com.pk (unless CSSForum.com.pk is specifically identified as the author of the message). The fact that a particular message is posted on or transmitted using this web site does not mean that CSSForum has endorsed that message in any way or verified the accuracy, completeness or usefulness of any message. We encourage visitors to the forum to report any objectionable message in site feedback. This forum is not monitored 24/7.

Sponsors: ArgusVision   vBulletin, Copyright ©2000 - 2024, Jelsoft Enterprises Ltd.