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Ghulamhussain Monday, July 27, 2009 04:38 AM

[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Substandard drugs[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Monday, 27 Jul, 2009[/B]


PUBLIC-sector hospitals in Pakistan are beset by many problem, not the least of which is their inability to provide all the required medicines to patients. Another major problem they pose is that of the quality of the drugs that are being dispensed. As the media has been reporting on and off, more often than not the drugs are substandard and administering these to patients may well prove fatal. Even if they are not lethal they do nothing to ease the patient’s distress and can actually aggravate the problem. At the root of this scourge is the government’s drug policy and inability to check corruption. With the health budget not keeping pace with the escalating number of patients at government health facilities, hospital finances in the public sector are in dire straits. As a result, hospital pharmacies are not well-stocked. Limited resources allow them to provide only a few low-cost drugs. Patients are asked to buy their own medicines elsewhere.

That is bad enough. But what is worse is the corruption. Hospital pharmacists are known to sell their stocks to pharmaceutical stores. Cases have been reported of people purchasing from these stores medicines with stamps indicating that they are meant for use at government hospitals. In many cases these are replaced by substandard drugs at the hospitals. If there is corruption at the health department’s level, then poor quality stocks are supplied to the hospitals with money being siphoned off elsewhere. This problem needs to be addressed seriously if the poor – who regularly visit government hospitals — are to derive some benefit from the healthcare the government has to offer. The least they should be entitled to is attention from medical professionals, decent diagnostic facilities and life-saving drugs that are of good quality and not stocked beyond the expiry date. The proposed health policy will hopefully address this issue.


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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]The ghosts of Kargil[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Monday, 27 Jul, 2009[/B]


THE ghosts of Kargil continue to haunt us, and will continue to do so, unless we get to know the truth. Surprisingly, nobody talks about it more than the two men responsible for the disaster — the prime minister and the army chief in 1999. We have heard their versions many times, and they keep repeating themselves. Pervez Musharraf says that Nawaz Sharif was “on board” all along and that he was briefed by the military high command beforehand. We have also seen some photographs showing the prime minister being briefed — with maps and all that — and Mr Sharif somewhere in Azad Kashmir. That proves nothing.

In his latest TV interview with an Indian channel, Gen Musharraf referred to Kargil, saying Pakistan had the upper hand militarily. He also claimed that it was Kargil that brought India to the negotiating table on Kashmir. Meanwhile, Mr Sharif’s claims have not enhanced his image. If a war could be planned and launched without his knowledge then what does that say about civil-military relations? Musharraf attributes the disaster to the prime minister’s visit to Washington to meet then President Clinton. As the Musharraf version goes, Mr Sharif surrendered to pressure from the US leader and ordered a withdrawal.

Since Kargil brought the two nuclear-armed neighbours to the brink of war, one would like to know exactly whose brainchild it was. The hope for findings to be made public is slim, because our track record is dismal, and findings by commissions set up with great fanfare have hardly ever been made public. Two decades after the mysterious Ojhri camp blast that sent heat- seeking missiles in all directions in Islamabad-Rawalpindi, we do not even know the precise number of casualties. Two commissions were formed to probe the disaster, but the truth was never revealed as everything was hushed up. Let this not be the case with Kargil. To fix responsibility, we need a bipartisan parliamentary commission that should go into all aspects of the Kargil conflict. Was Clemenceau’s dictum — war is too important a business to be left to the generals — followed or was Kargil an all-khaki affair?


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[SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]OTHER VOICES - North American Press US relations with Iraq[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Monday, 27 Jul, 2009[/B]


IRAQ was George W. Bush’s war, but President Obama now has the complex task of helping Iraqis stitch together a stable nation. To succeed, Obama will have to enhance diplomatic, economic and cultural cooperation, even as the US military role in Iraq shrinks….

Towards that end, Obama held talks this week in Washington with Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. The Iraqi leader [is] … understandably worried about a message Vice-President Joe Biden delivered … that if Iraq experiences a resurgence of sectarian violence, Washington may distance itself from Iraqis and their problems. The Iraqi officials rightly fear that such a public message only encourages terrorist groups to step up their bombings of soft targets.

Obama’s challenge is to distinguish between requests from Maliki that reflect Iraq’s true needs and those that merely reflect his own political interests. Maliki should be heeded when he asks for … lifting UN sanctions on Iraq … and persuading Kuwait to forgo its claim on reparations for Saddam’s invasion of that oil-rich country. Obama should also support Maliki’s campaign to encourage … western investment in Iraq….

The US now should support Iraqi efforts to resolve their disputes over who will award oil contracts and whether regional autonomy is preferable to a strong centre. Obama needs to transform the occupation of Iraq into a respectful friendship.— (July 25)

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Counter-terrorism[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 27 Jul, 2009[/B]

While the Waziristan agencies and other parts of Fata may be ground zero of militancy in Pakistan, the country’s cities and towns are also havens for militants of all stripes. However, as elaborated during a seminar organised by the Pakistan Institute of Peace Studies in Islamabad on Friday, the state’s counter-terrorism capabilities are hampered in the cities and towns by lack of reform in the police forces of the country.

The laundry list of complaints by top police officials is a familiar one: lack of proper resources and equipment, shortage of manpower, lack of specialised training, poor coordination between governmental agencies, etc. And yet, despite repeated promises, committees and proposals, there has not been any significant change for the better on any of those fronts. Given the urgency of the problem and the seriousness of the threat, there is simply no justification for delay in equipping the police with the tools it needs to increase its counter-terrorism capabilities.

However, it must be noted, the problem will not be solved by simply throwing more resources at the police. Even with the present level of intelligence, it is hard to imagine that in places like Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar, Quetta, Faisalabad and the dozens of smaller cities and towns the success rate in breaking up terrorist and militant networks could not be higher. Many mosques, madressahs, residences and other buildings are well-known havens for militants, and off the record officials freely admit their knowledge of such sites. So why isn’t action being taken against such targets? The answer is clearly political, since meaningful action is beyond the powers of local police officials who work in organisations that are tightly controlled by the political forces.

Moreover, procedural bottlenecks delay the handing over of real-time intelligence to the police in many ways. Consider that the police have routinely complained that while militants and terrorists use mobile phones to communicate, the police must go through a cumbersome process to obtain the relevant data. Admittedly, there are concerns about privacy and the misuse of personal data, but the process can surely be streamlined to reduce the waiting period from months to days, if not hours in some circumstances.

Given that SIM cards are still easily available, despite attempts to register them, the intelligence trail can dry up quickly, or worse the terrorists could have already carried out their plots by the time the police catch up with them. Such problems of semi-, or non-, efficiency are endemic in Pakistan, of course, but they can and must be addressed urgently when it comes to fighting terrorism.

Ghulamhussain Tuesday, July 28, 2009 05:03 AM

[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Consensus awaited[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Tuesday, 28 Jul, 2009[/B]


THE reconstitution of the National Finance Commission is but a small step in the direction of achieving the real goal — a national consensus on the provinces’ shares in the federal divisible pool. On Saturday, President Asif Ali Zardari reconstituted the NFC, removing the numerical anomaly in Punjab’s favour by one and — at least theoretically — paving the way finally for an award acceptable to all the federating units. Under Article 160 of the constitution, the president must constitute an NFC after every five years for giving an award on the allocation of taxes collected by the centre to the constituent units according to criteria on which there is regrettably no agreement yet. The last NFC was constituted in 1997, and even though the award given by it expired in 2002, it continued to be the basis for resource allocation. In 2006, President Pervez Musharraf gave an interim award, providing for a yearly increase of one per cent for the provinces.

The delay in reconstituting the NFC and the absence of a consensual award since 1997 are a true indication of our failure to develop a workable, robust and functioning democratic federalism. Whether it is the perennial dispute over shares in the irrigation waters, building new dams or constructing new cantonments in Balochistan, the constituent units have failed to show that spirit of accommodation which is so essential for the successful working of a federal system geared to the people’s welfare. Also, the 17th Amendment has stripped the constitution of its parliamentary character, given more powers to the president and served to retard the growth of interdependence so necessary for a federation whose peculiar geographical and demographic realities demand a sophisticated handling of all political issues.

The lack of a consensus on the division of taxes has become a political issue and shows both mistrust and aggrandisement on the part of the provinces. Balochistan is the largest province territorially, and Punjab the biggest population-wise. So one could differ as to who should have a bigger share of the cake. Other considerations, too, matter — like backwardness in the social sector, poor infrastructure, poverty and the need for mollifying disgruntled elements. One must here welcome the statement by the Sharif brothers that underdevelopment should be a consideration with the NFC. The PPP-led government hasn’t called a single meeting of the NFC yet, and that has only served to prolong the stalemate and add to misgivings. Given the history of quibbling over this score, one wonders whether the NFC will come up to the president’s resolve that an award will be made “this year”.


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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Ban violation[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Tuesday, 28 Jul, 2009[/B]


THE serene silence surrounding the Sharifs’ Raiwind farm might be broken by the occasional roar of a tiger if the plans of Salman Shahbaz Sharif, the son of the Punjab chief minister, work out. He is importing two tigers, one of which has already landed in Lahore. Evidently, he is not bothered about the current ban on the import of tigers by the private sector. The ban was imposed by the federal environment ministry in February. That ban seems to have evaporated into thin air. Early last month, the ministry issued two permits to import the tigers Salman Shahbaz fancied for his family farm. He used these to set about importing a pair of Siberian tigers from Canada.

The tigers’ import, however, does not merely highlight the fact that laws in Pakistan are honoured more in the breach than in the observance, at least as far as the high and mighty are concerned. This raises three issues. First, it was the Punjab chief minister’s official secretary who went to Lahore airport to receive one of the tigers. On the face of it, he did not need to be there handling a private consignment for his boss’s son — here is a breach of the golden rule of effective governance that the public and private should be kept strictly apart.

Secondly, Siberian tigers are a highly endangered species. Importing them for one’s personal delight is the height of irresponsibility. Mr Salman Sharif should know that international conventions, agreements and laws on endangered species take pains to emphasise that they should be kept in their original natural surroundings for better breeding and multiplying. Lastly, but equally importantly, Mr Sharif is importing the tigers at a huge expense and is building specially designed, costly cages for them where they will get snowy Siberian conditions in the middle of hot and sizzling Raiwind. Wouldn’t millions of Pakistanis reeling under the burden of economic misery and relentless loadshedding be outraged? Both the Raiwind farm and the hapless people of this country could have done well without the tigers.


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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Sufi arrested, again[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Tuesday, 28 Jul, 2009[/B]


SUFI Mohammad may not be directly involved in militancy these days but he and the Taliban clearly share an ideology based on extremism. He is a father figure for the Malakand and Dir Taliban who have been hit hard by the military in recent weeks. Indeed, his position becomes all the more significant in the enforced absence of the top Taliban leadership in Malakand, including Sufi’s son-in-law Fazlullah and his inner circle. It is believed that Sufi Mohammad was arrested in Peshawar on Sunday because he was trying to reactivate the Tehrik Nifaz-i-Shariat-i-Mohammadi, a proscribed organisation with strong links to the Taliban. Had he kept a low profile, Sufi Mohammad may not have been picked up by the provincial authorities who were insisting only the other day that they did not wish to make a “hero” out of him. Sufi Mohammad, an NWFP minister had said, was “history” and his detention would only bring unwarranted publicity.

That’s not how things panned out, however. Sufi Mohammad, who has been arrested, released and used as a negotiator between the government and the Taliban, is once again in official custody. Much now depends on the NWFP government’s commitment to preparing a specific chargesheet against the TNSM chief and prosecuting him in court. Holding him incommunicado can backfire and provide fresh ammunition to the supporters of the Malakand insurgency. If Sufi Mohammad, as the Frontier information minister claimed on Sunday, is “the main culprit” in the battle for Malakand then he should be produced in court and brought to book. If he is guilty of inciting violence, Sufi should be made an example of so as to deter others from pursuing a similar course. Finally, it is hoped that the authorities have learnt their lesson and will not indulge in the folly of any new ‘deal’.


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[SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]OTHER VOICES - Sindhi Press A conspiracy to destroy law and order[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Tuesday, 28 Jul, 2009[/B]


THREE motorcyclists ambushed a Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz rally in Karachi which was on its way to stage a sit-in on the Super Highway. One JSQM activist was killed while one assailant was shot dead and another injured in the crossfire. This incident sparked protests in different cities and towns of the province.

In Karachi the law and order situation is already bad. There is protection for government officials as is evident by the size of their convoys but it is not the same for the common man. Statements about restoring law and order now seem like empty promises.

Anti-democratic forces can benefit from such a situation but rulers must assess and improve their performance. In fact hidden forces are trying to create chaos in the province. They have caused a blood bath in the city in the past as well. These gangs are still operating easily.

The only way to restore peace in Karachi is gun control.

This decision has been taken a number of times but each time someone or the other has managed to stop it. The government should know that those forces that are active in the NWFP, Balochistan and Punjab are now heading towards Sindh which is already a sensitive area. — (July 25)

Selected and translated by Sohail Sangi

Ghulamhussain Wednesday, July 29, 2009 05:20 AM

[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]CNG buses in Karachi[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Wednesday, 29 Jul, 2009[/B]


KARACHI’S transport woes may not end soon but Monday’s introduction of a fleet of new CNG buses is clearly a step in the right direction. Fifty CNG buses will ply the roads in the first phase of the scheme, which the City District Government Karachi has not only financed but will also run, and budgetary provisions have reportedly been made for another 100 vehicles. Several positives can be taken from this development. First there is the additional means of transport which commuters sorely need in a mega city where distances are vast and public transport is wholly inadequate. Then there is the environmental factor. Overall emissions from CNG vehicles are significantly lower than what their diesel and petrol counterparts produce, and in a city as polluted as Karachi the authorities should consider forcing all public transporters to switch to CNG. That is what happened in New Delhi where pollution levels have fallen dramatically since the law came into effect in 2003. Given honesty of purpose, there is no reason why similar measures cannot be implemented here. A changeover period will be required of course but the cut-off date must be final.

It is also heartening to see the public sector playing a role again in Karachi’s transport system. Many believe that the transporters’ lobby has conspired over the years to keep government-run buses off the roads in Karachi, reducing options for commuters and leaving them at the mercy of private operators. The city government’s CNG venture may be relatively small in size but it marks a healthy change that ought to be encouraged. Now that it has been launched, every effort must be made to ensure the scheme’s long-term success. Much will depend on vehicle maintenance and it is in this area of operations that the CDGK should be particularly vigilant.

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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Trade policy[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Wednesday, 29 Jul, 2009[/B]


THE pledges made in the Strategic Trade Policy Framework 2009-12 to improve the competitiveness of the country’s ailing export sector in three years will be subject to close scrutiny. The policy framework promises a number of interventions to lower the cost of production for exporters. Indeed, the proposed measures may somewhat reduce the cost of exports and make them competitive in the international markets. But will these interventions be implemented at all? If the past is any guide, exporters have solid reasons to doubt that the policy framework will be implemented.

The share of Pakistan’s exports in global trade is shrinking fast. A number of factors like infrastructural constraints, inconsistent policies, economic imbalances, low-value addition, a narrow range of products and markets, decline in investment, etc are to blame for the consistently dwindling share of our exports in the international market. Moreover, energy shortages, conflict and the global slowdown have added to the country’s export blues.

The World Trade Organisation’s data draws a bleak picture of the performance of our exports. The share of our exports has dropped by 40 per cent to just 0.13 per cent from 0.21 per cent since 1999 in global trade. This has happened despite a substantial increase in export revenues, which more than doubled in absolute numbers in the period indicated. It remains a challenge for the nation’s policymakers to boost exports, which declined by almost seven per cent year-on-year during the last fiscal, in the present difficult domestic and economic conditions. The policymakers understand this. Hence, the government has set a very modest export growth target of six per cent for the current fiscal, and 10 and 13 per cent for each of the next two years. The export targets for the next three years should not be difficult to achieve, especially because the rupee is likely to weaken this year and the global commodity prices are set to rise (cotton prices are up by 46 per cent and rice by four per cent since last February, improving the competitiveness of exporters). But the sustainable and quicker growth in exports requires honest and total implementation of the interventions announced in the policy framework.

Surprisingly, however, the strategic trade policy framework has totally neglected domestic commerce. It was only briefly mentioned in the commerce minister’s speech. Policymakers must realise that no country has ever been able to improve its export performance without a strong domestic market. It is the domestic market where brands are developed and tested before these are expanded to global markets. Little wonder then that Pakistan remains an exporter of low-value-added, low-cost products.

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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Nuclear submarines[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Wednesday, 29 Jul, 2009[/B]


FULFILLING a decades-old dream, India launched its first nuclear-powered submarine, INS Arihant (‘Destroyer of the enemies’), on Sunday. A product of the long-running Advanced Technology Vessel project, the eventual addition of this new type of craft to the Indian Navy (testing requirements mean that the submarine will not be ready for service until at least 2011) has raised concerns in Pakistan. Foreign Office spokesman Abdul Basit has criticised the “continued induction of new lethal weapon systems by India” as “detrimental to regional peace and stability”.

However, there are some fundamental questions that need to be answered first. Is the new class of submarines simply nuclear-powered or is it also meant to become a platform to launch nuclear missiles? The distinction has a great deal of import on how the development ought to be assessed. Indian nuclear-missile-capable submarines would introduce a lethal new element in the Indian Ocean and India should clarify if that is indeed its intention. But, separating the political and populist aspects from the strategic, will the new Indian submarines really upset the strategic balance and nuclear equation between Pakistan and India? The ATV project’s creation isn’t a bolt from the blue and the Pakistan Navy is believed to have worked to counter such a capability since the early 1990s. A knee-jerk ‘we must have whatever India has’ game must be avoided.

More to the point, can Pakistan afford such a competition? Nuclear-powered submarines are expensive to purchase — though that is beside the point since none of the world’s producers currently seem inclined to sell them to us — while acquiring an indigenous production capability is staggeringly, break-the-bank expensive. The real danger India’s nuclear submarines pose to Pakistan, then, could well be their capacity to lure us into an arms race we simply cannot afford. Launching the INS Arihant on Kargil Vijay Diwas, the July 26 anniversary celebrating India’s retaking of military posts in Kargil in 1999, was clearly aimed at sending Pakistan a message. But we must not react to provocations, only genuine threats. And it’s not clear yet if the INS Arihant and its siblings will in fact pose a dangerous new threat.


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[SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]OTHER VOICES - European Press Injured soldiers deserve better[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Wednesday, 29 Jul, 2009[/B]


FOR every soldier killed, four are injured. These men and women need more support. The death toll of British troops in Afghanistan has now reached a tragic total of 189. What is less evident is the high casualty rate among soldiers who survive serious injuries but are disabled for life.

For every soldier killed, four are injured. Since 2006, 52 service personnel in Afghanistan have lost limbs, six have been paralysed and seven have lost the use of one or both eyes. As we report today, the changing nature of the Taliban’s tactics means that suicide bombing and improvised explosive devices have replaced conventional confrontations, inflicting injuries that military surgeons describe as “horrific”. Combat Stress, which helps veterans with mental health disabilities — whose symptoms can emerge decades after active service — was one of the charities supported by our last Christmas appeal, and we again commend its work to our readers.

As Sir John Major pointed out in The Daily Telegraph last Friday, the Armed Forces Compensation Scheme, established in 2005, was very well-intentioned but has exhibited some serious flaws. Chief of these is its one-off settlement regime, within a time limit, making inadequate provision for lifelong disability and disabling mental conditions. These defects must be corrected.

The scheme is due for review next spring and we strongly support Sir John’s contention that the review should be conducted by an independent chairman and lay panel, to prevent Treasury pressure to hold down costs. We have a covenant with these warwounded soldiers and it is incumbent upon us to honour it. — (July 25)

Ghulamhussain Thursday, July 30, 2009 04:58 AM

[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Mumbai probe[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Thursday, 30 Jul, 2009[/B]


ACCORDING to a report in this paper, Pakistani investigators probing the terrorist attacks last November in Mumbai have concluded that “LeT activists conspired, abetted, planned, financed and established a communication network to carry out terror attacks in Mumbai”. The investigators’ findings will now be used to prosecute five members of the LeT being held in Adiala jail, Rawalpindi. Given what has unfolded during the trial of Ajmal Kasab, the lone surviving gunman from the attacks, in India and media reports in recent months, news that a firm link between the Mumbai attacks and the LeT has been established is not very surprising. But that does not mean that the investigation and its results are not important. Indeed, they are, and for two very good reasons. First, the fact that this has been Pakistan’s own investigation and not just a case of relying on evidence provided by India demonstrates the seriousness with which the state is dealing with the fallout from the Mumbai attacks. The local investigation is unprecedented and its unflinching conclusions indicate a resolve to get to the bottom of the terrible events of last November, a resolve that has often, and unfairly, been questioned by India since the attacks.

Second, the investigation negates accusations of state complicity and ISI involvement in the attacks. The conclusions reached by the investigators match those of Indian investigators and Ajmal Kasab’s own statements, demonstrating that there has been no attempt to cover up the facts. Pakistan appears to be acting in good faith in trying to prosecute those behind the Mumbai attacks and it is clearly time for India to acknowledge this fact. However, there is no sign that a public acknowledgment is forthcoming; indeed, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh reiterated yesterday the need for ‘concrete action’.

About the trial being conducted by an anti-terrorist court judge inside Adiala jail, we believe it is unfortunate that the court has decided to conduct the trial in camera. Clearly, given the sensitivity of the trial and the nature of the proceedings, there may be national security issues at stake. However, a blanket order keeping the media away is unnecessary. Pakistanis deserve to know the full facts of the case, the hows and whys and whens of what led up to Mumbai. The terrorist attacks jeopardised the standing of the whole country and brought it into a state of near conflict with its biggest neighbour, and as such Pakistanis ought to know as much as possible about organisations and networks in their midst that are bent on dragging them into a state of perpetual conflict.

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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]New Murree project[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Thursday, 30 Jul, 2009[/B]


THE termination of the New Murree project, planned in 2003 by the Punjab government, is a significant triumph for civil society and the environment. Building the Rs40bn tourist resort and township project spread over 4,000 acres of reserved forest land in Patriata, north of Islamabad, could well have had severe ecological and social implications. Apart from causing environmental harm in the Murree area, the project would also have had a negative impact on watershed conditions, affecting the quantity and quality of water supply to areas as far as Islamabad. Risks of physical disaster, caused by landslides, would also have increased.

The New Murree Development Authority was established in 2004 to execute the project. Fortunately, along with NGOs dealing with environmental issues, environmentalists, the media and local communities managed to build up enough pressure to stall the initiative. In 2005 the Supreme Court took suo motu notice of the project, and in 2008, the authority was eventually abolished.

While the termination of the project is to be lauded, there are lessons to be drawn from the saga. It is evident that action is needed to ensure that potentially disastrous development schemes are not approved in the first place. The New Murree project is a classic example of institutional failure. It was approved despite existing legislation and policies aimed at bringing environmental concerns within the ambit of development planning and making Environment Impact Assessments the focus of project appraisal. If we are serious about halting environmental degradation and limiting our consequent vulnerability to natural disasters, it must be ensured that our environmental and planning agencies at the federal and provincial levels have the requisite expertise and resources to ensure compliance with the EIA process. Also, nothing should stop the government from implementing the law when it comes to screening and monitoring development projects to stall environmental damage.

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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Funds for the Taliban[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Thursday, 30 Jul, 2009[/B]


US SPECIAL envoy Richard Holbrooke’s statement in Brussels that the Taliban receive more money from their sympathisers in the Gulf countries than they obtain from the illegal narcotics trade in Afghanistan deserves to be taken note of. As we wrote in these columns in our issue of June 29, “misguided concepts of philanthropy” contribute in no small measure to the Taliban’s coffers. Nato officials estimate that the Taliban raise between $60m and $100m a year from the flourishing narcotics trade. This means that the proportion of what the militants get from the drug trade is less than the millions of dollars that pour in from people who may not necessarily have a Taliban bent of mind but who, nevertheless, have a soft corner for them in spite of the brutality that now characterises their philosophy.

Cutting off funding from abroad is a challenge because it is obvious that pro-Taliban elements do not use normal ban- king channels to transfer money, since the remitter could get caught if the remittee is under observation and is known to have links with the militants. Transfers are thus ‘safe’ only when they are made through non-banking channels like hundi, an informal means of transferring funds. Tackling this is a ticklish job, because not all transfers made by these means necessarily go to the Taliban. Thousands of expatriates send money to their families back home through hundi because this way they evade service charges and get better exchange rates. Similarly, it would be foolish to assume that all money coming to the madressahs from abroad is necessarily meant for the Taliban. The task is to scrutinise all transactions, as is humanly possible, and nab sympathisers of the terrorists. This, of course, requires coordination with the security agencies in the Gulf countries. For some mysterious reason, however, while we continue to hear about Taliban funding nobody seems to focus on the sources of arms for the militants. They have money, agreed, but who sells them such sophisticated arms as rocket launchers and landmines and modern electronic communication gadgetry — and why?

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[SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]OTHER VOICES - Middle East Press US-Syria thaw[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Thursday, 30 Jul, 2009[/B]


… DAMASCUS is a major player in the region ... however, for all the wrong reasons. Some would say Syrian support for the Palestinian group Hamas, its backing for Hezbollah in Lebanon and its close links with Iran are some of those reasons. This … made Syria a pariah in the eyes of the Bush administration. Under President Barack Obama, Washington now views Damascus … [as] a party that can bring peace to the region.

The visit by Obama’s Middle East envoy George Mitchell who is currently in Damascus for talks with Syrian President Bashar Assad is not expected to produce a breakthrough. [F]or now at least, the Syrian-US relationship has become less tense and perhaps a bit friendlier….

The US has always recognised Syria’s [importance and] … is now trying to make sure [its] role [is] a constructive one. — (July 27)

A free judiciary

OVER the last few weeks, the Supreme Judiciary Council has ordered an investigation into corruption cases against 12 members of the judiciary … following the Judiciary Inspection Authority’s reports against them.

Issues such as unduly prolonged cases, bribery, incomplete evidence and procedural mistakes are among the various problems already identified by the authority still to continue its survey for another few months….

The investigation sounds very promising…. But there is no transparency. Such cases remain confidential.

Handing over the files of 12 members of the judiciary system to the Supreme Judicial Council is not good enough, unless both the inspection authority, whose responsibility it is to investigate violations, and the council, whose responsibility is to make decisions based on their findings, are absolutely independent. — (July 25)

Ghulamhussain Friday, July 31, 2009 05:22 AM

[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Arms licences fraud[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Friday, 31 Jul, 2009[/B]


THE issuance of thousands of unauthorised licences for weapons of prohibited bores by the interior ministry goes beyond a scandal. It is the height of criminality. Facts provided by the FIA to the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on the Interior are mind-boggling and make one wonder how such gross violations of official procedures and outright fraud could go unnoticed for a year. Even though three section officers have been arrested, it doesn’t stand to reason that a wide-ranging racket of such a nature could be the work of only three individuals. The procedural frauds detected by the FIA include false bank receipts, forged signatures, fictitious stamps and missing records, with pages torn off from the Arms Endorsement Register. For that reason, the FIA sleuths found it difficult to ascertain exactly how many applications had been processed and approved by the competent authority. This means that the number of unlicensed weapons actually issued during the period between March 2008 and June last is probably much higher than the 28,527 on record.

Technically, it is the prime minister who issues licences for prohibited bores. However, on April 4 this year Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani delegated this power to Minister of State for the Interior Tasneem Qureshi. As statistics show, the minister alone issued 6,000 of those licences in just two months. After receiving complaints from several quarters the prime minister ordered an inquiry on June 26, but the standing committee doesn’t seem satisfied with what the FIA has unearthed. It wants more details and action against all those not caught so far by the investigating agency.

There is, however, some irony attached to the inquiry and to the fraud itself. The country is awash with guns, with millions of weapons in the hands of criminals. Sometimes even law-abiding citizens are forced to acquire arms by any means because of the state’s failure to provide protection to their life, honour and property. This is in addition to weapons of all sorts — from Kalashnikov submachine guns to rockets and mines — which the terrorists possess. The arms licences fraud is just the tip of the iceberg.


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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]No recreation[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Friday, 31 Jul, 2009[/B]


THE day when recreational activities are seen as far more constructive tools than weapons to thwart indoctrination and violence is yet to dawn. The recent announcement by the Faisalabad Development Authority to build an entertainment city with varied recreational choices for the public must be lauded and, needless to say, emulated in a metropolis such as Karachi. The city that over the last six decades should have become home to numerous facilities that feed and distract the mind is ironically witnessing the rapid corrosion of the few that exist — the planetarium, the Karachi zoo, cinema houses are a sorry picture of both despair and disrepair. Meanwhile, successive governments would have done well to develop the Karachi harbour providing it with decent facilities to encourage boat rides, fishing and myriad other activities. It also has a seafront that offers little in terms of adequate huts for the public, lifeguards and security while water sport has been reduced to a private, elitist indulgence. Secondly, other aspects of cultural life that involve the general populace — museums, historical buildings and sites, sports training centres, cinemas, theme parks — are few and far between.

The time is now to address the sad absence of enthusiasm in our people, which cannot be blamed on recession and unemployment alone. It has festered for long as a direct consequence of a dearth of escape routes. This also stunts the next generation which has nowhere to turn to in order to nurture its imagination and creativity or pursue interests such as sports, unless it can afford privileged options. Authorities must remember that the true benefit of recreational alternatives is that they serve as safety valves in trying times. Relevant departments should involve NGOs, town planners and various professionals to design and organise places that will provide employment as well as happiness to the common man.


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[COLOR="DarkRed"][B]PM Singh explains[/B][/COLOR]
[B]Friday, 31 Jul, 2009 [/B]


FROM the floor of the Lok Sabha, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh attempted a delicate balancing act on Wednesday. Following the publication of the joint statement after the meeting between Prime Minister Singh and Pakistani Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani in Sharm el Sheikh, Mr Singh has been under fire at home. While the opposition has been vociferous in its criticism, more troubling for Mr Singh could be the disquiet in his own party and government about certain parts of the text of the joint statement. What has exercised the Indian prime minister’s detractors the most is the following: “Both prime ministers recognise that dialogue is the only way forward. Action on terrorism should not be linked to the composite dialogue process and these should not be bracketed.” In India this has been interpreted to mean that the ‘no talks until Pakistan successfully prosecutes those responsible for the Mumbai attacks and shuts down the LeT’ approach has been discarded. Additionally, Mr Singh has been accused of needlessly muddying the waters by allowing a reference to Balochistan in the joint statement. (Pakistan alleges Indian support for militant nationalists in the province.)

So on Wednesday Mr Singh decided to take on his critics and denied any change in Indian policy: “We can have a meaningful dialogue with Pakistan only if they fulfil their commitment, in letter and spirit, not to allow their territory to be used in any manner for terrorist activities against India.” Essentially, Mr Singh argued that the joint statement reflected his opinion that Pakistan, in the absence of the composite dialogue, should not claim that it cannot take action against transnational terrorist groups simply because the dialogue is on hold. On Balochistan, Mr Singh said “we are willing to discuss all these issues because we know that we are doing nothing wrong” and denied that a so-called RAW dossier had been given by Pakistan. For now, the prime minister’s explanation has appeared to mollify his critics and following a strong statement of support from his party boss Sonia Gandhi, he can be expected to ride out the storm.

So have the prime minister’s critics won and forced him to back away from what appeared to be an attempt to improve ties with Pakistan? Not necessarily. Indeed, Mr Singh emphasised that “dialogue and engagement is the best way forward” and spoke appreciatively of the frank details provided by Pakistan in the latest dossier on the Mumbai attacks. Parsing the prime minister’s speech, then, it seems that he is still holding out one hand to Pakistan while trying to fend off his domestic detractors with the other.



[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]OTHER VOICES - Pushto Press Who indoctrinated 200 recovered children?[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Friday, 31 Jul, 2009[/B]


SECURITY forces recently recovered 200 children who were being indoctrinated to become suicide bombers in Malakand. Who are they? Who trained them? Where are their parents and relatives? If they are madressah students then who runs these seminaries? Since most of them are victims of kidnapping, where do they hail from? These are the questions which need to be answered and this requires a judicial investigation.

Indoctrinating a child or any youngster to become a suicide bomber ready to kill even his own parents is beyond the mastery of a mullah or a Talib. This is not child’s play but the handiwork of groups who know human psychology well. Who are these mentors? This is what we need to find out. There are reports that some of the IDPs upon their return found fake beards in their houses. What does this indicate?

Also why are the arrested terrorists not being produced in any court? Where do they end up after their arrest? If convicted, in which jails do they end up? And above all, who are they? The government should address these concerns of the public by revealing the facts. After all, in other countries when a terrorist is arrested, the media does disseminate these details.For example, when Ajmal Kasab was arrested following the Mumbai attacks, which has strained relations between Pakistan and India, the Indian media kept the public and the entire world updated on the interrogation. In Pakistan, not one but hundreds of terrorists have been arrested. The government should tell the public about their affiliations, their country of origin and their motives for being involved in the insurgency. They should be produced in courts to face the law. This is how a government deals with the concerns of the people. — (July 29)

Selected and translated by Faizullah Jan

Ghulamhussain Saturday, August 01, 2009 07:41 AM

[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Taliban witch-hunt?[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Saturday, 01 Aug, 2009[/B]


THE sentiments of the four boys who were kidnapped by the militants to be trained as suicide bombers speak volumes for how an emotional public response to the Taliban could turn dangerous. The four were taken blindfolded to different training camps in Matta where hundreds of other boys were also present. Having escaped and lived to tell their tale, the boys say that they are now treated as outcasts, condemned as terrorists and would-be suicide bombers. They complain of being harassed by the security forces and media, instead of being allowed to get on with their lives in peace.

Now that the militants’ organisational capability has weakened considerably, it is imperative that a process of reconciliation, rather than revenge, be instituted. The anger against Taliban-led militants is understandable, particularly on the part of the thousands who were forced to flee their hometowns and who are now returning to battle-scarred devastation. But the way forward lies in building a future, not avenging the past. Many of the ‘terrorists’ who sporadically continue to be apprehended could well have been victims of the Taliban like other citizens hailing from the affected areas. It is well known that in many cases the insurgents used brutality to coerce recruits to back their agenda. At the same time, the security forces have yet to apprehend or eliminate the top militant leadership. Given that locals are being encouraged to raise private lashkars to take out the remaining militants, there is great danger of individuals being wrongly identified and treated as terrorists by an enraged citizenry. A fair chance must be given to even a reformed militant sympathiser. Otherwise, the effort to uproot the militants would be in danger of turning into a witch-hunt. The ‘eye for an eye, tooth for a tooth’ mindset must be discouraged.


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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Lawyers turn violent[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Saturday, 01 Aug, 2009[/B]


IN Punjab, the rule of law seems to begin and end outside the lawyers’ workplaces. Just recently, lawyers in Lahore ran amok. They attacked the office of a senior district administration official, forcing the government to transfer her; they locked a family court judge inside the courtroom; they publicly thrashed a police official inside a sessions court and, to top it all, they beat up a cameraman who covered their brutal treatment of the cop. Their ruthless attack on revenue officials in Faisalabad, scuffles with Wapda officials in Kasur and Gujranwala and their internal fracas over the presidency of the Lahore High Court Bar Association are also of recent origin. According to the Punjab police chief, district courts work in awe of the lawyers and cannot give independent verdicts.

This raises some fundamental questions: do the lawyers see themselves standing atop a societal heap after the success of their movement for the restoration of the judges? Do they think that courts owe their independence to them and, therefore, should work in their thrall? Do they believe that they can take on anyone, any department, any authority, any gov- ernment without fear of punishment?

So far the answers to these questions appear to be in the affirmative. The belief that the lawyers movement was nothing but a revolution has led the black-coats to trample on anyone and everything considered anathema. The media and civil society chose to look the other way when they humiliated, insulted and tortured opponents of their movement. But violence begets violence and justifying its use for a noble cause only allows it to be perpetrated for less noble, even ignoble, objectives. The blood-streaked face of the cameraman the lawyers beat up in Lahore confirms this. The leaders of the bar, bar associations and bar councils and, most importantly, the judges of the superior courts should come out openly and unambiguously against those lawyers who take the law into their hands and use aggression and violence to get their way. Shunning responsibility by blaming the violence on ‘elements’ bent upon giving lawyers a bad name is certainly not the way to go about it.


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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Resolve at Dushanbe[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Saturday, 01 Aug, 2009[/B]



THE resolve expressed by Pakistan and three other states, including Russia, to fight drug trafficking comes at a time when Afghanistan continues as the world’s number one drug producer. Meeting in the Tajik capital on Thursday, Presidents Asif Ali Zardari, Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan, Dmitry Medvedev of Russia and Emomali Rakhmon of Tajikistan didn’t confine their talks to the drug trade alone and touched upon some other equally vital issues like the war on terror, the economy, energy and regional cooperation. All these issues are inter-related. We know, for instance, that money from drug trade is one of the major sources of funding for the Taliban, but it flourishes, because the Karzai regime has failed to come down hard on known drug barons, some of whom are reported to be in the government.

The internal makeup of the four countries whose representatives met in Dushanbe deserves to be noted here, for in some cases many problems are common to them. Afghanistan and Pakistan are fighting a desperate battle against the Taliban. While there are foreign forces on Afghan soil, Pakistan — rightly — is fighting its own battle against the terrorists, though it has to put up with periodic American drone attacks. Afghanistan’s infrastructure is in a shambles, and there are no signs yet that Kabul is anywhere near the task of crushing the Taliban and beginning economic reconstruction. Presidential elections are due later this month, but one doubts if the polls will be fair and whether they will lead to political stability.

Pakistan has had its own domestic problems. The nine-year long military rule, a countrywide lawyers’ movement, militancy in Swat and the situation in Balochistan have destabilised the country, shattered its economy and created social tensions. One major effect of the lack of emphasis on economic development has been the neglect of Pakistan’s energy needs, for power outages have led to widespread riots. As for Tajikistan, it has still not fully recovered from the debilitating civil war in 1992-97, and depends upon foreign aid, especially from Russia and Uzbekistan, for meeting the basic needs of its people, 57 per cent of whom live in poverty.

Russia, meanwhile, seems to be coming out of the shock of the dismemberment of the Soviet Union and trying to find a role in world affairs, especially in what it calls its “near abroad”. President Medvedev’s speech at the four-power summit made it clear he was interested in regional cooperation in security and economy, especially energy. It remains to be seen whether the four states are able to come together in the face of terrorism that stalks the region.


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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]OTHER VOICES - Sri Lankan Press Destruction of the Jaffna Library[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Saturday, 01 Aug, 2009[/B]



OUR collective memory as a nation is said to be notoriously short…. Our resilience may have resulted from our ability to forget tragic incidents as fast as they occurred…. However defective our … memory may be … atrocities we suffered are indelibly etched in our collective hard disc…. Therefore, it would be a mistake if someone thinks he could … take us for a ride. Deputy leader of the UNP Karu Jayasuriya has said in Vavuniya … that the UNP had no hand in the burning down of the Jaffna Library in 1981! In the same breath, he has claimed that the UNP’s rivals wrongly blamed the J.R. Jayewardene administration for that dastardly arson attack for political reasons….

If he could achieve the feat of convincing the discerning public, by any chance, that the Jaffna Library was not torched by UNP goons and some rogue elements in the police at the behest of the government leaders at that time, he would be able to dupe the world into believing that Nazis did not carry out the Holocaust or that the LTTE did not assassinate Rajiv! Karu is one of the few politicians who still command some respect and he unfortunately risks [losing it]…. The destruction of the Jaffna Library was a crime that … helped terrorist groups operating at that time justify The Island

terrorism….

As for the arson attack on the Jaffna Library, the present-day UNP leaders may undertake to … donate at least 100,000 valuable books. Still, they won’t be able to atone for their sin fully but owning up to it as well as essaying atonement is far better than being exposed for boru katha or lying and losing face. — (July 31)

Ghulamhussain Sunday, August 02, 2009 02:02 PM

[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]SC short order[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Sunday, 02 Aug, 2009[/B]


THERE has never been any doubt that Gen Musharraf’s Nov 3, 2007 emergency was unconstitutional — indeed, the former president has admitted this himself — so there was never any doubt that a court other than one handpicked by the now retired army chief would find his emergency-related actions to be unconstitutional. Now, 20 months since that hugely damaging episode, a 14-member bench of the Supreme Court headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry has duly, and rightly, found that what Gen Musharraf did in November 2007 was unconstitutional. But the main question was always this, what would be the consequences of reversing that illegality? Chief Justice Chaudhry’s short order issued on Friday makes clear what he believes was the primary target of the emergency: Musharraf’s “November 2007 action was a singular in nature, in that, the onslaught was on judiciary alone. All other institutions were intact. The independence of judiciary was given a serious blow.”

Accordingly, the Supreme Court has acted to clear its stables, variously demoting, removing and referring to the Supreme Judicial Council judges who sided with Gen Musharraf or were appointed by the ‘de facto’ chief justice, Abdul Hameed Dogar. Beyond that, the court has acted in a restrained manner. No action has been taken against Musharraf or his military and civilian advisers. The parliamentary, provincial and presidential elections have been endorsed. And parliament and the provincial assemblies have been given 120 and 90 days respectively to decide the fate of the ordinances that Musharraf promulgated during or sought to protect through the emergency. It is by all measures a landmark decision in Pakistan’s chequered judicial and political history.

However, in trying to clean up the constitutional and legal mess created by Musharraf, the court has created some doubt about whether principles of fairness, due process and the law were fully adhered to. The primary, indeed only, victims of the 14-member bench’s decision are the so-called PCO-II judges, while none of the 14 judges of the bench belong to that cohort. Earlier, we had suggested that the court appoint several respected constitutional experts as amici curiae to give their legal opinions on all the serious constitutional and legal issues being inquired into by the court — a move that would have acted to counter the perception that the hearings were being held in an environment hostile to Musharraf and the PCO-II/Justice Dogar-appointed judges.

Having said that, it is time to look forward and work towards strengthening the democratic institutions of the country. On that front, at least two important issues need to be addressed. First, the Supreme Court led by Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry must be mindful of the principles of separation of powers and checks and balances. As stated in Friday’s short order written by Chief Justice Chaudhry “the court acknowledges and respects the mandate given by the sovereign authority i.e. electorate to the democratically elected Government on 18th February, 2008, and would continue to jealously guard the principle of trichotomy of powers enshrined in the Constitution, which is essence of the rule of law”. Given the Supreme Court’s controversial inquiry into the government’s petroleum pricing policy, and especially the petroleum development levy/carbon surcharge, we hope that the Supreme Court will abide firmly by the principle stated by its own chief.

Second, the democratic bulwark against adventurist generals is still fragile and needs to be strengthened. That is not a task for parliament or the judiciary alone, but will in fact require cooperation between the two institutions of the state. It must be recalled that the superior judiciary has once before denounced a military ruler as a ‘usurper’, this being Gen Yahya Khan, and had seemingly shut the door permanently on military rule, but within a matter of years Gen Ziaul Haq took over the country. Keeping this history in mind, parliament and the judiciary must work together to try and forestall a future Ayub, Yahya, Zia or Musharraf.


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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Fires of hate in Gojra[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Sunday, 02 Aug, 2009[/B]


GOJRA is a mess. There was widespread communal violence in the town on Saturday and initial reports said masked men were on the rampage and a rally had been fired upon, leaving many injured. The administration was struggling to control the situation as local businesses were shut down. Trains were blocked and a number of arson attacks took place. This fresh wave of violence was related to the alleged desecration of the Holy Quran by three Christian men in a village on the outskirts of Gojra. A day earlier, on Friday, a mob had set some 70 houses belonging to the Christian community in the village on fire. It was an administrative failure and even though ‘notice’ of the acts of arson ‘was taken’ by the chief minister, the prime minister, the president and the administration looked totally helpless in the face of the repeat of violence, this time in Gojra city on Saturday. A federal minister and a provincial minister dispatched to the area on Friday could do little to defuse the situation. On Saturday, Dost Muhammad Khosa, Punjab minister for local government, tried desperately to pacify the enraged crowd. Few were prepared to listen to Mr Khosa’s pleas and the police were left with no option but to resort to tear-gas shelling in an effort to restore order. The injured included policemen and at least one senior administration official.

This is a typical blasphemy case in its various details. What is unfortunately changing is the scale and intensity of the reaction as well as its frequency. Only a few weeks ago, rows upon rows of houses belonging to Christians were set on fire in Kasur. Compensation was promised to the affected but while the government might have felt satisfied over the ‘final settlement’ of the issue, observers were shocked by the ferocity and freedom with which the act of violence was carried out. Gojra reconfirms the fear that the state is finding it harder with the passage of time to protect citizens under attack by vengeful, organised and well-armed groups. It is one of the grimmest examples of the tattered nature of our social fabric. It will take contributions from everyone to sort this out.

A major problem is that the very people who are central to establishing peace between communities and sects are the biggest political beneficiaries of violence perpetrated in the name of faith. Missing from our line of defence against intolerance is the local cleric and the leader of the religious party who is prone to resorting to blackmail to get what he wants. He must move before he is also consumed by the raging fires. Meanwhile, the state can at least be unbiased.


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[SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]OTHER VOICES - Indian Press Stem cell research[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Sunday, 02 Aug, 2009[/B]


RESEARCH on reprogramming adult cells to make them behave like embryonic stem cells crossed a milestone recently when two Chinese teams succeeded in producing mouse pups using such cells. Ever since induced pluripotent stem (iPS) cells were produced in 2006 by reprogramming adult cells, researchers across the world have been working feverishly to replicate and refine the technique. Though many scientists have succeeded in producing iPS cells, unassailable evidence of their pluripotency — ability of the cells to behave like embryonic stem cells and form all of the 200-odd specialised cells — was lacking. The latest success in producing mouse pups using reprogrammed adult cells has taken research one step closer to proving the pluripotency of iPS cells…. [Two teams] were able to produce mouse pups using iPS cells injected into early-stage embryos that can only become the placenta and not develop into animals.

Many scientists are turning to iPS cell technique to sidestep the ethical controversy of embryo destruction when somatic cell nuclear transfer (SCNT) technique is used. Also, unlike in the case of SCNT, human eggs are not required when iPS cells are used for making embryos. But this technique is fraught with scientific hurdles. For instance, the Qi Zhous team used retroviral vectors to introduce four genes to reprogramme adult cells. Retroviruses are known to induce cancer in mammals. Though some studies have succeeded in inducing pluripotency without using these viruses, more research remains to be done. Similarly, oncogenes were used for reprogramming adult cells. This again raises the possibility of cancer formation when the pluripotent cells are introduced into an animal. The Hindu

Skin cells are routinely used for making iPS cells. Though available in plenty, turning back their clocks to make them pluripotent is a big challenge. Both the teams had hence used more pliable cells taken from late-stage embryos. This approach will not be useful if the iPS technique is used for patient-matched therapeutic applications. However, the technique is nearing maturity and may pave the way for creating cell lines to study genetic diseases. — (Aug 1)

Predator Monday, August 03, 2009 08:49 AM

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Out of energy[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 03 Aug, 2009[/B]

BOTH immediate and longer-term solutions are needed to tackle an energy crisis that has already spiralled out of control. The misery of power outages across the country is not limited to any one segment of society — it is shared, though perhaps in unequal measure, by residential as well as commercial and industrial consumers. People are suffering in their homes and their workplaces, and factories remain idle at peak hours due to prolonged power cuts or transmission breakdowns. Besides causing productivity losses and a dent in the incomes of entrepreneurs, inactive industrial units further compound the agony of life for labourers, many of whom are daily-wage earners and live continually from hand to mouth. Owners of small-scale businesses are also taking a massive hit.

Publicly at least, the government appears cognisant of the grave dangers associated with a continuing energy crunch. Last week, the federal information minister told the press that “We not only want to do firefighting but also rid our people of the problem” of power shortages. Here it is pertinent to mention that oil- and gas-fired plants may amount to little more than stopgap arrangements in a country with a burgeoning population and a growing demand for electricity. Large hydropower projects, meanwhile, will not only take many years to complete even if work begins tomorrow; they remain a dicey prospect due to political and environmental concerns and the problems associated with large-scale relocation. Without ignoring any other options that may be on the table, such as the exploitation of Thar coal, Pakistani officialdom would do well to focus on harnessing the country’s renewable energy resources. Small dams and run-of-the-river projects must be encouraged and expedited. But most importantly, it is time to make a more serious effort to tap the country’s huge wind-power potential — as much as 50,000MW in the Thatta corridor alone, according to official estimates. Given the right incentives, large-scale wind farms could be set up along the coastline in relatively quick time. The country’s future lies not in thermal plants that guzzle imported oil but in indigenous renewable resources such as wind, biomass, tidal and solar power.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Road to justice[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 03 Aug, 2009[/B]

THE Supreme Court’s verdict that Gen Musharraf’s Emergency Order of Nov 3, 2007, was illegal leaves little room for debate over the validity of many resultant actions, including the establishment of the Islamabad High Court. In Friday’s judgment, the 14-member SC bench held that the creation of the IHC was unconstitutional and that its judges — other than the chief justice — would henceforth cease to hold that position. However, the court also noted that such a court was desirable and suggested that the government look into its re-establishment through constitutional means.

The creation of the IHC in December 2007 was earlier challenged in the Lahore High Court, which issued a stay order later suspended by an SC bench headed by then Chief Justice Dogar. The IHC also came under criticism as it was viewed as an attempt by Gen Musharraf to refer politically important cases to a client bench. Yet there is a need for such a court in the federal territory; this consensus has existed for some time between the bar and the bench. Before the IHC was established, cases were heard in the lower courts in Islamabad and then referred to high courts in other cities, creating problems for lawyers and litigants alike. With the burgeoning population of the capital, there can be little argument against the need for a high court in the area.

Parliament must now urgently take up the matter of re-establishing the IHC through either an act of parliament or a constitutional amendment. There can be little justification for delay since the institutional and administrative infrastructure required is already in place. Speed is of the essence. If re-established immediately, new judges can be appointed to the IHC and the hearing of cases can be resumed without much disruption. Impediments must not be laid in the path of justice.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]US security plans[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 03 Aug, 2009[/B]

PROVIDING security to foreign missions and diplomats is the responsibility of every host government although one can understand if the American embassy and other foreign missions in Islamabad supplement local efforts with their own security arrangements. However, the report in Saturday’s edition of this paper about the State Department’s plans for the US embassy go beyond legitimate security needs and contain elements which are not only astonishing but scary. The Foreign Office has understandably raised its eyebrows. According to the report, the embassy has acquired 18 acres of land, intends to have 1,000 more personnel, including 350 Marines, plans to build 250 housing units and, to cap it all, wants to have hundreds of APCs.

The US embassy already has a staff of 750 people. The proposed surge will raise its strength to 1,750. Given the Obama administration’s commitment to a long-term relationship with Pakistan, one can appreciate a slight increase in the number of American diplomatic personnel and the consequent expansion of building activity. But going by what has become public knowledge the embassy is going to be more than the eyes and ears of the only superpower; for what Pakistan will have on its soil will be more than a mere embassy and its annexes. The American embassy will, in fact, be a full-fledged fortress bristling with armed Marines and APCs. This can hardly be justified on grounds of security, for they will take America’s diplomatic and military presence to a level that any host government in the world would have reason to feel concerned about.

The State Department should look at the plans from another point of view. Will this festung Amerika endear itself to the people of Pakistan or will it add to the misgivings that already exist among large sections of Pakistanis who may not necessarily be the Taliban’s friends? A force of 350 soldiers belonging to the elite Marine corps with APCs at their disposal is a strength that goes clearly beyond the legitimate requirements of security and raises a question or two about its intentions. Ignoring the conspiracy theorists one cannot but see this development in the light of periodic reports in the American media that the Pentagon has contingency plans for taking hold of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons. The surge and the construction plans are unacceptable. During the Shah’s rule in Iran, Tehran was America’s base of operations in the region. Islamabad is not ready for such a role. Maybe Washington could think of having such a base of operations in Kabul or New Delhi, both its friends.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - North American Press Texting while driving[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 03 Aug, 2009[/B]

CALIFORNIA legislators had the good sense to outlaw texting while driving even before a Virginia Tech study showed that truckers who sent such messages were 23 times more likely to end up in a collision. The law took effect in January.

This new research should put any debate to rest. It’s past time for the 36 states that still allow texting while driving to ban the practice.

What is disturbing is that so many drivers know better — and do it anyway. A new poll … showed that 87 per cent of Americans regarded texting or emailing while driving as a “very serious” safety hazard. Yet one out of five drivers acknowledged having done so — and half of drivers 16 to 24.

The most effective way to reduce this danger is to pass and enforce an anti-texting law so that the millions of people who know better will be less likely to be tempted to put themselves and others at risk.

Senator Chuck Schumer … introduced legislation this week that would withhold federal highway funds from states that refuse to prohibit text messaging by drivers of motor vehicles, trucks and mass-transit buses and light rail.

This is a national issue. We may have the law in California, but many of us travel outside the state and most of us have friends and relatives in states where this insane practice is still allowed. — (July 31)

Ghulamhussain Tuesday, August 04, 2009 04:11 AM

[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Rampant bigotry[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Tuesday, 04 Aug, 2009[/B]


THE frenzied mob that hit a Christian settlement near Gojra on two consecutive days last week proves how easy it is to lose all sense of reason. Masked young men, egged on by religious leaders and actively supported by locals angry over the alleged desecration of the Holy Quran by some members of the Christian community, performed a veritable dance of death in the neighbourhood. They torched houses, smashed businesses and brought routine life to a screeching halt through their seemingly unstoppable violence — until seven Christians were burnt alive and the Rangers called in. On both days the entire area around the targeted settlement was the site of arson, interspersed with stone-throwing, baton-wielding and gunfire.

It is not for the first time that an alleged act of blasphemy has triggered such brutal aggression. Nor, sadly, will it be the last if bigoted mindsets persist. Only weeks ago, Christian houses in Kasur were burnt down because the majority community there was able to allege blasphemy to exact retribution in an otherwise purely secular feud. Yet it seems little is changing to avoid the repetition of such incidents. In fact, while Gojra burnt the local administration made only half-hearted efforts to douse the fires. That is why the Christians there insisted on senior officials being booked for murder as a precondition to ending their protests. They, after all, had a duty to protect citizens no matter what their religion. Are we not supposed to be a democratic society that treats all its members, regardless of faith, equitably?

Unfortunately, the fact that we have blasphemy laws suggests that we are not. These laws have become a ticket in the hands of the majority to persecute and victimise the minority communities if they don’t easily submit to their inferior status in society. In not being blind to the faith of each individual, the state is supporting bias and bigotry against non-Muslims. The narrow-minded who spew venom through their sermons against religious minorities are only the loudest and most abominable symbols of such discrimination and their growing following is an unmistakable sign of the frightening future that we are heading towards. A state held hostage by its own bigots cannot guarantee protection for religious minorities in its jurisdiction. For that to happen, the state will have to ensure that all forms of religious discrimination, including faith-based laws that victimise even innocent civilians, are done away with.


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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Nigerian Taliban[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Tuesday, 04 Aug, 2009[/B]


THE Nigerian Taliban, as they are being billed, have received crippling blows from the security forces, and their leader, Mohammad Yusuf, has been killed in captivity. But that doesn’t necessarily mean that the religious militancy represented by the Boko Haram group is over. The intensity of fighting and the death of 700 people in six days of clashes show both the militants’ organisational ability and the government’s swift response. The militants overestimated their strength when they attacked a police station in the Bauchi state of Nigeria. The fighting spread to other regions and the government came down hard, destroying Boko Haram’s bastion in Maiduguri. Nigeria is not the only Muslim-majority state in Africa where religious militancy has led to death and destruction and been a source of misery for the people. Besides Sudan, which was once Osama bin Laden’s headquarters, the country destroyed by civil war, of which religious militants have been just one of the reasons, is Somalia. Religious fanaticism in Somalia invited foreign intervention on a big scale, pauperised the people, and in the end achieved nothing except fragmenting the country. In Nigeria, Boko Haram is reported to have received help from militants from Niger and Chad.

Boko Haram means ‘western education is haram’ — a practical demonstration of which philosophy is to be seen in Swat and Fata where the Taliban have blown up hundreds of schools, not all girls’, though it is not clear in what way primary schools were imparting whatever is meant by ‘western education’. Boko Haram spreads hate and pleads for destroying Christian churches. This intolerance and fanaticism have hardly served Islam’s cause, and have resulted in the religion being viewed negatively in many parts. Internal strife in Nigeria in the 1990s caused 10,000 dead. Regrettably, not even the return to power of an elected government has improved matters. Even though rich in oil resources, Nigeria has been plagued by political instability and violence, with the majority of the people languishing in poverty. Like the Pakistani Taliban, the Boko Haram leaders take a dogmatic view of faith. This in the current environment can only have disastrous consequences.


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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]Still no education policy[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Tuesday, 04 Aug, 2009[/B]


THE Pakistan Coalition for Education has rightly criticised the government’s tardiness in announcing Pakistan’s education policy. It is now four years since the policymakers in Islamabad decided — and correctly so — that the education policy introduced in 1998, and which was meant to be in place until 2010, was highly inadequate and needed far-reaching revisions. As a result, a body was set up under a retired bureaucrat to review the matter and make recommendations. After extensive consultations, in 2007 a white paper was produced, offering a sensible approach. But for unknown reasons the government has been dillydallying on the matter. Last year, a Canadian expert was called in and another draft was prepared in 2009. Even that was shelved in April when it was placed before the federal cabinet which felt it was not good enough and needed more input from the provinces. Nothing has been heard of it since then.

The fact is that education in Pakistan is in a total mess. One basic reason for the disarray is the absence of a policy that has led to a lot of ad hocism with various individuals and organisations acting in an uncoordinated manner. For instance, the education budget for 2009-2010 has not been prepared under the umbrella of an education policy. Worse still, experts now tell us that an analysis of last year’s budget shows that initiatives were taken that favoured the elite, while financial cuts were imposed on sectors vital for the development of quality education for the masses. In the absence of a policy, private-sector education has expanded in an unregulated manner with the provincial governments offering knee-jerk responses to new situations. Under these circumstances, the Punjab government’s move to set up an autnomous body with considerable private-sector representation to regulate private schools may not address the public’s complaints fairly.


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[SIZE="4"][COLOR="DarkRed"][B]OTHER VOICES - Sindhi Press Cromwell-type generals[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]
[B]Tuesday, 04 Aug, 2009[/B]


CHIEF Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, while hearing the judges’ case … referred to Gen Cromwell who poked his nose in the politics of 17th century England. … [P]eople are compelled to count as to how many Cromwells there are in our country. Cromwell-type, self-righteous generals … imposed martial law in the country, dismissed civilian elected governments and suspended the constitution….

… Gen Ayub Khan was the first general who imposed martial law and cultivated a crop of Cromwell-type generals…. He introduced a culture of forced entry into politics, which continued until Oct 12, 1999. Ayub Khan introduced One Unit which led to the breakup of the country. … Gen Yahya presided over this bloody division. Zia was the third general who rebelled against a popular and elected government. … He cultivated fundamentalism and imposed an intolerant system. Gen Zia is also held responsible for … pushing the new generation into the burning fire of fundamentalism. In the name of jihad, he used the country for American interests and ruled through money earned through the sale of arms and narcotics. He also imparted armed training which led to an army of non-state actors. Zia was the man who destroyed and divided our society….

On Oct 12, 2009, the fourth Cromwell [arrived]…. He was Gen Musharraf, who overthrew the elected Nawaz Sharif government. He too indulged in creating hatred among the provinces and encouraging ethnic politics and pushing the country towards the verge of becoming a failed state. He waged a mini war against the Baloch and fought a false one against the extremists…. The bloody events of Oct 18 (Benazir’s homecoming), December 27 (her assassination), the killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti and the disappearance of thousands of people are some of the major injuries inflicted on the people of Pakistan. Let this Cromwell-style general be taken to task…. — (July 31)

— Selected and translated by Sohail Sangi

Predator Wednesday, August 05, 2009 08:36 AM

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]State of non-functionality[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 05 Aug, 2009[/B]

THE euphoria over the Supreme Court’s judgment on the Nov 3 emergency should not make us oblivious to the consequences of the verdict for litigants. Seventy-six judges have been barred from holding office, and, as a result, some high courts have stopped working, thus increasing the backlog of cases and adding to the procrastination typical of our judiciary. The now defunct Islamabad High Court had 10,000 cases pending before it, the Rawalpindi bench of the Punjab High Court over 6,000. A number of cases are also pending with the other high courts. The overall figure for pending cases is flabbergasting — 1.6 million. Ignoring civil cases, where trials drag on for years and sometimes for decades, delays in criminal cases could be painful for people needing action on their bail applications. In this category fall thousands of innocent people who would eventually be set free but for now remain in prison because a number of courts have become non-functional. It is time the apex court looked into this non-functionality of a large chunk of the judicial system.

Some of the decisions taken at Monday’s meeting of the SC judges deserve to be welcomed. The SC rightly decided that courts shouldn’t adjourn cases except in “extraordinary situations and on pressing reasons”. Lawyers need to take note of this, because they have a tendency to seek adjournments on the flimsiest of pretexts. However, for the litigants repeated adjournments mean a prolongation of court proceedings and a painful wait for decisions.

The meeting also decided that those who involve people in false cases must be fined and made to pay for the expenses. There have been examples where some officials working for the police and powerful security agencies managed to fabricate cases against innocent citizens for purely vindictive reasons. The innocents were eventually freed by the courts, but not before they went through humiliation and mental agony. The air of triumph and independence sweeping through our judiciary would be meaningless if an efficient and honest judicial system that is at the service of the people is not put in place.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Winds of change[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 05 Aug, 2009[/B]

THE recent protest by approximately 1,000 Saudi women is rare evidence of what is increasingly being viewed as a suffragette-style movement in the making. The protest appears to have emerged spontaneously after female students were turned away on admissions day from Taif University. Scuffles broke out after female security guards tried to control the protesters, who staged a sit-in and accused the university of foul play in the admission process. In a state where a ban on demonstrations is enforced strictly, this incident is a clear sign that women are gaining the confidence to assert their rights and are joining forces to lobby for changes in archaic customs and laws that do little to uplift their status. Last year, the ban on women driving cars was taken up, in some cases by women physically getting behind the steering wheel. Having being sent petitions in this regard, King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz has acknowledged that the restriction may come under review, although no action has yet been taken by his administration.

It is time that Saudi Arabia revisited its policies in terms of women’s rights and took a less-restrictive view of religious edicts. The fact that the kingdom’s women are denied rights considered basic in most other parts of the world must be addressed. In neighbouring Bahrain, for example, women are allowed to drive and society has suffered no resultant ill effects. Saudi women have had the right to education since the 1960s and many now earn their own livelihoods. Other such progressive measures must be encouraged. The kingdom has significant influence in the politics of the Islamic world and is one of the most important members of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference. It should be playing a worthy role in leading by example to improve the lot of women in Muslim countries around the world.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]End of dictatorships?[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 05 Aug, 2009[/B]

IN the wake of the Supreme Court’s unprecedented decision to punish judges of the superior judiciary who sided with a military dictator and his hand-picked ‘de facto’ chief justice, a wave of triumphalism has swept through some quarters in the country. The door has been shut forever on dictators, it has been argued. But such sentiments, while well-intentioned, are perhaps premature. The main issue is not about punishing Gen Pervez Musharraf (retd) and those who supported him during the 2007 emergency because whatever happens on that front will not erase the latest unsavoury chapter in Pakistan’s chequered constitutional and political history. The main issue is what effect the historic decision of the 14-member bench of the Supreme Court and the subsequent actions of the civilian set-up will have on posterity. Clearly, the 14-member bench’s decision is sig-nificant and has laid down a much-needed marker against adventurist generals. But by itself it is not as significant as its most ardent supporters have claimed.

The fact is, we have had military dictators because the polity has accepted, if not welcomed, them. That issue goes beyond legal niceties and constitutional safeguards. Until this country — the people, the politicians, the ‘establishment’, the media, civil society and the army — internalise the values of a constitutional democracy, democracy in this country will always be vulnerable to those promising quick-fix solutions and ‘clean’ politics. The internalisation of democratic values can appear a nebulous concept and there is no predetermined road map to achieve it; nevertheless, its importance and significance are real. What we can, and must, do is make the conditions for a military takeover unfavourable. First and foremost, that means the civilian politicians must clean up their act and not constantly push each other’s backs against the wall. Looking at the history of military takeovers, whatever the intentions of the generals involved, it is clear that political instability makes military interventions that much easier. Good governance and stable politics would significantly deprive a would-be dictator of justification.

But rules and the law do matter, and could possibly act to constrain generals champing at the bit. Currently, a parliamentary committee is drawing up recommendations to amend the constitution and we suggest it also look at ways of constitutionally and legally raising the cost of a military takeover, something significant which may give the next adventurist general pause. Perhaps also, as suggested in the code of conduct in the Charter of Democracy, parliamentarians ought to be required to renounce support for military intervention in politics.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - European Press Early public retirements[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 05 Aug, 2009[/B]

IT is less than reassuring that so many senior gardaí have decided to opt for early retirement at a time when drug arrests have reached record levels. When considering crime figures, it is always important to retain a sense of perspective but the Central Statistics Office confirmation that gardaí made a drugs arrest every 20 minutes, 24 hours a day, in the 12 months to the end of June, should give us all pause for thought. Controlled-drugs offences are up 15 per cent in that period, with 23,749 offences detected. This is reflected in the increasingly violent culture which has seen so many young men murdered right across the country. This upward trend is reflected in nearly every area of serious crime.

Add the latest report from the European Commission to those domestic statistics and the threat posed by drug gangs can be seen for the great, daunting challenge it is. The commission tells us the war on drugs has not cut the production, trafficking, availability or use of drugs. Ironically, the cost of illegal drugs in Europe has fallen dramatically … despite the great efforts made to suppress the trade…. That 251 gardaí have retired in the first five months of the year, including 223 early retirements, is most certainly a cause for concern….

These officers, and so many more state employees right across all sectors, have decided to retire because they fear that their retirement lump sum will be taxed after the December budget. Their fears are well-founded…. We are losing senior gardaí, senior local authority staff, senior health workers and many, many more from education and other vital areas because of this…. Their retirements represent an expensive and significant blow to the effectiveness and morale of our public services. It also highlights … the great chasm between the options available to state employees and those … in the private sector.

This brain drain is an unimagined but very real consequence of the reckless economic mismanagement of this country over the last decade and represents yet another powerful indictment of so many of those still in government.... — (Aug 4)


11:28 PM (GMT +5)

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