Education for the poor
 

THE less privileged people in a society like ours can take no benefits from the education they get. They remain mired in the societal system because of their peculiar social construction.

With this sort of education they are neither able to take part in the process of metamorphosis of their society nor are they able to get a good job because their talents remain suppressed during the process. So education for them is a hindrance rather than help.

In terms of job opportunities, they are losers because recruitment by government departments is purely the domain of the corrupt and self-centric politicians, while for civil service posts through the FPSC or PPSC, they have to go through the selection process and owing to the nature and quality of their training at public-sector institutions, if they, by chance, pass the written portion of the examinations, then their personality will be scrutinised in terms of their suitability for those very jobs by seasoned bureaucrats.

They need a balanced personality for these very slots which the less privileged lack. The development of a balanced personality is possible in a balanced socio- politico-economic environment which they lack.

Moreover, they have to compete with their well-off compatriots during the selection process. As there exists a world of difference between the schooling, social and home environment and culture of obedience to those who are having access to the corridors of power, so they are rejected because they are not suitable for these slots. These commissions are not rejecting the candidates but the very system of which they are production.

How true is Rousseau when he says: “Man is born free but everywhere he is in chains”. So the chains of poverty are too strong to be broken by the hollow education system.

One can’t solve this catch-22 puzzle by suggestions which would be a cry in wilderness because the people who are at the helm of affairs are the jealous guardians of this rotten and corrupt system. They fear that if the system goes, they will follow suit.

There are two solutions:

(i) Philanthropists should come forward and take the responsibility of educating the less-privileged people by establishing their own educational institutions.

(ii) Social workers and human-rights organisations should convince the government to provide a special quota for the class on the fashion of women and minorities.

This must not be pronounced as division of society which is already fragmented into innumerable groups and classes, but a system based on justice.

We can conclude that this is necessary because these unfortunate people are as much part and parcel of this country as are the others. It is also the demand of democracy owing to the majority of the poor.

The issue is not because of the sharp vertical differences but the politicisation of these differences which has dented the very fabric of society.

Aristotle once said: “Education is ornament in prosperity and refuge in adversity”. In our case, it is a quagmire for those born in adversity.

ADIL KHAN
Peshawar

THE chief minister of Balochistan has apologised, Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry has sought an explanation and scores have protested. Yet, the fact remains that the FIR was filed on the basis of reasoning that bodes ill for not just media freedoms but also citizens’ right to information. The burning down of the Ziarat Residency was shocking enough. But soon after, footage emerged that showed that the account offered by the government was inaccurate. The state had initially said that the heritage building had been targeted remotely. The video, however, showed masked men on the premises wreaking destruction even before the flames were lit. It was this last aspect that agitated the Supreme Court when it took suo motu notice on the airing of these clips on an ARY News network programme. The concern was that the footage could be in contravention of Pemra rules that nothing shall be aired that incites violence or tends to glorify crime. This, in turn, led Balochistan’s information department to allege that ARY News had run “objectionable video clips”, and an FIR was registered under provisions of the 1997 Anti-Terrorism Act that pertain to disseminating material to incite hatred or projecting the cause of terrorists.

As violent extremism grows in Pakistan, news networks in the country have learned to tread the thin line between projecting an anarchic cause and remaining true to their responsibility of putting things on record and informing the public. What we saw in the ARY case was no different from an attempt to muzzle the media. Worryingly, this is not the first time. Last September, cases were registered against some Balochistan publications and news agencies for reporting on militancy. Before that, the provincial high court had ruled that the publication or broadcast of a report on a proscribed organisation would be considered a violation of the law. The realisation needs to dawn that extremism cannot be countered through curbing the media’s ability to report on it; that would be to be distracted by a dangerous red herring.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1038914/muzzling-journalism-fir-against-news-network[/url]

TRUST deficit was the underlying theme of Afghan President Hamid Karzai’s visit to Islamabad and it appears that while little of substance was immediately agreed to, there may have been some movement towards lessening the distrust. Mr Karzai may have boosted the speculation surrounding his visit when he agreed to stay overnight, but yesterday did not bring any significant news. Perhaps the public tone of the meeting was set by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif when he claimed on Monday that the “central focus of [the Pak-Afghan] relationship has to be a strong trade and economic partnership”. That anodyne characterisation is almost as meaningless as the other familiar Pak-Afghan relationship clichés: an ‘Afghan-led and Afghan-owned’ peace process and seeking a ‘peaceful and stable’ Afghanistan.

As ever, the hard issues will have been addressed behind closed doors. And, as ever, little will be said publicly about what transpired until well after the event. Interesting to note, however, is that the Sharif government is still allowing such a visible and public role to the military high command in foreign relations. Both the army chief and the DG ISI sat in on meetings with Mr Karzai despite their Afghan counterparts not being in attendance. Perhaps this is because Mr Sharif wants to present a united front when it comes to dealing with the thorny Afghan problem. Or perhaps it is because the prime minister and his team have no real idea of how to proceed and are relying on the army’s greater experience to provide guidance. The former is a welcome possibility; the latter not so much.

Ultimately, though, the clock is winding down on the Karzai presidency and the already tiny window of opportunity for resetting ties between Pakistan and Afghanistan is becoming ever tinier. The slow grind of diplomacy may help in improving the atmospherics of the relationship — a reciprocal visit by Mr Sharif to Kabul is on the cards according to the Foreign Office — but it still leaves the critical triangle of Pakistan, Afghanistan and the US out of shape. Pakistan and the US may have edged closer on an acceptable post-2014 outcome in Afghanistan, but the Karzai government is still acutely suspicious of both Pakistan and the US — while the US and Pakistan try hard to hide their exasperation and frustration with Mr Karzai. How a puzzle that hasn’t been solved in over a decade will quickly fall into place in the next six months to a year and a half is difficult to imagine. Perhaps it will come down to there being no choice.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1038915/unresolved-issues-afghan-presidents-visit[/url]

PERHAPS egged on by the Supreme Court order that elections be held in Islamabad, the PML-N government has let it be known that it has prepared a draft law for a local government system in the capital. The draft law provides for a metropolitan corporation for Islamabad; elected representatives from ‘wards’; reserved seats for women and minorities; and deputy mayors and a city mayor. Details are still missing. For instance, there is no news on the number of wards. Similarly, it also remains to be seen if this draft act, which appears to be an initiative of the interior minister, is backed by the prime minister and his government. But there is no doubt that this is a step in the right direction. Islamabad cannot be denied its democratic right any longer.

Unfortunately, the city has always been plagued by authoritarianism. It was created by a dictator, and his successors — democrats or otherwise — rarely thought that the city deserved self-rule. Even the last great saviour, retired Gen Pervez Musharraf, left the capital out of his ‘national’ reconstruction of Pakistan under which local government was introduced. For Islamabad, the centrally appointed bureaucrats were deemed sufficient. Lording over the Capital Development Authority, these bureaucrats were appointed by the inhabitants of Constitution Avenue and rarely bothered with the city’s residents. Shortage of housing and water were ignored as officials spent their tenures looking for expensive plots to build retirement homes or helping the powerful buy large tracts of land on the outskirts of this rapidly expanding city. The PPP was no different. Despite its promises it never provided a local government system. Now the PML-N has jumped into the fray. It is hoped that it lives up to its word.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1038913/capital-move-lg-for-islamabad[/url]

It won’t work: Army intervention in Karachi
 

THE spotlight is once again on Karachi. On Wednesday, the Supreme Court’s criticism of the law-enforcement agencies for failing to keep the peace in the city was followed by a news conference in which Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan called for a political solution to Karachi’s troubles. In response to MQM chief Altaf Hussain’s demand that the city be handed over to the army, Chaudhry Nisar rightly pointed out that without political consensus among the stakeholders, no security agency could turn around the situation. Unfortunately, it is the very absence — for several years now — of such a consensus that has made Karachi a security nightmare for its citizens. The city has seen two major security operations — in 1992 and 1995 — and the results have been anything but lasting: the sectarian, ethnic, political and criminal violence that exploded with fury in the mid-1980s continues to gather steam. Shootouts, assassinations, arson, kidnappings and extortion seem to have become Karachi’s destiny. Thousands of people have met a violent death, while few perpetrators have been arrested and hardly anyone brought to justice.

Given that most targeted killings in the city are politically motivated, any operation aimed at taking out all those who perpetrate violence must necessarily focus on the armed wings of the main political parties and religious groups operating in the city. Would the MQM or any other political party or religious group for that matter be prepared for such action if their members are picked up on charges of extortion, violence and targeted killings? It is better then for the parties, whether or not in government, to take the initiative themselves and come to a consensus to crack down on all those who disturb the peace regardless of their affiliations.

At another level, the army’s induction into Karachi could have dangerous consequences for Pakistan’s nascent democracy. To the generals, a politician seeking the army’s help to solve a political problem could be seen as an invitation to usurp what should be policing functions. True, the Constitution does provide for the army to “act in aid of civil power”. But the question is, what will the army’s modus operandi be? Will it be any different to the one that regular law enforcers like the police and Rangers have? Will there be curfew, arbitrary detentions, house-to-house searches? In fact, previous army interventions have resulted in political groups alleging human rights violations. Against this backdrop it is difficult to see how administrative measures and policing by the army can give peace to Karachi.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1039135/it-wont-work-army-intervention-in-karachi[/url]

Legislation needed: Police torture
 

AMONG the many valid criticisms of Pakistan’s law enforcement and security agencies is their proclivity for and acceptance of torture. For those in uniform, torture is virtually an instrument of policy, a well-established part of the dreaded thana culture. Taking the example of three districts in Punjab, a survey released in Lahore on Tuesday says that 57pc of complainants interviewed said they were tortured by police during investigations. Illustrating the brutality that some of our law enforcers are capable of, a news item published on Wednesday detailed the reported torture of an 18-year-old woman in Rahimyar Khan. The victim was picked up by the police after they failed to locate her brother, who was wanted for questioning. As a result of their brutal methods the woman is said to be in critical condition. Tales of similar police brutality in different parts of the country appear frequently in the media, indicating that torture is a nationwide scourge. Yet what is most depressing is that society has accepted torture as a fait accompli. Such complacency in the face of a major societal ill is unacceptable.

What is urgently needed is a well-defined law outlawing torture in all its forms. Despite the fact that torture is constitutionally prohibited and Pakistan is party to multilateral instruments, including the UN Convention against Torture, no legislation exists to tackle these abominable practices. As a result, a culture of impunity prevails, where those in uniform know they can get away with torturing those in their custody or those being investigated. If security personnel are punished, it is little more than a slap on the wrist. Hence, a legal framework against torture is the first step towards eradicating it from our society. There must be zero tolerance for such barbaric behaviour. Once legislation is in place, there should be no excuse for not taking action against those in uniform as well as others who violate an individual’s human rights through the use of torture.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1039134/legislation-needed-police-torture[/url]

Child or commodity?: Adoption media-style
 

WHY is it that in Pakistan nothing good is allowed to quietly carry on? Why must a worthy practice be turned into a circus that ends up negating the value of the deed itself? Charitable organisations have for many years been matching up abandoned babies with prospective guardians, thus giving the infants a chance for a rosier future. Given that regulatory mechanisms are present in Pakistan’s guardianship laws, this system is entirely laudable in a country where far too many children end up on their own on the streets. Handing over infants to their foster parents has always been done quietly and without fanfare, which is the way it should be.

But a few weeks ago, a religious personality and television host had turned this procedure into a spectacle for his TV audiences. This stirred up a storm of criticism because of the affront his action presented to human dignity — both of the infant and his new guardians. In a single gesture, he had commodified human life. Now, a charity Karachi-based organisation has followed this example by handing over an infant to a couple in the full glare of press cameras. Can we plead for sanity to prevail? The placement of foundlings with foster parents may be an act of gain for the new family, but it is also one of loss — for the child whose links to his biological parents have been severed, and for the adults in a country where, overwhelmingly, couples only adopt if they are unable to conceive. Turning such an intensely private moment into currency for ratings and reputation is simply appalling. The example to be followed instead is that of Edhi Foundation, which has always resisted the base impulse to invite public applause for its charitable work.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1039133/child-or-commodity-adoption-media-style[/url]

IN announcing its intention to try and bring real estate investors into the tax net, the Federal Board of Revenue has drawn attention to a crucial sector, even if the intended move itself amounts to very little, given the complexities involved. There is no doubt that the government needs to drastically increase tax yields, and while there are several sectors that see the movement of vast sums of money, the state accrues barely any benefit at all. Curiously, though, actually taxing real estate transactions does not seem to be on the state’s agenda. As he spoke to the media on Wednesday, FBR chairman Tariq Bajwa’s chief concern appeared to be to find a way to track the remittances sent here by overseas Pakistanis, which mostly end up in real estate. To this end, he said, the army-run Defence Housing Authorities and the private Bahria Town development projects had been asked to collect data. The goal, he reiterated, was not to tax transactions but to identify people who should, but do not, exist on the tax rolls.

Given the way the real estate business has developed, and the massive real-estate speculation market that has emerged in urban areas, activity in this sector ought to be swelling the coffers of the state just as it does those of private parties. Flowing from this, the sector has over the years ended up with so many loopholes, inefficiencies and disparities that corrupt, illegal practices have effectively been built into the system. Consider, from many examples, the vast sums of money the state loses because in several, if not most, urban areas, the price of a piece of property on paper is far lower than it is on the market. Or the fact that rapid urbanisation and the unquenchable thirst for property means that great tracts of agricultural land are absorbed by cities. Unless the state can ensure that rezoning occurs in every single instance, this means that land can be bought at agricultural rates and sold at urban prices.

The problems with regulating and thus earning from the real estate sector are systemic, deeply entrenched and far too many to recount here. A holistic process of reform and regulation, followed by equitable taxation has to be worked out from the bottom up. But there is significant resistance from well-known individuals and groups with vested interests. Unless the latter problem is overcome, and some blue-sky thinking applied, piecemeal moves such as the FBR’s demand for data are unlikely to yield any meaningful benefits.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1039374/land-corruption-fbrs-move-on-real-estate[/url]

NOW this is what we call news. State Minister for Parliamentary Affairs Sheikh Aftab Ahmed said there has been a decline in ‘human rights’ cases in the country. He told the National Assembly on Wednesday that, except for Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the incidence of human rights violations had gone down. The minister gave figures from across the country to back this assertion but even that could not make this bit of information any less incredulous. In the news coverage of his statement, the key words are “registered” and “reported”. It is unclear whether the source is newspapers, as they generally are in data collection exercises conducted by state and non-state organisations, or whether the figures are based on the number of cases brought to the police. The minister said there were “only” five “reported” cases of acid attack in Punjab so far this year as compared to 53 last year. The number has increased in KP. The cases of burns, domestic violence, violence against children and women and of missing persons had all gone up in the province.

For a nation desperately looking for positives, there is an urge to welcome the ‘fall’ in human rights violations in the other three provinces, even when it is difficult to correlate this rather sudden improvement to any visible anti-violence campaign there. This is a very sensitive matter, and just as a deeper look at the reasons behind the rise in rights cases in KP is in order, it would be worthwhile to double check the numbers gathered by the law ministry. It could well be that the suppliers of information to the minister were not able to keep track of events this side of Attock. Maybe, just as the media cannot be expected to report all such cases, the minister and the relevant officials could also have missed out on some of the routine atrocities carried out with impunity in the cities and villages of Pakistan. Let’s hope they have not, but let’s have a recount nonetheless.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1039373/doubtful-numbers-human-rights-cases[/url]

A QUICK end to the Imran Khan-contempt of court issue was in everyone’s interest and, thankfully, that’s exactly what happened in the Supreme Court on Wednesday. Lessons, if either side is willing, are there to be learned. For the court, this was an utterly unnecessary and thoroughly inadvisable foray into the political arena. That the court itself seemed to consider a single word — the now much parsed sharamnaak — to be the bedrock of potential contempt of court charges was a widening of the principle of contempt at the same time as the judicial world at large is narrowing it to very specific cases of disrupting courtroom proceedings or refusing to obey a court order. The majesty of the court comes not from its ability to suppress public dissent, but from the quality of its judgements. Dragging national political leaders before the superior judiciary to potentially face charges that are controversial and divisive is not really in the best interests of the judiciary, and the country at large.

For Imran Khan and the PTI, perhaps the time has come to accept the electorate’s judgement rather than endlessly harping on perceived biases in the electoral process. Even the recently held by-elections saw the PTI leadership getting embroiled in allegations against other parties of vote rigging and ballot stuffing. To be sure, the electoral process in Pakistan is more credible and acceptable than truly free and fair. But the PTI’s complaints increasingly seem to come down to this: ‘if we win, the electorate’s will has been realised; if we lose, decisive foul play must be involved.’ This does not behoove a party which now has a proven national vote bank and can legitimately look towards future elections with hope. More governance, less politics, please.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1039372/a-wise-move-charges-against-imran-khan-dropped[/url]

[B]Worse to come: Oil price hike[/B]

03.09.2013

IF Saturday’s hike in oil prices was considered steep, we may be in for a bigger surprise in the weeks to come. Going forward, resurging global crude oil market and the weakening rupee are projected to bring more pressure on the cash-starved government to further raise domestic oil prices unless it is prepared to bear the burden in the shape of increased subsidy expenditure. Chances are that it will pass on the bill to the consumers rather than pay from its own pocket. The information minister has already indicated as much. Given the current economic conditions and financial troubles that have forced the government to borrow a staggering Rs594bn from the central bank in the first 45 days of the present financial year, it will be suicidal for it not to pass on the price rise to the consumers. It does not have much of a choice here, even if it wanted to help the people and mitigate their pain at the pump.

International crude prices have been fluctuating in recent weeks on supply disruption fears owing to the present turmoil in the Middle East. More recently, the prospects of stronger economic growth in China and the European Union have supported the market in continuing its forward march. The oil price in London, for example, has already soared by $12 a barrel — from above $102.26 to more than $114 in the last two months and is projected to touch the $120 mark soon. Market stability largely depends on how the US shapes its Syria policy. So far indications are that Washington may attack that country. If that happens, the oil prices could go wayward. That is where the real threat to Pakistan’s fragile economy lies.

While the country may survive the current surge in global oil prices, further increase could bring its meagre foreign exchange reserves under greater pressure. Although the IMF is expected to approve a loan of $6.6bn over the next few days to help Islamabad improve its reserves and address its balance-of-payment woes, the soaring oil prices could partly offset the effort to stabilise the economy and exchange rate, at least for now. Any future surge in oil prices will trigger faster price inflation and erode the purchasing power of the people, especially those in the fixed income bracket, and spawn demands for fuel subsidy. While there’s little alternative to passing on the price increase to consumers, the government must pursue governance, tax and structural reforms more vigorously and rapidly to fortify the economy and the people against any future external shock.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1040192/worse-to-come-oil-price-hike[/url]

[B]Hockey Disaster[/B]

03.09.2013

THE catastrophic trend in Pakistan hockey that has seen the national team go from bad to worse during the past four years or so touched its lowest ebb last Friday. The team missed the last boat to the 2014 World Cup following their 1-2 semi-final defeat against South Korea in Ipoh, Malaysia. Pakistan arrived in Malaysia needing a mandatory title win at the Asia Cup to qualify for next year’s World Cup in the Netherlands. With three back-to-back victories in league matches, the greenshirts emerged as the favourites and looked tantalisingly poised to realise their dream. However, South Korea got the better of them in the semi-final and later went on to win the title with an emphatic win over India in the final.

For Pakistan, the ouster from the World Cup was their darkest hour, as described by some critics and ex-Olympians. Never since the inception of the mega event in 1971 has Pakistan faltered in such a way to miss the World Cup altogether. It hurts even more when one is reminded of the pivotal role Pakistan played in launching the World Cup some 42 years ago and of their tremendous record of four title wins in 1971 at Barcelona, 1978 at Buenos Aires, 1982 in Mumbai and 1994 at Sydney. Quite expectedly, the Ipoh disaster has triggered a massive uproar in the sports fraternity within the country, and the demand for the incumbent Pakistan Hockey Federation regime as well as the entire team management to step down is growing by the day. Without doubt, the shambolic state of Pakistan hockey today can be attributed to the current PHF regime whose bad policies and lack of planning saw Pakistan finishing last among 12 teams in the New Delhi World Cup in 2010 and at a lowly seventh position at the London Olympics last year. The government needs to work on a war footing to clear the hockey mess and to prevent further ignominy from coming Pakistan’s way.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1040191/tragic-fall-from-the-top-hockey-disaster[/url]
[B]
Turning the page: Library culture[/B]

03.09.2013



“I HAVE always imagined that Paradise will be a kind of library,” said Argentine poet and writer Jorge Luis Borges. In Pakistan too, there was a time not so long ago when a retreat into books was deemed to be the most pleasurable of pursuits. Access to quality reading material was considered a right, and public libraries hummed with activity. But then the pace of life picked up, priorities changed. Shiny malls, smooth-as-silk motorways took centre stage as symbols of ‘progress’. Libraries lost their lustre, much of their funding and faded away in the urban sprawl. Valuable books and manuscripts rotted away in storage.

So when one hears of a library, such as the Ghalib Library in Karachi, rising from the ashes so to speak, it is with the sense of rediscovering an old friend. A report in this paper recently detailed some of the many manuscripts in its possession, including carefully preserved letters by a number of luminaries who are part of this region’s history. Besides a collection of 40,000 books, the library also boasts a number of pre-partition periodicals. Dating back to 1971, the library was in dire condition until recently and in danger of being closed down. It owes its new lease of life to a number of benefactors who, quietly and without fanfare, gave of their time and resources to oversee its refurbishment. But the Ghalib Library is an exception. Stories are legion about historic libraries unable to undertake preservation work or even basic upkeep of their collections due to shortage of funds. Meanwhile, readers’ tastes have also changed, leaning more towards career-oriented material rather than works of classical or historical merit. The reading room, where it exists at all, is a very different place today.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1040190/turning-the-page-library-culture[/url]

Questionable move: Murder charges against Musharraf
 

04.09.2013

PERHAPS inevitably, given the furore and great controversy surround-ing the episode, former president-cum-army chief Pervez Musharraf is to be investigated by the capital police, at the behest of the Islamabad High Court, for the murder of Abdul Rashid Ghazi and his mother in the Lal Masjid operation. Mr Musharraf has much to answer for in his years ruling this country and the Lal Masjid episode was mishandled from the start, but in this case murder charges are really a step too far. That the shrillest voices calling for murder charges against Mr Musharraf in this particular case can be heard from the religious right says much about the ideological motivation behind the demand. That is also precisely why the Lal Masjid operation remains hugely controversial: there are segments of the population that have no problem with vigilantism, kidnapping, illegal occupation of state land and sundry other crime so long as it is done in the name of religion.

Yet, there can be no room in a law-abiding, pluralistic, tolerant and rights-respecting Pakistan for the many threatening, illegal and violent acts of the Lal Masjid leadership in the months leading up to the military assault on the mosque. When memories are short, and perhaps deliberately selective, it helps to revisit the past. As 2007 rolled around, the capital was under siege from a new form of moral policing and vigilantism. From the memorable image of cane-wielding women stalking the streets of Islamabad, looking to purge it of vice as defined by them, to occupying a children’s library, from kidnapping to illegally stockpiling arms to setting up its own courts to dispense so-called Islamic justice, Islamabad, indeed the country, had never seen anything like it before. It was unacceptable and no administration could tolerate it. Something had to be done.

There were clearly mistakes made in the operation against the Lal Masjid complex. For one, it took too long for the Musharraf administration to decide that the activities of the Ghazi brothers had to be shut down. Then, after that decision was taken, the failure of negotiations led to a predictable, if ill-advised and immediately unnecessary full-scale attack on the complex. Perhaps a better trained, more cautious administration would have tried less lethal tactics to evacuate the complex and get the recalcitrant core of would-be martyrs to surrender. But that still does not add up to murder charges against Mr Musharraf. Islamabad could not be allowed to succumb to the brazen vigilantism and threats of the Lal Masjid brigade.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1040463/questionable-move-murder-charges-against-musharraf[/url]

[B]Recovering our history: Tapes of Jinnah’s speeches[/B]


MORE than six decades after the division of the subcontinent, there continue to be reminders of Pakistan’s difficult start as a new country in terms of resources. At the time of partition, for example, All India Radio was well established; but there was no broadcast station in Karachi and those in Lahore and Peshawar had no recording facilities. As a result, the many speeches delivered by various important personalities, including Mohammad Ali Jinnah, were broadcast live but Pakistan, unfortunately, had no recording of them. That the country bore this glaring absence of valuable historical record for so many decades is astounding. Thankfully, however, as a result of efforts made by former director general of the Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation, Murtaza Solangi, audio tapes bearing recordings of the speeches Jinnah delivered on June 3 and Aug 14, 1947, have been made available to Pakistan; India’s Right to Information Act was the tool that saw these pages of history see the light of day.

Mr Solangi’s perseverance deserves appreciation, and illustrates also how much can be achieved by a single interested individual. More such work is needed from other quarters as well. The Aug 11, 1947 address to the first constituent assembly of Pakistan — one that is increasingly being quoted as the shape of the country’s future is debated — remains missing from our records, for example. And it is not just Mr Jinnah’s speeches. Pakistan is fast losing track of and falling out of touch with its own history and record. Where on the one hand there have been accidents and attacks such as the fire at Radio Pakistan’s Karachi offices or the destruction of the Ziarat Residency by militants, on the other state and society in general have disregarded history and historical record. Beyond a handful of individuals and organisations, acquisition and preservation efforts are few. As Pakistan seems in danger of morphing into what many argue Jinnah was opposed to, it needs the passion of those original intentions to carry it through.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1040462/recovering-our-history-tapes-of-jinnahs-speeches[/url]

[B]Access and exemptions: Right to information[/B]


A SPEAKER at a workshop was recently quoted as calling the right to information the mother of all rights. Pakistanis have taken their time to realise this basic principle and now when they are making an effort to access information as a right, there are fears they might end up with less than what they deserve. The proposed federal Access to Information Bill 2013 is ready to be tabled in the next Senate session after it was given the ‘consensual’ stamp by a house standing committee. The media that is so central to the dissemination of information has reason to be not very pleased with the exemptions and qualifications the authors of the draft find so necessary. The discussion in the media has narrowed in on the qualifications the draft seeks to incorporate, with the term “national interests” once again generating apprehensions. And if the national interest doctrine is not a sufficient deterrent that can be invoked to deny access, there is an attempt at the outset to empower certain ministries to refuse information. One exemplary exemption that reflects the protective thinking of the framers of the law is where the meeting records of the cabinet, the Council of Common Interests and National Economic Council and their committees “that have a bearing on national security” can be kept secret from the people.

In a country so used to dealing with the people’s affairs preferably without their knowledge, the making of a right to information law leaves many in the government and assemblies uneasy. It would perhaps be too harsh to say the draft bill aims to take away more than it gives. But if it is progress, it is progress that does not conform to the common-sense standards and needs of today.

[url]http://dawn.com/news/1040461/access-and-exemptions-right-to-information[/url]

No quick fixes: Mission Karachi
 

05.09.2013
WITH the prime minister’s arrival in Karachi on Tuesday and the numerous meetings Nawaz Sharif attended during his time here, the broad contours of government action to restore order to the metropolis are emerging. We already knew the MQM’s demand for army action in the Sindh capital did not sit well with Mr Sharif or the PPP administration in the province. It now appears that the prime minister favours primarily tasking the Rangers with improving security in Karachi, while he was critical of the police’s performance in comments made on Wednesday. While the Rangers have been given similar tasks by previous administrations, the results have not been very encouraging. The fact remains that the police must be at the forefront of law-enforcement efforts in Karachi for long-lasting peace, which requires both capacity building as well as depoliticisation of the force.

Karachi’s problems, as Mr Sharif must have realised, are many and complex and there are no silver-bullet solutions. A range of violent crime takes place in the city, from armed muggings to extortion rackets and frequent targeted killings. In fact, the numbers speak for themselves: according to figures published in this paper, over 2,000 people were killed in the city last year. This year, nearly 1,900 have already died so far. So whatever law-enforcement mechanism is in place has certainly failed. Also, there are nebulous alliances among organised crime syndicates, religious and sectarian militants and armed wings of political parties. Hence, the state needs a holistic approach; all weak links in law enforcement — policing, intelligence, prosecution — need to be addressed.

We agree with the prime minister’s assertion that there must be no rush to conduct an operation. The city’s affairs are so complicated that only well-planned action — with the federal and Sindh governments as well as the law-enforcement bodies, intelligence agencies and political actors on board — can succeed. The police and politicians have a particular role to play: there must be no political meddling in police investigations and action, and if suspects with political links are arrested parties should not pull strings to get ‘their’ people released. It will be interesting to see whether Mr Sharif flies back to Islamabad with greater understanding of the Karachi puzzle, or if he returns even more confused. In any case, one thing is clear: the success of any strategy will be in its implementation and we will remain cautious until all this noble rhetoric from our politicians and others translates into tangible results and peace in Karachi becomes a reality.
[url]http://dawn.com/news/1040706/no-quick-fixes-mission-karachi[/url]
[B]
Struck hard: Wheat flour prices[/B]


THE Punjab government’s decision to raise the wheat flour price to Rs39.25 per kilogram will significantly drive up food inflation hitting those who fall in the lower- to middle-income brackets particularly hard. On Tuesday, the government said it would sell its wheat stocks to the flour mills at Rs1,330 per 40kg, passing on at least part of its expenditure on procurement, storage and handling of grain to the consumers. Food and energy prices have been rising sharply for the last two months. The price hike in wheat flour, electricity and oil were most significant. While the impact of the increase in energy prices on the quality of living is yet to be determined, the surge in food prices has already added to the financial burden of ordinary people. For example, the officially fixed price of wheat flour has gone up by over 17pc since July while consumer price index inflation last month soared to 8.55pc from a year earlier. The hike in food prices, which was recorded at 10.3pc last month and was the first double-digit food inflation reading in 13 months, is the main driver of this latest inflationary round. In fact, the 18pc surge in prices of perishable food items was even more staggering.

The government argues that the weak economic fundamentals — a huge financial deficit, feeble balance-of-payment position, massive public debt, etc — that it has inherited from the previous set-up are to blame for the current price hike; it feels that until the overall economy is fixed it will not be possible to stabilise prices. It has a strong point here. The people too are ready to give it the benefit of doubt. But for how long? Chances are that the people will be disillusioned with the government sooner than later unless they see it putting some check on the rising prices and taking the needed measures to arrest a sliding economy. Procrastination may provide its political opponents with enough fodder to bring the people on to the streets.
[url]http://dawn.com/news/1040705/struck-hard-wheat-flour-prices[/url]

[B]Shattered lives: Return to Bara[/B]


PEACE, it is claimed, has been restored to Bara tehsil and several important roads were reopened by the political administration over the past few weeks. How elusive normalcy remains, though, is evident from the scale of destruction. Having fled the area for fear of both militants and the efforts to quell them, hundreds of residents were desirous of returning to reclaim their lives and livelihoods. But those who have done so are witness to the aftermath of wholesale destruction: the majority of houses are badly damaged if not completely destroyed, infrastructure such as bridges and electricity pylons have been ripped out and roads are dilapidated. Markets have been flattened and a college has been blown up. The persons internally displaced from this area face an uphill climb.

Is any cohesive plan in place to rehabilitate the people and restore the infrastructure? From the example of Bara and other areas where IDPs have returned, it would appear not. This is, of course, the other half of the challenge the state faces in restoring normalcy to the country’s militancy-hit northwest — and here, too, we are seeing far from enough work. Yet equally worrying is the fear factor: the state may be technically in charge of cleared areas, but dread of the militants and their capricious decrees — such as that all men sport beards or that no phone be allowed a musical ring tone — remains. A college teacher told this newspaper that though people wanted to return to their homes, they were scared of reprisals by militants and preferred to not take women and children with them. The government will have to address the full spectrum of anxieties before people can piece together their lives shattered by a conflict that was not of their engineering.
[url]http://dawn.com/news/1040704/shattered-lives-return-to-bara[/url]

No more illusions (Pakistan-US ties)
 

25/10/2013

JOINT statements issued after a meeting between heads of government are often dull, turgid affairs with plenty of official-speak and a regurgitation of official talking points. The joint statement released after President Barack Obama met Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif stuck to the conventional formula: first, a paragraph on shared democratic values; next two short ones in substance too on the so-called enduring partnership between the two countries; after that, the purported meat six paragraphs on the theme of economic growth and aid for the energy and social sectors; then the subject everyone else believes is the crux of the relationship: defence cooperation, counterterrorism, non-proliferation and nuclear security, and regional cooperation. To the credit of both the White House and the Pakistani prime ministerial delegation, the emphasis on trade, the economy and uplift of the social sector rang genuine this was not just an attempt to talk a good talk in public, while keeping the tough, more acrimonious talk for meetings away from the cameras and microphones.

But then The Washington Post story on what Pakistani officials have known until very recently about the drone programme in Fata landed with a thud and instantly changed the subject andhas raised all manner of very uncomfortable questions. Quite who or even which side is behind the leak is far from clear as yet. The Post report refers to both `top-secret CIA documents and Pakistani diplomatic cables`, meaning the leak could have emanated from either of those two circles, and so possibly has nothing to do directly with the Obama White House. Even so, Mr Obama himself did not exactly shirk from giving a matter-of-fact assessment of the difficulties in going from the mutually expressed desire to build more sustainable ties to actually achieving that kind of relationship between the US and Pakistan. But then, neither did Mr Sharif really try to downplay the terrorism threat inside Pakistan nor did he look to overly blame the outside world for Pakistan`s internal troubles.

Perhaps the raw reality of the Pakistan-US relationship is that while the two countries continue to cooperate because they need each other, neither has any illusions anymore that the two sides can be close friends. Mr Obama is willing to engage Pakistan on the economic and aid fronts, but the terrorism and militancy issues are as urgent and real as they have ever been. Which is why Mr Sharif`s real job awaits him on his return from D.C.: getting to grips with the internal security challenges.

[url]http://epaper.dawn.com/DetailNews.php?StoryText=25_10_2013_007_001[/url]