Editorials from DAWN (21-06-2013)
 

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Tough days ahead: Back to the IMF[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE inevitable has to happen. When? It may happen next month, or take another couple of months. The Nawaz Sharif government has to knock at the IMF`s doors to obtain another loan to pay back in the next 12 months what is already owed to the lender.

Finance Minister Ishaq Dar hinted at this eventuality several times in recent weeks. There`s no harm in taking new loans to pay off old ones, he was quoted as having said during his first briefing on the state of the economy his party has inherited from the previous government.

The new loan will not raise the country`s stock of foreign exchange, which is sufficient only to pay the import bill for another three months. Nonetheless, it will stop further depletion of reserves, halt temporarily the erosion in the rupee`s buying power and in the confidence of the business community, as well as pave the way for more dollars from other global lenders for large infrastructure projects.

The government has already taken some steps in its first budget to meet conditions that the IMF is likely to attach to the new loan. These actions include a significant increase in tax revenues although without expanding the base a substantial reduction in electricity subsidies and liquidation of the power-sector debt.Some other measures like a hike in electricity prices and the reform of stateowned businesses including power generation and distribution entities to prepare them for sale will be taken in the next couple of years. All these actions will make the life of the common people more difficult because they are being asked to shoulder the chunk of the adjustments being made to make state finances more liquid. The wealthy have again been spared.

The previous government had also instituted similar initiatives when it signed the standby arrangement loan with the Fund in November 2008 to stop the run-on on the banks and the rupee.

However, it had dithered from taking tougher decisions to reform and restructure the tax system, state corporations, power businesses, etc under political pressure from its allies and the opposition led by the PML-N. Five years hence, the country may again be standing at the crossroads unless a comprehensive plan for the economy is devised that moves beyond the regular recourse to the IMF. For starters, the new government must take difficult decisions to restructure the economy for sustainable and early recovery without considering the political fallout from its opponents or from the powerful and wealthy.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Null and void: Legalizing smuggled vehicles[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

BY nullifying an amnesty scheme initiated by the last government granting duty and tax concessions for smuggled vehicles, the Islamabad High Court has sent the right message. As Justice Shoukat Aziz Siddiqui noted, the FBR`s amnesty discriminated against citizens who lawfully purchase vehicles and pay their requisite state dues. By declaring such amnesties and schemes, the state seems to imply that it is okay to dodge taxes and the formal economy as long as one pays a lower cost at a later date. Similar schemes have been announced in the past, for example the amnesty declared last year under which no questions would be asked regarding the source of funds invested in the Karachi Stock Exchange.

These schemes appear to encourage illegality in the financial sphere, by promising to turn `black` money into `white`. Those who honestly pay their taxes are given the impression that it doesn`t pay to follow the rules and that there are ways to break the law and still work the system.

Considering the fact thatPakistan`s tax-to-GDP ratio is abysmal, such amnesties only encourage the rampant culture of tax evasion. And while efforts are being made to document the informal economy, which is almost as big as the formal one, official moves that encourage smuggling and illegal imports make no sense.

Simply put, such moves are not sustainable as they work only to strengthen the status quo, where tax dodging is tolerated, and offer very short-term advantages to the state.

Apart from questions of financial ethics and loss to the exchequer, the local automobile industry is also affected and jobs are lost when vehicles are smuggled and later legalised. As for the FBR`s claims that billions of rupees were collected when over 50,000 vehicles were regularised under the amnesty, it would be fair to ask how much revenue the state could have collected had the vehicles been imported legally.

The court`s decision should prompt the tax authorities to avoid coming up with such dubious schemes in the future.

Editorials from DAWN (22-06-2013)
 

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]VIP duties: Need for rethink[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

IN Pakistan, law-enforcement personnel are largely seen as working to protect the powerful, not concerned about the security of the common citizen.

Hence the interior minister`s decision to remove Rangers and Frontier Constabulary personnel from `VIP duties` is commendable. Chaudhry Nisar told a press conference on Thursday that only the president, prime minister and chief justice would be provided personnel from the aforementioned LEAs for guard duty. However, the move should also prompt an official rethink about the ramifications of using police personnel as guards for `VIPs`.

No doubt some public officials and private individuals face credible threats to their lives and need extra security, as was brutally illustrated by MQM provincial lawmaker Sajid Qureshi`s murder on Friday. But it is also true that our police forces are understaffed and under-resourced. What is more, having a small army of guards in tow is seen as a status symbol in this country, whether one needs the extra security or not. Moving around town with gun-toting guards and causing traffic to be suspended as one`s entourage passes are ways to show off one`s importance here. Also, the term VIP is thrown around very loosely in the local con-text. There are no defined parameters about who genuinely needs extra protection, the rule of thumb being that if you have the right connections, arranging a police escort should be no problem.

The answer is perhaps to raise a special force in each province, dedicated to the protection of public figures under threat, one that does not affect the financial or manpower situation of the regular police. Such units do exist in some police departments, such as the Sindh police`s Special Security Unit. Yet the manpower for VIP duties is drawn from the regular force, which leaves the police short-staffed. For example, figures from last year show that only 11,000 men were available for regular policing in Karachi, as around 6,500 personnel were deputed for VIP duties. Simply put, it is not practical to provide security cover to every lawmaker, government official and private citizen who wants it. Those who genuinely deserve security must be granted it after an impartial analysis of the threat they face, with men coming from dedicated units that don`t affect regular policing. Others who want extra guards from the police force can also avail the facility, but after they or their parties pay for it, thereby not burdening the taxpayer.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Revolutionary decisions: Balochistan budget[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE first budget of the new Balochistan government represents a major policy departure from the past. It seeks to raise provincial tax revenues through firm decisionmaking which the previous government had avoided because of political reasons. And it shifts investment-spending priorities to improving the quality of social services like education, healthcare and drinking water a welcome deviation from the traditional `brick and mortar` development. The document also allocates a substantial amount for infrastructure in order to expand agriculture, industry and trade to generate new jobs and cut poverty.

The role of the lawmakers in development spending has been eliminated, at least for now. This has allowed the government to keep down the number of new development schemes it plans to execute and to allocate sufficient funds for these. This will help the early completion of schemes that will benefit the people.

The budget clearly reflects the vision of the new government and what it is aiming for. More commendable is the fact thatthe chief minister has tried to evolve his government`s investment-spending priorities in accordance with the social and economic indicators of his province.

If education is allocated 23pc of development funds, it is because the province lags far behind the rest of the country in literacy. But the implementation of these priorities will be a challenge for him. The government must focus on improving governance, which has deteriorated considerably over the years, to cut hefty current expenditure and ensure efficient use of the money it has for development. Then, it will be required to work hard on improving the security conditions. Islamabad can help by ensuring that Balochistan gets the promised federal development funds and addressing the causes of violence in this part of the country.

Paucity of funds and violence are major constraints to development as well as among the causes of the deprivations faced by its people. While only a political solution will bring sustainable peace in the restive province, development can help to reduce tensions.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Objectionable comments: PTI MNA`s remarks in parliament[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

NOT only were the comments of PTI MNA Mujahid Ali Khan objectionable on their own, they were rendered more so by the venue where he uttered them on Thursday. The National Assembly is dedicated to the enterprise of steering the ship of state; it is not a soap-box vantage point from where personal opinions can be aired. That any member should consider it an appropriate site to announce that a selfconfessed and convicted killer should be released, and that too `honourably`, beggars belief.

Simultaneously, there is cruelironyin thefactthat these remarks were made in the very house where legislation is devised and revised Mumtaz Qadri shot and killed Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer in 2011 for the latter`s efforts to have legislators review the blasphemy law.

True, after taking some time, the PTI did distance itself from Mr Khan`sopinion and said that it was the `view of an individual`. But this hardly goes far enough. As the party to which Mr Khan belongs, the PTI too has an ethical liability. It must question why its representative apparently deviated from the standard norm of following party policy, particularly at a forum as formal as the National Assembly. Further, the PTI must review its ranks and its own ideology to see what and how far regressive tendencies exist, and how they can be reversed.

On this last point, Pakistani society in general from the highest echelons to the lowest would also do well to introspect. While violent extremism is of course a major issue, it is also true that there are backwards looking and even extremist people amongst those who do not directly deal in brutality yet. This is the reality that must be altered to root extremism out of Pakistani society.

[B]23.06.2013[/B] [B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Tough days ahead: Back to the IMF[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE inevitable has to happen. When? It may happen next month, or take another couple of months. The Nawaz Sharif government has to knock at the IMF’s doors to obtain another loan to pay back in the next 12 months what is already owed to the lender. Finance Minister Ishaq Dar hinted at this eventuality several times in recent weeks. There’s no harm in taking new loans to pay off old ones, he was quoted as having said during his first briefing on the state of the economy his party has inherited from the previous government. The new loan will not raise the country’s stock of foreign exchange, which is sufficient only to pay the import bill for another three months. Nonetheless, it will stop further depletion of reserves, halt temporarily the erosion in the rupee’s buying power and in the confidence of the business community, as well as pave the way for more dollars from other global lenders for large infrastructure projects.

The government has already taken some steps in its first budget to meet conditions that the IMF is likely to attach to the new loan. These actions include a significant increase in tax revenues — although without expanding the base — a substantial reduction in electricity subsidies and liquidation of the power-sector debt. Some other measures like a hike in electricity prices and the reform of state-owned businesses including power generation and distribution entities to prepare them for sale will be taken in the next couple of years. All these actions will make the life of the common people more difficult because they are being asked to shoulder the chunk of the adjustments being made to make state finances more liquid. The wealthy have again been spared.

The previous government had also instituted similar initiatives when it signed the standby arrangement loan with the Fund in November 2008 to stop the run-on on the banks and the rupee. However, it had dithered from taking tougher decisions to reform and restructure the tax system, state corporations, power businesses, etc under political pressure from its allies and the opposition led by the PML-N. Five years hence, the country may again be standing at the crossroads unless a comprehensive plan for the economy is devised that moves beyond the regular recourse to the IMF. For starters, the new government must take difficult decisions to restructure the economy for sustainable and early recovery without considering the political fallout from its opponents or from the powerful and wealthy.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Null and void: Legalising smuggled vehicles
[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]
BY nullifying an amnesty scheme initiated by the last government granting duty and tax concessions for smuggled vehicles, the Islamabad High Court has sent the right message. As Justice Shoukat Aziz Siddiqui noted, the FBR’s amnesty discriminated against citizens who lawfully purchase vehicles and pay their requisite state dues. By declaring such amnesties and schemes, the state seems to imply that it is okay to dodge taxes and the formal economy as long as one pays a lower cost at a later date. Similar schemes have been announced in the past, for example the amnesty declared last year under which no questions would be asked regarding the source of funds invested in the Karachi Stock Exchange. These schemes appear to encourage illegality in the financial sphere, by promising to turn ‘black’ money into ‘white’. Those who honestly pay their taxes are given the impression that it doesn’t pay to follow the rules and that there are ways to break the law and still work the system. Considering the fact that Pakistan’s tax-to-GDP ratio is abysmal, such amnesties only encourage the rampant culture of tax evasion. And while efforts are being made to document the informal economy, which is almost as big as the formal one, official moves that encourage smuggling and illegal imports make no sense. Simply put, such moves are not sustainable as they work only to strengthen the status quo, where tax dodging is tolerated, and offer very short-term advantages to the state.

Apart from questions of financial ethics and loss to the exchequer, the local automobile industry is also affected and jobs are lost when vehicles are smuggled and later legalised. As for the FBR’s claims that billions of rupees were collected when over 50,000 vehicles were regularised under the amnesty, it would be fair to ask how much revenue the state could have collected had the vehicles been imported legally. The court’s decision should prompt the tax authorities to avoid coming up with such dubious schemes in the future.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Gentler times: A celebration of celluloid
[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]
GIVEN the challenges this country faces, the casual observer could be forgiven for thinking that cultural activity is at a low ebb. That, however, is not the case. From Karachi to Peshawar to Swat, cultural activities are drawing audiences. From time to time, these are of a nature that cause haunting nostalgia, a tangible desire to return to the gentler Pakistan where music, art and culture were amongst the state’s priorities. Into this category must fall the exhibition at the Karachi Arts Council to celebrate 100 years of cinema. Arranged by the group Amateur Melodies in collaboration with the Progressive Writers’ Association (Sindh) and the Arts Council, the exhibition features posters related to various aspects of film in the subcontinent. From the elegant to the kitsch, from Nargis in Mother India to Sultan Rahi as Maula Jutt, these images communicate what we, as a region, have contributed. And not just posters: also on display are memorabilia such as gramophone records, film booklets and photographs that remind of a field that was once an industry but which now stands decimated.

Beyond the nostalgia, therefore, this exhibition should serve as a reminder that much needs to be done in terms of reviving Pakistan’s film industry. While certain Pakistani films have seen domestic and international success over recent years, we have not seen the sort of state-sponsored push and investment that is required to pull an industry out of the doldrums. With cinemas doing good business around the country, it is time to stop arguing over whether or not to allow films to be imported and turn, instead, to bringing the domestic film industry up to competitive standards. With digital technology, the costs of film production have become a little more manageable. This needs to be capitalised upon.

[B]24.06.2013[/B] [B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Blood-soaked reality: Killing of foreigners[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

EVENTUALLY, the illogic of conspiracy will have to give way to reality. Waliur Rehman, a TTP leader mind-bogglingly referred to by Imran Khan as ‘pro-peace’, was killed by an American drone, so now the TTP has killed nine foreigners in remote Gilgit-Baltistan in revenge. And instead of the focus being on how to prevent Pakistan from slipping further towards international isolation and internal instability, the question that will likely be asked most frequently, in the media, by the political class, by large chunks of civil society, is what can be done to stop drones strikes. The problem with the drone debate is not that it is unimportant but that it tends to obscure a more fundamental and important question: what to do about the TTP? And that more important and fundamental question is itself wrapped up in another set of distractions, namely whether or not to negotiate over what is not negotiable.

Unhappily, the newly elected government appears to already be falling into the trap of rhetoric as a substitute for action. Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan has set an admirable new tone by speaking plainly and bluntly about all that ails Pakistan on the security front. That is good. But all the straight talk in the world will not substitute for a meaningful policy against militancy — and the necessary corollary of wresting national security policy from the army leadership. It is here that the PML-N already seems to be falling into the old trap of inaction through summits and all-party conferences and the like. Already, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif appears aloof and disconnected, allowing his ministers to speak for his government instead of leading from the front himself.

For the army’s part, a pattern now seems obvious: everything but North Waziristan can be tackled. The reasons for that can only be guessed at, but could it have something to do with the impending transition in Afghanistan, after which the much-loved Haqqani network may be encouraged to move its operations to the other side of the Durand line and then the TTP will be taken on? If Pakistan’s internal security is in fact linked to an external agenda, then perhaps the TTP is only a symptom of the disease. Bringing about change, particularly in powerful, entrenched institutions, is always a difficult undertaking. But if the Pakistani state doesn’t change its approach, the TTP will change Pakistan for all of us.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Sold into slavery: Report on human trafficking
[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]
IT’S no secret that rights abuses are rife in Pakistan. How serious a problem this is, though, and how deep its roots permeate into the fabric of society, becomes apparent only when different sorts of abuses are considered separately. We know, for example, that women are forced by circumstances or by criminal gangs into prostitution. Delve into the issue a little deeper and it gets worse: boys and girls as young as five are bought, sold, ‘rented’ or kidnapped. Not only are they forced into the sex trade, they are also placed in organised begging rings and sold into slavery in domestic or workplace settings. There exists a structured system for forcing females, adult and minor, into prostitution, and there are physical markets where victims are bought and sold. Women are trafficked for prostitution into Iran and Afghanistan, and Pakistan is a trafficking destination for persons from Iran, Afghanistan and to a lesser extent Bangladesh. There are reports of child sex trafficking between Iran and Pakistan. Domestically, the largest human trafficking problem is bonded labour. These appalling facts are the findings of the US State Department’s 2013 report on Trafficking in Persons, the US government’s principle diplomatic tool in engaging foreign governments on the issue. Sadly, Pakistan is hardly alone in this dismal picture. Secretary of State John Kerry, whilst releasing the report, referred to the global trafficking problem as “modern-day slavery”.

Pakistan may not be alone, but it can certainly do more to curb human trafficking. The report acknowledged that this state is making significant efforts, but even so we do not comply with the minimal standards for the elimination of the problem. Government officials’ complicity is a serious obstacle, and there is insufficient political will and capacity to address the situation. Yet, both will and capacity have to be found. The country is gaining a reputation for trafficking, with such gangs being caught in both the US and the UK; this is a reputation we could well do without.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Degraded ecosystem: Mangrove planting
[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]
PAKISTANIS have set world records in some rather odd events. For instance, last year, Guinness World Records recognised their feat in fast chappati-making and the swiftness shown by a young girl in setting up a chessboard in 15 seconds flat. But Saturday’s ADB-sponsored feat could well see recognition by Guinness of a far worthier cause: the planting of more than 750,000 mangrove saplings in the deltaic region of Thatta district. Mangroves, an integral part of our ecosystem, are being destroyed in their millions. However, even this Herculean effort to resurrect a dying natural heritage leaves many questions unanswered. For instance, what happened to the last record-setting batch of over 540,000 mangrove saplings planted in Keti Bander in 2009? Most of them are believed not to have survived. We must also ask how scientific the present exercise was and how much thought went into factors like high tide, soil quality, etc. It was a mammoth effort and one hopes that it will bear fruit. It would be a pity if all the enthusiasm and hard work went to waste, even if doubts linger about what measures will now be taken to conserve the new mangroves.

Unfortunately, the spirit behind the mangrove-planting exercise is not evident in Karachi where land grabbers and developers go unchallenged as they lay to waste vast swathes of one of nature’s most protective hatcheries for marine life, specifically crustaceans and small fish. The benefits of mangroves are well known: they are natural wind barriers and useful air filters given the level of pollution in urban areas, and they guard against tsunamis and floods. Not least, they are also a crucial source of livelihood for our coastal community. For these reasons alone, concern for the environment has to be shown at the highest level of policymaking.

Editorials from DAWN (26-06-2013)
 

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Missing cooperation: Counterterrorism efforts[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

OUTRAGE, shock, condemnation, the requisite conspiracy-peddling and then back to business as usual, ostrich-like the same tragic pattern after every new atrocity by militants is playing out once again. For a country that is increasingly suspicious of and hostile to the outside world a reality that is very much reciprocated by the outside world the death of several foreigners hardy enough to try and visit one of Pakistan`s most spectacular tourist sites does not appear to have caused much of a convulsion, particularly given the near-daily litany of death and violence that Pakistanis themselves have had to face. In any case, for those who are increasingly prone to seeing every foreigner in Pakistan as a spy or a Blackwater agent or a Raymond Davis, the reality of what happened in Gilgit-Baltistan on Sunday may not sink in. Surely, though, the loss of already scarce tourism rupees and dollars for a region that has few other economic opportunities should be of concern to fellow Pakistanis? It appears not.

While perceptions will take time to change and ownership of an unpopular fight against militancy may take even longer, the onus is on the government to at least provide a road map for fighting militancy.

Up and down and across the breadth of the security and intelligence appara-tus, there is an understanding that what is lacking is institutional cooperation inside an overarching framework in which a clear and coherent counterterrorism strategy is set out. And to achieve that, there have been few ideas as sensible and relevant as the National CounterTerrorism Authority. In the dying days of the last parliament the Nacta Act was finally passed, seemingly bringing to an end the years-long turf war and desultory activities of Nacta. But while the new government has pledged to infuse Nacta with a real sense of purpose and direction, already it appears that the patterns of old may quickly reassert themselves, ie promises instead of action with meaningful and sustained follow-up.

The purpose of Nacta as a research, policyformulation and coordination body is well known.

Less well known are the difficulties associated with creating a new institution and finding enough elbow space for it to operate in a crowded arena, especially one where the relevant military-run intelligence agencies look down on their civilian counterparts as inferior and unworthy of serious cooperation. Without strong political will and a team to run Nacta that is both professional and independent, little will change.

Still, it is not inevitable that nothing will change.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]New worries: Cut in interest rate[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE 50bps cut in the key policy rate last week to a seven-year low of 9pc is in line with the `growth vision` outlined in the first budget of the new government. It also reflects the State Bank`s confidence that the IMF will provide the new loan at much softer conditions than in the past. More importantly, the move shows that the bank is now more worried about a slowing economy and falling private investment than about the balance of payments position and possible risks to inflation in the wake of measures increasing indirect taxes and electricity prices from next month. `Despite these issues, the need to spur domestic investment to revive the economy was paramount,` the bank said explaining its decision.

The return of the PML-N, which promised to reduce the cost of doing business and stimulate investment in its manifesto, has created a kind of euphoria about the revival of growth. The ruling party plans to boost growth to 7pc in three years from the five-year average of below 3pc and take investment-to-GDP ratio to 20pc from 12pc. The rate cut must help reduce the government`s interest payment burden on its domestic loans and improve financial flows of corporations.

It should also act as an incentive for commercial banks to overcome their aversion to risk and lend more money to the private sector as their profitability is squeezed.

But will it boost private investment? That answer depends on how quickly the government bridges the gas and electricity supply gaps and improves the worsening security conditions that have hampered domestic and foreign investment and led the industry to cut its output.

While the business community is waiting for the government`s energy policy with its fingers crossed, the killing of foreign tourists in Gilgit-Baltistan has already dampened the weak investment sentiment generated by the rate cut. The government needs to form a strategy to tackle terrorism and other violent crime if it wants private investors to return to the country.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]No escape for favourites: Police transfers[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

EVEN by Pakistani standards of governing on the basis of personal whims, the police remain an example of chopping and changing. Just as senior policemen routinely suffer public humiliation because of the rulers` urge and need to give sundry security reassurances to the people, the posts these officers are given are a manifestation of their closeness, or otherwise, to those in power. The latest shuffling in the Punjab police department indicates there is no escape for the favourites from the choicest postings. Inevitably, many old faces relied upon by the previous Shahbaz Sharif set-up are back in important positions as the chief minister settles in for his new term.

The PML-N, in power in Islamabad and Lahore, has been given a huge mandate, especially by Punjab.

This increases its responsibilities to provide people with the best in terms of policing. Also, for anyone who is familiar with howaffairs are run at the local level, a glut of lawmakers associated with the ruling party in Punjab create administrative problems of their own. These lawmakers must be kept happy and this is a tough proposition in circumstances where not too many of them can be offered plum jobs, such as ministerial portfolios. Government officials of their choice in their constituencies is the least these lawmakers can expect, putting the much-flaunted desire of the top men in government for merit and justice at odds with the convention where elected members must appear to wield considerable administrative influence among their electorate. If the police are to act as the door to the cherished land where rule of law prevails, with minimal digressions and violations, the thinking has to change. Freeing police of political influence and turning them into a responsible, autonomous force is the key.

Editorials from DAWN (26-06-2013)
 

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]The longer shadow: Musharraf`s trial[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

SOMEHOW, when it comes to the army`s political transgressions and holding its leadership accountable for its sins against the nation, the arguments against doing so are quickly and furiously proffered.

Somehow, it is never the right time, there is always something more important to be attended to first or there is encouragement to let bygones be bygones. But beyond the self-serving claims, there is a very real need for a reckoning with the past. Now, the country may finally be inching towards the ultimate reckoning: putting a military dictator on trial for his crimes against the Constitution and the people of Pakistan. Unsurprisingly, there are more questions than answers at the moment. How much pressure will the Supreme Court led by Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry put on Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif`s government to see the judges` tormentor former army chief Pervez Musharraf put on trial? How will the present army leadership respond to the trial of a former army chief with the selection of the next army chief on the horizon? Beyond his self-proclaimed desire to move on and strengthen democracy, does Mr Sharif still harbour a grudge that will be hard to suppress now that the opportunity to have Mr Musharraf punished has presented itself? If there is one thing that is clear, however, it is the time frame that should be under consideration when revisiting the Musharraf era: the November 2007 emergency was not the original sin; in fact, it was only possible because of what is actually the original sin October 1999.

And in that original episode were involved a whole range of actors, both in its planning and execution and its judicial validation soon thereafter. For then-Gen Musharraf to have been able to circumvent the Constitution and install himself as Pakistan`s ruler, the cooperation of many other individuals was required a fact that is key to both understanding the basis of military rule and shutting down the route to future extraconstitutional adventures.

By going beyond just MrMusharraf and also seeking to hold other key players to account, the process will necessarily transcend the sense of vendetta or revenge and shift the focus to democracy strengthening.

That necessarily raises the question of why there has been no clarity about whether the events of 1999 are in fact part of the proceedings that Prime Minister Sharif has now said his government will support. In some quarters, the argument has been made that the events of 1999 were given parliamentary cover by the parliament elected in 2002 and so that is a closed chapter, even if the last parliament retrospectively undid that approval. But then the 2007 emergency has perhaps the most authoritative judgement of the Supreme Court itself that laid bare all the relevant episodes of that fact, and a trial of Mr Musharraf is unlikely to yield anything ground-breaking in terms of facts or evidence. Then again, if it`s simply a case of bringing to justice the individual held responsible for November 2007, there is another Supreme Court judgement regarding the 1990 election which also requests the government to proceed against those the court has found involved in stealing an election and that happens to include the present prime minister, Mr Sharif. It appears, then, that everyone is proceeding with caution, fearful of the skeletons in their own closets and worried what a trial of a dictator with nothing to lose may unleash.

Still, complexity and uncertain outcomes and reactions ought not to be reason enough to ultimately baulk at holding individuals accountable for their crimes against the Constitution and, by extension, against the people of Pakistan. In truth, the most difficult tasks are also the most important, but buried within that reason is also the explanation for why they must be attempted. In five years since Mr Musharraf`s exit, the transition to democracy has passed major and historic milestones.

There is no reason to flinch from examining the past anymore.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Bright and dark spots: Energy policy[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

SO far so good. It seems the government is working along the right lines where the new energy policy is concerned. The thinking going into the policy is to work on a large-scale transformation of the power sector. This is good because a large-scale and comprehensive intervention is exactly what is required to pull the country out of the quagmire of growing power shortages.

Small-scale tinkering here and there rental power plants or impotent new boards of governors for a few entities is what is not needed. The new policy being worked on by the PML-N government appears to be comprehensive, taking reforms in generation, transmission and distribution, as well as fuel supply and operational efficiency to a whole new level.

Perhaps this explains the delay in the formal announcement of the policy, which has been expected since days after the swearing in of the new cabinet. While it is now being reported that the policy will be announced in a couple of weeks, the delays are entirely understandable. Unlike the budget, which betrayed signs of being put together in haste, it is expected that the energy policy, with its extensive scope, will see detailed consultation and thorough homework before moving towards the implementation stage.

So deliberating and poringover the details is time well spent, and the indications on the size and scope of the policy show that the government is serious about taking on this crisis by the horns.

But with large scales, come big questions. Missing from the details so far known is clarity on how pricing reforms will be advanced. We know that some slabs are being reworked with an eye to protecting lifeline and lower-middle-class consumers from the inevitable price increases that are coming. We also know that the new policy will aim to recover the full cost of generation from billing recoveries and do away with any need for subsidies on government account and its attendant problems of circular debt. But what we have yet to see is work to create a market-driven pricing mechanism.

There`s also no sign of augmented powers for the regulator to prevent market failures. And it is unclear where the massive investment required to bring about the operational efficiencies and improved fuel supply chain will come from. Private-sector efficiencies will not come in the absence of privatesector pricing. Admittedly, a comprehensive plan to reform the power sector will be a tale that will grow with the telling, but the government would do well to cast some light on the important dark spots in its thinking thus far.

Editorials from DAWN (27-06-2013)
 

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Ominous message: SHC judge attacked[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE targeting of Justice Maqbool Baqar`s convoy in Karachi on Wednesday morning is a clear message from religious militants that even a high court judge with a significant security detail is within their reach. The incident is probably the first of its kind where such a highranking jurist has been targeted. While the fact that the Sindh High Court judge survived the attack was nothing short of a miracle, a number of people mostly policemen and Rangers in his entourage died in the bomb attack that left no doubt of its intensity. Surely, the number of fatalities could have been reduced if the unfortunate men had been equipped with protective gear. Claiming responsibility for the bombing, the Pakistani Taliban have said Justice Bagar, a member of the Shia community, was targeted due to his `anti-Taliban and antiMujahideen decisions`.

The judge was also believed to be on Lashkar-iJhangvi`s hit list while a TTP suspect arrested in Karachi last year told police that Maqbool Baqar was among his intended targets. The jurist had served as the administrative judge of the anti-terrorism courts in Karachi and initially heard terrorism cases in this capacity.

When a judge of the seniority and stature of Justice Bagar can so easily be targeted, how can we expect judges from lower courts to move actively oncases to convict terrorism suspects? In the aftermath of the attack, perhaps it will not be surprising if lower court judges refuse to hear terrorism cases.

That is why, as this newspaper has frequently pointed out, a proper system is required to protect judges, lawyers and witnesses involved in antiterrorism cases. The intimidation and threats these individuals face plays a major part in keeping the conviction rate low. Unless this changes, we cannot expect progress when it comes to convicting militants. While senior judges do have adequate security, as in Justice Baqar`s case, the security arrangements for ATC judges and prosecutors are insufficient, which means those on the front line of the legal battle against militancy are exposed to considerable danger. It is hoped Wednesday`s incident will trigger a rethink in the way terrorism cases are heard and conducted in Pakistan.

And while reform is needed where the security of individuals associated with anti-terrorism cases is concerned, the larger issue is that of addressing the menace of sectarian and jihadi militancy. The fact remains that until the jihadi infrastructure is dismantled by the security and intelligence apparatus, judges, lawmakers, government officials, security personnel and common citizens will continue to be open, `soft` targets for militants.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Edhi`s generosity: Cadaveric organ donation[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THAT Abdul Sattar Edhi has once again displayed an act of selnessness that will benefit many after he is gone is only further evidence, if any were needed, of his characteristic generosity. He has devoted his life to serving humanity and can easily be compared to Mother Teresa and others of her ilk, given the towering stature of his charitable works. Having been ill with diabetes for sometime now, the octogenarian is undergoing dialysis at the Sindh Institute of Urology and Transplantation. On Tuesday, he announced that he has offered all his harvestable organs for donation in the hope of serving people `when I am no more in the physical world`.

Mr Edhi`s gesture should do more than give a new lease of life to the unknown people who will receive his organs in due course. It should, in fact, be taken as another significant seed in planting the notion of cadaveric donation in the country`s social fabric. Organ transplant and donation are covered by Pakistani law, and opposition on a religiousbasis has also been countered. Yet while doctors estimate that up to 50,000 lives a year could be saved if organs were available, few people are aware of what a modicum of generosity can achieve. Although awareness-raising campaigns have been run by quarters that include the SIUT, and President Asif Ali Zardari became a donor when he signed the transplant law in 2010, the rates of organ donation in cases of brain death are still very low. More of the country`s icons and heroes, from philanthropists to judges, religious and political leaders and sports stars, need to follow Mr Edhi`s example.

The involvement of highprofile people would help shatter the myths that surround organ donation in Pakistan. This would not just save lives, it would also deter horrifying illegal practices such as the kidney trade. People in desperate need of a transplant are in no position to make ethical decisions, but there is no downside to popularising the concept of cadaveric organ donations.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Different strokes needed: Cricket administration[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE recent appointment of senior journalist Najam Sethi as acting chairman of the Pakistan Cricket Board has drawn a lukewarm response from the cricketing fraternity.

With Pakistan cricket once again at the crossroads following the national team`s dismal showing in the ICC Champions Trophy in England, critics believe that Mr Sethi may not have the desired experience and background knowledge to run the affairs of the game. Drastic measures are required at this stage, both on and off the field, to stem the rot that has afflicted the game in the pastyearorso.That means induction of fresh blood into the side, curtailment of the bloated support staff including coaches and officials, streamlining selection matters, the preparation of fast, bouncy tracks at home and the imposition of strict discipline on the team`s rank and file.

Whether Mr Sethi canaccomplish this agenda remains to be seen. However, the honest truth is that the appointment of yet another handpicked man does not augur well for the game in Pakistan.

For over a decade now, ad hocism has prevailed in the PCB and it is no coincidence that the graph of Pakistan cricket has been on the decline over this period. Akin to Pakistan politics, there are a number of outside elements and lobbies influencing the game of cricket in the country. These elements have for long been instrumental in the appointment of foreign coaches for the national team besides pulling strings as seen in the frequent reshuffle of captains at different periods. Pakistan cricket would be well served if such elements are not allowed to dominate. This is necessary for greater transparency in the game and to bolster the spirit of competition among the players.

[B]28.06.2013[/B] [B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A shameful move: Swiss saga again[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

EVEN the end isn’t the end, it appears. The long-running Swiss cases/letter saga that seemingly had finally come to a close last November has been revived in the most astonishing manner. Attorney General Muneer Malik informed the Supreme Court on Wednesday that the law ministry had written a second, secret letter to the Swiss in November; a second letter that directly contradicted the purpose of the first, court-mandated letter. What is most egregious here is the manner in which the law ministry appears to have been used by President Zardari as his personal law firm. As the primary target of the Swiss proceedings, Mr Zardari has the right to defend himself and put forward his own interpretation of the relevant laws. But if that is what the president wanted to achieve, he should have hired Swiss representatives in his personal capacity to lobby or appeal to the Swiss authorities regarding his point of view — and not used state resources to achieve that. In fact, by having the law ministry involved in contradictory missives — one authorised by the Supreme Court; the other presumably emanating from the presidency or his supporters in government — the government appears to have deliberately created severe ambiguity and doubt with the intention of preventing the Swiss from developing any interest in carrying the proceedings there forward.

Still, for all the too-clever-by-half strategising by the PPP legal brain trust, there are political and legal issues, that remain to be settled with an eye on a bigger pur-pose and context. Nawaz Sharif’s government has already indicated its intention to launch an appeal against the Swiss authorities’ decision to not reopen the proceedings involving Mr Zardari — something that the government is well within its legal right to do but which must also be weighed against the possibility of success and the impact it could have on domestic political stability. The principal lesson from the bad old days of the ’90s is that the politics of revenge tend to undermine the system. When heads of parties go after each other and their families, the political system is destabilised. Mr Sharif, if he is serious about pursuing the Swiss cases, should demonstrate an equal willingness to look within his own party’s ranks for misdeeds and corruption.

As for the court, the anomaly has long been pointed out: why the endless fixation with a single individual among the many thousands of NRO beneficiaries? Justice is best served when it is seen as even-handed, above-board and without ulterior motives.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Too high a price: CNG supply
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FEW will disagree with the idea of discouraging the use of our depleting gas resources for filling car tanks — and that too at heavily subsidised rates. Calls for raising the price of CNG to reduce the cost differential with petrol have grown over the years as more and more people realise that the subsidy on the ‘cheap’ fuel is being pocketed mainly by the affluent. The poor to the middle-income class gets just a fraction of the billions of rupees being doled out in their name. The previous government had also tried to increase CNG prices last year to discourage its use in vehicles. But the decision was reversed under a court decision that sought to protect the “interests of the consumer”.

Now the new government is reported to have agreed “in principle” to raise CNG rates by over 80pc to reduce the price differential between gas and petrol prices — in one go. This move will discourage the use of CNG in inefficient car engines, and make more gas available for power generation for industry, homes and markets. But is it a wise decision to increase CNG prices all at once? Not many will agree. The use of CNG should be curtailed, but in phases. People have invested billions in CNG kits as well as pumps. The government can build upon the existing ban on the installation of CNG kits in new cars and the import of new kits by raising prices gradually. The government should give a time frame with specific targets to be achieved along the way to prepare consumers and investors for a change in policy. The policy of allowing the use of subsidised CNG with a view to cutting the official oil import bill was wrong and has cost the economy dearly in the last 10 years. The policy must be changed, and the sooner, the better. But not at the cost of consumers and investors who invested their money in this sector only because the government had wanted them to.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A new Syria policy?: Qatar’s change of guard
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WITH the Syrian conflict showing no signs of abating, the declaration by Qatar’s new amir that he rejects the Arab world’s division along sectarian lines deserves to be welcomed. The new ruler is 33-year-old Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, who became the oil-rich emirate’s monarch after his father, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, abdicated in his favour — a rare pheno-menon in the Arab world. The former monarch and his prime minister, Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem, had played in the affairs of the Arab world a role that was out of proportion with Qatar’s demographic and geographical reality. On Syria, the former monarch had aligned his policies with those of Saudi Arabia and come out decisively in favour of the rebels fighting President Bashar al-Assad’s government. With Iran and Hezbollah on the side of the Damas-cus regime, the ‘Arab Spring’ character of the Syrian conflict acquired a sectarian colour.

The new monarch has changed his team of advisers. Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem, who besides being prime minister was once foreign minister, has been replaced by Sheikh Abdullah bin Nasir, while Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Khalid al-Attiyah has been made foreign minister. The cabinet shake-up arouses hope that there could perhaps be some changes in Qatar’s Syria policy. With the clout of Qatar’s oil power, Sheikh Tamim has a chance of pursuing a policy of genuine neutrality toward Syria. The injection of sectarianism into the 26-month-old conflict has sharpened the polarisation in Syria, defied a solution and added to the country’s misery. Qatar can help end the agony of the Syrian people by using its influence, along with that of Saudi Arabia and Turkey, to bring all parties to the conflict to the negotiating table.

[B]29.06.2013[/B][B][CENTER][SIZE="5"] More steps needed: Tackling circular debt
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DAYS before the curtain is due to drop on one of the most profligate fiscal years of our history, the newly inducted government is ready to utilise a jaw-dropping Rs326bn to retire a large chunk of the circular debt. The amount will add another percentage and a half to the country’s fiscal deficit, expressed as a proportion of GDP. Once completed, this will be the largest single retirement of the circular debt ever attempted, with at least two other examples from the past of similar efforts to douse the problem in a single move. In both cases, the circular debt resurfaced within six months.

Debate has continued over the structural reasons behind why the debt is proving so stubbornly resilient to eradicate. One view says the tariff itself is flawed, where the cost of generation averages out to Rs14 per unit (due mainly to our reliance on pricey oil imports) but the cost at which the unit is sold averages to Rs9. Another view puts emphasis on efficiencies, pointing out that transmission and distribution losses are the root cause. In the past proposals have been considered to pass the cost of the circular debt — such as the penal interest rates the power producers charge to the government for late payments — onto consumers as a special ‘surcharge’ on their power bills. Other proposals have sought a raise in the tariff, even though an almost 75pc hike in power tariffs since 2008 did little to eliminate the debt, since the cost of generation keeps climbing with every tariff increase.

This is the first time we are hearing of large-scale structural changes to be brought about in the aftermath of a massive payout by the government. Given the amount being disbursed, it is only fair for the government to seek a relaxation in the terms of the power producers. But it’s difficult to escape the impression that more needs to be done by the private sector in return. Capacity charges should be scrutinised again and technical audits conducted to ensure the power producers are properly stating their efficiencies. New legislation should be drafted immediately for a revamped and strengthened regulator empowered to play the role of referee and not act like a timid tariff-setting body. The first steps are encouraging, but if they are not followed up by equally strong measures to provide oversight to the power sector — public and private — it is reasonably feared that like before, the circular debt will resurface all over again.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Travesty of justice: Illegal detention centres
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DESPITE the lapse of an inordinate amount of time, the back and forth between the security apparatus and the court system over illegal detention centres in the northwest refuses to reach a resolution. In its latest iteration, on Thursday, the Peshawar High Court refused to accept the defence ministry’s claim that 177 missing persons were not in the custody of the security agencies and said that it had credible information that the agencies had been maintaining such detention centres in areas including the Mohmand, Orakzai and Kurram agencies. The deputy attorney general argued that relatives of missing persons filed cases before the courts but in actuality these men were fighting against the security forces; while acknowledging this possibility, the bench nevertheless expressed its resolve to see an end to the controversy.

There are two broad dimensions to this issue. First, it is true that the security apparatus has a tough task on its hands to successfully prove the guilt of people detained in militancy-hit areas, given challenges that include the lack of independent witnesses and evidence and the militants’ fear-inducing tactics. Nevertheless, due process must be followed. If the law-enforcement apparatus is also guilty of resorting to illegal means, just as the militants do, this will undermine its legitimacy and the goodwill offered to it in its capacity of representing the state. Second, leading on from this is the fact that illegal means to combat militancy and extremism can have the counterproductive effect of increasing radicalisation. As an example, take the town of Ghalanai in Mohmand Agency, where security and Levies personnel conducted search operations against militants last September: the townspeople complained that they felt harassed, saying that they were loyal to Pakistan. Innocent until proven guilty is a basic tenet of the law. As the courts have emphasised time and again, resorting to illegal means to combat militancy and extremism will only exacerbate the problems. It is time the security apparatus internalised this.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]The power of language: Gender stereotyping in Assembly
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EARLIER this week in the Sindh Assembly, amidst the heated debate engaged in by both male and female legislators on the budget and law and order issues, gender stereotyping remained alive and well. Even though, in a society tone-deaf to sexist language, it raised barely an eyebrow. The incident in question took place when MPA Sharmila Farooqui, vehemently objecting to Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan’s “ultimatum” to the provincial government to bring law and order under control within a month, said, “Hum nein choorian nahin pehen rakhin” — an expression in Urdu that equates femininity with ‘weakness’ — implying that the PPP, the ruling party in Sindh, was not so feeble, ie ‘feminine’, as to be unable to counter such directives.

While gender-biased language is scarcely exclusive to this part of the world, when it occurs in an unabashedly patriarchal culture such as ours, it perpetuates the lower status of women within it and justifies men’s dominion over them in many aspects of life. That in turn forms the basis for much violation of women’s rights — the right to education, to work, to reproductive health, to choose a life partner, among others. One could make the case that in such societies the responsibility to consider the impact of one’s words is greater than usual. The fact that gender-biased expressions unthinkingly slip off the tongue even in the case of an educated woman such as Ms Farooqui illustrates the extent to which such language, along with its subliminal messages, has been internalised by society and become part of everyday lexicon. As the peoples’ representatives, legislators — particularly female ones — must serve as role models and actively eschew language that serves to denigrate women while reinforcing the culture of machismo that prevails in Pakistan.

Editorials from DAWN (30-06-2013)
 

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Humanity required: Stay on executions[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THIS is a country with serious law and order problems in several areas.

While many remedies can be explored, the least acceptable is that implied in a complaint made by the Sindh High Court Bar Association in a petition against the targeted killings of lawyers and others in Karachi: that capital punishment is not being meted out to prisoners on death row, which, in the petitioner`s view, sends out the message that those responsible for heinous crimes go unpunished.

This newspaper opposes capital punishment, not just for being a cruel and degrading punishment but also because it is only in a few cases that guilt is proved beyond a shadow of doubt. Most countries have removed this punishment from the law books.

The strong pro-death penalty lobby in Pakistan, though, has meant that we have not done so, even though the country is amongst the states with the highest number of prisoners on death row. A middle ground of sorts was found in recent years when the earlier PPP government took charge: a de facto moratorium over executions being carried out has been in place since 2008, the only exception being the hanging in November in Mianwali Jail of a soldier sentenced to death for having killed a superior officer.

As an interior ministry official informed the SindhHigh Court on Friday, the presidential stay on executions expires today. He added that the current government is also reviewing the moratorium policy.

This should take the direction suggested late last year by the presidential spokesperson, who said that the government was planning to introduce a bill in parliament converting the death penalty into life imprisonment. It is to be regretted that this bill never emerged. The current government should take up the matter.

Furthermore, the state would be better advised to turn its attention to the glaring flaws in a justice system where those who commit crime get away with it more often than not, and where the rates of successful prosecution are abysmal even in cases where suspects have been arrested. The problems are well known: to name just a few, the limited capabilities of investigators, the lack of forensic expertise, the inefficiencies in piecing evidence together to build a solid case. Meanwhile, there are factors that compound crime, such as petty or juvenile offenders being incarcerated with hardened criminals, and our jails being merely places to keep prisoners rather than functioning as correctional facilities. The moratorium on executions should be extended and the country should work towards abolishing the death penalty altogether.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Ignored and condoned: Torture in custody[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

IN recent days, rights activists have increased pressure for effective rules against torture in custody. These efforts counter the frequent incidence of suspects being tortured by policemen who are keen to extract a confession, for money or to satisfy their own flawed sense of justice. Only a few days ago, an accused was allegedly beaten to death in Sharagpur (Sheikhupura), his bones broken in many places.

The reaction of the police, as reported in a section of the media, aptly summed up the official apathy to a dire problem: `So many die [in Pakistan] every day.` As routine matters go, many people are tortured in custody daily, an activist told a seminar in Lahore recently: one for each of the 13,000 police stations in the country.

Pakistan is a signatory to the UN Convention Against Torture, the supposed extracoverforthe accused along with the guarantees offered in the Constitution. In Punjab, the Police Order 2002 is in place, under which a policemanconvicted of inflicting `torture or violence to any person in his custody` can be jailed for five years. Even the recent signing of the UN convention by Pakistan and the improvement in local laws have had minimal impact. At the most, whenever a scandal manages to break out from within the dreaded walls of a thana, an official or two is suspended. A report unveiled in Lahore last week had 57pc of the accused saying they were tortured in custody. More than half of the accused covered by the study said their families had paid the police not to torture them.

With each case, fear and insecurity increase manifold, and calls for the implementation of effective laws become louder.

Yet the shameful acts continue to be institutionally ignored; in fact they are silently condoned in the name of quick justice. For all those sick with violence, especially the brand perpetuated in the name of the state, these harrowing stories emanating from the lockups are more than just distressing.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Remarkable fortitude: Trekkers` visit to Pakistan[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

BLOOD must still stain the rocks at the Nanga Parbat base camp where gunmen shot dead 10 foreign trekkers and their guide last Sunday. For those who know this area, it would have been unimaginable that such an assault could take place at all. Most climbers approach the mountain from another, relatively more hospitable side; this route the base camp is a good 10 to 12 hours` slog from where the jeep track peters out is taken only by those with the steeliest of resolve.

With the nearest settlements also hours away, one can only wonder at the intensity of the gunmen`s ruthless determination to kill the mountaineers.

It is through the same lens of steely resolve, though of a different kind, that non-climbers can understand the commitment of the more than two dozen foreign mountaineers who arrived in Islamabad just a few days later.

Even while acknowledgingthat the men and women who set out to conquer mountains know that death is their constant companion, their fortitude given the recent slaughter is remarkable. Pakistan`s Karakorum destinations were once very popular with climbers from across the world, but their numbers have plummeted in recent years and with it, the local economies. The trekkers who arrived on Thursday are a much-needed reminder that what was once a stream of visitors is now a trickle, but worth saving nevertheless before it dries up altogether. The importance of apprehending those that carried out the base camp massacre then cannot be overstated.

Law enforcers have said that leads are being pursued and the area searched. They should take this as a test case: unless the crime is solved, we risk more of the same and lose any chance of being able to resuscitate the tourist industry in the area.