[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Bombings in Iran[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 19 Oct, 2009[/B]

TWO attacks, including a suicide bombing, in Iran’s volatile Sistan-Baluchistan province on Sunday have killed over 30 people, including senior officials of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard. Suspicion has immediately fallen on Jundullah, though Iranian officials have also accused the US of instigating the bombings, a claim denied by the Americans. In the murky world of militancy in the Baloch-dominated areas along the Pak-Afghan-Iran border very little is known for certain. Jundullah argues that it is fighting for the rights of the Baloch people; however, in Shia-dominated Iran, an armed Sunni group automatically raises suspicions of sectarian motivations. Jundullah has been linked to, variously, Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, South Waziristan and even Al Qaeda — claims which have been buttressed since the introduction of suicide bombings in Iran by Jundullah last December. Add to this the decades-old animosity between the US and Iran and the American presence in Afghanistan, and an even murkier picture emerges in which Jundullah may be using a series of shifting, tactical alliances with regional players to further its own agenda.

On the Pakistani side, the government is keen to reduce the strains on Pak-Iran relations caused by Jundullah violence and it is not very difficult to understand why. A local, low-level insurgency is still continuing in Balochistan here, Pakistan is keen to get the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline started and Afghanistan remains volatile — meaning that major security and economic interests of Pakistan may be at risk if the concerns of the Iranian establishment are not addressed. Eager to placate the Iranians, the Pakistani government even handed over a brother of the Jundullah leader Abdulmalek Rigi and denies any support for the group. But perhaps the most combustible element in this shadowy war of sorts is the US connection. Earlier this month, the first high-level meeting in three decades took place between Iranian and American officials to discuss US concerns about Iran’s nuclear programme. Meanwhile, the US is aware that Iran is influential in the non-Pashtun camp in Afghanistan and that Iran could even ramp up tactical support for the anti-American militants there to keep the US off balance. The bottom line: supporting Jundullah in any way is to play with fire, and all the players in the region must understand that such support can have dangerous, unpredictable consequences for regional stability.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Sugar crisis: a fair report[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 19 Oct, 2009[/B]

PRICE controls do not work. Rather they create shortages and encourage anti-competitive practices at the expense of consumers. Also the price of a particular commodity cannot be linked to its cost of production. The price of any given commodity is determined by the demand and supply situation in the market. The shorter the supply, the higher the price, and vice versa. That is precisely what the commission appointed by the Supreme Court to determine the production cost and profit margins in the sugar industry has suggested in its report. The report rightly points out that the nature of the sugar crisis has more to do with the unavailability of the commodity rather than its price. It also blames the Punjab government’s crackdown on millers last August with a view to bringing down the rising prices. The result was predictable: the product just vanished from the market causing hardship to the very consumers the government wanted to protect.

The report is also critical of the federal government for fixing a maximum price ceiling because this step violates the country’s anti-competitive laws and indirectly validates cartelisation in the industry. It has correctly recommended that the free trade of sugar be allowed to provide a level playing field to all stakeholders and protect the interests of the consumers. Indirectly, the commission has suggested that the Supreme Court withdraw its order fixing the retail sugar price at Rs40 a kilo and let market forces determine the price according to the demand and supply situation.

But no market is perfect. There are always players — hoarders and black-marketers — who are ready to grab any opportunity to distort the market to maximise profits. That is where governments need to intervene and take effective administrative action to prevent such elements from playing havoc with the market. It is also advisable for millers to shun their old practice of forming cartels to artificially raise prices and distort the market. It only makes them more inefficient and non-competitive. There is no alternative to competitive markets if the objective is to protect the interests of both producers and consumers.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Environmental tribunals[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 19 Oct, 2009[/B]

IN an unprecedented move, the Supreme Court has referred a public interest petition regarding pollution in Islamabad’s Rawal Lake to the environmental tribunal. The court observed that the environmental protection tribunals (EPTs) created under the Pakistan Environmental Protection Act 1997 should be activated to deal with such cases. The Islamabad Capital Territory had been under the jurisdiction of the EPT in Lahore after the 1999 notification of the establishment of two EPTs in Karachi (for Sindh and Balochistan) and Lahore (for Punjab and NWFP). Later on, EPTs were also established at Peshawar and Quetta. It is only fitting that a separate environmental tribunal be formed for the federal capital as well. An active environmental tribunal in the federal capital can also act as a model environment-protection institution for the provinces.

EPTs, comprising chairpersons and two members, were constituted under the environmental act to be the final authority on environmental issues. Individuals seeking relief from grievances against alleged polluters are supposed to approach these tribunals. The latter, rather than the high courts, are also supposed to entertain complaints and appeals against the actions of the environmental protection agencies specially constituted to prevent and control pollution and promote sustainable development. The slow activation of these tribunals has in part been responsible for hindering the growth of a culture of environmental awareness in society. The result has been that the tools of the Initial Environmental Examination and Environmental Impact Assessment have been used more for project justification than for project planning to ensure sustainable development. The urge to correct existing, often serious, pollution problems is still lacking, whether among concerned public agencies or private concerns. Hopefully, the Supreme Court’s directive with regard to the petition on the Rawal Lake pollution will help to strengthen the tribunals and enhance their role as environment-protecting institutions.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - North American Press Fault lines in Pakistan[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 19 Oct, 2009[/B]

JUST when Afghanistan’s problems are peaking, neighbouring Pakistan appears to be caught in a tailspin. This month, the nuclear-armed nation has been buffeted by devastating suicide bombings, demoralising attacks on army bases, and a destabilising rift between its civilian government and military….

Tempting as it is to throw up one’s hands in exasperation, there is no running away from the problems of Pakistan, just as Afghanistan’s chaos cannot be wished away. Continuing tensions with neighbouring India and recurring bouts of cross-border terrorism have rendered Pakistan a nuclear fault line.

But, just as Pakistan’s complacency of recent years has been misplaced, it would be a mistake to be utterly alarmist or defeatist at this stage. Despite worldwide fears, there is no evidence Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal has ever been at risk. Even the military bases that have been attacked were not, ultimately, overrun.

And Pakistan’s civilian government, while under continuing strain, remains intact. After a decade of dictatorship, the army appears to be in no hurry to take control again, as it has for most of Pakistan’s troubled 62-year history. Having flexed their muscles in recent weeks over strings attached by the US Congress to a multi-billion-dollar aid package, army commanders are returning to the job at hand.

It took Pakistan far too long to focus on the internal threat from homegrown Taliban forces. After misplaced appeasement earlier this year in Swat — which was overrun by brutal Taliban guerrillas who bombed schools and banned girls from class — the army moved in.

Now, after weeks of preparations, the army is poised to launch an offensive in the tribal region of South Waziristan, along the Afghan border. These are ‘federally administered’ areas where Islamabad’s writ has always been weak. Two previous offensives have faltered. The stakes are high. But it is worth remembering that when push comes to shove, Pakistan is no pushover. It is a country of 170 million Muslims who, in the main, are not extremists.

While the terrorists have wreaked havoc, they have not won support. To the contrary, after terrorising the population of Swat, they were widely reviled. In the battle for hearts and minds, the Taliban are not winning over Pakistanis. Indeed, by egging on the army, the Taliban are giving Pakistan’s military commanders even more reason to cooperate with Canadian and Nato forces in Afghanistan who have long been frustrated by the ability of militants to seek refuge across the border. — (Oct 16)

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Operation Rah-i-Nijat[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 20 Oct, 2009[/B]

AS the security forces close in on the centre of gravity of Pakistani militancy in South Waziristan, the country is holding its breath, both in anticipation of good news from South Waziristan and in apprehension of bad news from the cities and towns. It’s early days yet in Operation Rah-i-Nijat, but initial reports suggest that the army’s planning has been careful and professional. Target selection for bombing runs by the jets does not appear to be indiscriminate and the troops on the ground have been aided in their movement by sophisticated equipment that the army has quietly deployed. Protecting the population is key in counter-insurgency doctrine and the army appears to be aware of this. However, there are limitations when it comes to using a blunt tool like a conventional army as a surgical instrument that kills or captures the enemy without causing ‘collateral damage’ to the civilian population.

Given the virtual blackout of news from independent, non-army sources in the area, we cannot be sure to what extent the army’s claims are true and we can only hope that mistakes are not being covered up, but being studied to ensure that civilian losses are minimised. While it is true that the population in South Waziristan is only a fraction of that in Malakand division, it is also true that it has taken just several thousand militants, perhaps 20,000 at most, in the former area to cause incalculable damage to the state. Therefore, ‘losing’ even a fraction of the population in South Waziristan because of the application of excessive, indiscriminate force could mean that the militants may be able to replenish their ranks and live to fight another day.

There is a further problem for the state: it will be difficult to know when ‘victory’ has been won. A simple metric may be that once the security forces retake control of the Baitullah Mehsud network’s strongholds in South Waziristan, victory can be declared. But consider this: despite the strongholds being squeezed and blockaded since the summer and despite the death of Baitullah Mehsud, suicide bombings and fidayeen attacks linked to South Waziristan have not dropped off; indeed after a lull in the August-September period, they have returned with a vengeance. What this points to is that while the centre of gravity of Pakistani militancy may lie in South Waziristan, the spokes have spread across the country and they may be able to operate autonomously, or at least for months after the centre has been crushed. Hence the anxiety in the cities and hence the need for sustained counter-terrorism measures there.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Alarm in schools [/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 20 Oct, 2009[/B]

TRUTH is one casualty of militancy and the resultant war that Pakistan is besieged with. The other is education. It started in Swat where the Taliban launched their campaign against female education three years ago by torching and bombing schools. Now schools all over the country are under threat — perhaps not so much from attacks by militants as panic, fear and mass confusion. What happened on Monday was a classic case of this situation. With the start of the army operation in South Waziristan, it was feared — and not unrealistically — that the Taliban would retaliate by stepping up attacks on civilians. But as is the government’s wont, this eventuality had not been anticipated and no feasible strategy for security was in place. As a result, when the authorities received intelligence reports of schools in some regions being potential targets their knee-jerk reaction was to shut down educational institutions in Islamabad. Schools in Peshawar and Lahore also decided to close while in Sindh there has been confusion with some schools announcing a holiday.

This is no doubt a tricky situation. On the one hand, one cannot take risks and expose children to unnecessary dangers. On the other, it will devastate the psyche of the people if a climate of panic is created when it may not really be warranted. The authorities have to strike a balance between the two. These are not normal times and a sensible approach would be for the education authorities in each province to work out security guidelines with the help of the security and law-enforcement agencies. All institutions should be formally notified about them and where needed offered assistance and cooperation. Above all it should be ensured that heightened security measures such as drills are actually implemented. If schools are in a state of preparedness it would be possible for them to follow the prescribed procedures smoothly if an emergency arises. There are two basic principles that must be strictly followed. First, panic should not be spread among children. Second, parents must be kept informed at all times as that is their right.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Waziristan IDPs[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 20 Oct, 2009[/B]

THE civilian exodus from South Waziristan is growing. As the military digs in for what has been described as a decisive fight against the TTP, the impact the conflict will have on the tribal area’s non-combatants should be viewed with concern. Officials say 100,000 people have already fled the area while it is feared that a similar number will follow as the operation continues. However, it is believed that the refugee crisis will not be as bad as the one witnessed earlier in Malakand division, where close to two million people had to flee as the army finally took action against the militants. The operation in Swat triggered a massive humanitarian crisis, with assistance pouring in from across the world. A repeat of such a crisis is unlikely because the population of South Waziristan is about half that of Malakand’s conflict areas. Officials say the need for setting up refugee camps may not arise as most of the Waziristan IDPs are expected to take shelter with relatives in neighbouring districts.

Nevertheless, one cannot be complacent. The Waziristan operation is expected to be a tougher challenge for the army compared to what transpired in Swat simply because it is believed that there is greater support for the militants in that area than there was in Swat. Analysts say the operation may last for two months, but in such matters giving and sticking to time frames can be difficult. Winter is fast approaching and if the conflict drags on, life will become even more tough for the displaced. One hopes that the government has learnt from the experience of the Swat IDPs and that contingency plans are in place. Also, while all humanitarian assistance should be extended to the affected people, the authorities must be wary of extremists trying to sneak out posing as refugees.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - Sindhi Press South Waziristan[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 20 Oct, 2009[/B]

THE political and military leadership of the country has finally decided to launch a military operation against the militants in Waziristan…. Anticipating the military operation, a good number of people have fled to safer places, while many are leaving the battle zone. … Gen Ashfaq Kayani briefed the leaders of parliamentary parties … about the imperatives of the military operation.In Waziristan it is estimated that [thousands of] people would be displaced…. It is claimed that like the Swat operation, this also would be a success story. But … the question is whether this success was at the cost of the displaced people.

… A military operation had become imminent … as no other option was left to the government. It would be pertinent here to point out that the government should also think in advance about the plight of the people who would be rendered homeless…. The tragedy of thousands of IDPs of the Swat operation is a handy example. Thousands of people are still displaced and many of them might remain in this state for a lifetime. A critical analysis reveals that … neither were plans made for supportive actions nor camps set up for IDPs. Likewise there is no information about whether the government has a contingency plan for the … South Waziristan IDPs. It has become a habit with the government to take ad hoc decisions….

No doubt the army has undertaken extensive studies to make this operation a success … military action against terrorists is an effective strategy, but equally important is it to look after the general public … affected by this conflict. This is essential to win the support of the people…. If this is not done … they may not support government action.

Surprisingly we have not learnt our lessons from the Swat operation…. The government should remember that we are fighting a serious war against terror and there is little room for mistakes and failures. If arrangements for shelter, food, etc are not made for the IDPs, the government can face many more problems. It is imperative for it to use all its resources to make this operation a success. No doubt military action is necessary but … there are a number of measures to support this action….

It is hoped that the government will … take timely and effective measures to meet the fallout of the South Waziristan operation. — (Oct 18)

[B][I]Selected and translated by Sohail Sangi[/I][/B]

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]The evil in our midst[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 21 Oct, 2009[/B]

DEPRESSINGLY, though perhaps not unsurprisingly given the beliefs of militant extremists, an educational institution has been targeted by two suicide bombers in Islamabad. That the institution happened to be the International Islamic University may be doubly shocking to some. But the dastardly attack against innocent students on Tuesday is indicative of the fact that the fight for the future of Pakistan does not just pit the ‘godless’ against the ‘true believers’; it is actually a war by a radical minority in society that is bent on imposing its millenarian ideals on the rest of the population, including those trying to educate themselves about Islam in a modern environment. Since the middle years of the Musharraf era, the Islamic University has seen a number of changes in its administration and outlook that have put the university in the ‘moderate’ camp of Islam, a change that, to the militants, amounts to heresy, or even apostasy. And it is now well known that anyone who holds even a slight difference in interpretation of Islam with the militants is a ‘legitimate’ target.

The motive for the bombing of the IIU is not known yet, but two things are known. One, Tuesday’s attack is another in a wave of suicide bombings and fidayeen attacks since the state indicated its intention to enter the ground zero of militancy in South Waziristan. Two, while the IIU has not issued a statement in support of Operation Rah-i-Njiat, it is known that the government and the security establishment have reached out to the media, civil society and other civilian institutions for support. Perhaps, then, the militants have decided to demonstrate their anger at the lack of support for their ‘cause’ among the public.

The wickedness of Tuesday’s attack, however, raises fresh fears for the public. Security officials have in recent weeks repeatedly warned of the possibility of attacks against civilian targets, including educational institutions. Until Tuesday, there was no way to independently assess how real that threat was. Now we know that the war is widening. Many schools in the country were closed at the start of the week in apprehension of violence in the cities and towns. After Tuesday, more schools will close temporarily. But here is the terrifying reality: schools, colleges and universities are soft targets and securing them against the threat of suicide bombers is all but impossible, especially in the short term. The country is not sinking, but we are slipping towards the very ugliest terrain of urban militant violence. And at this time of great danger, we must also ask: what else will shake leaders such as Nawaz Sharif, who are still on the fence, to take a firm stand against militants and support the effort to subdue them?

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Fishermen in jails[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 21 Oct, 2009[/B]

ACCORDING to a report, 394 Indian fishermen are languishing in Pakistani prisons even after having served their sentences. To aggravate this miscarriage of justice their deportation in the near future appears unlikely given the present tense ties between India and Pakistan. The maritime security agencies of both countries routinely pick up unarmed Indian and Pakistani fishermen straying into the exclusive economic zone of the other country. The maritime borders are not visibly demarcated and the boats the fishermen use are primitive with no modern instruments to provide them with any guidance with regard to geographical distances. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that over 4,600 fishermen have been picked up by the coastal authorities on both sides in the last 20 years. Their release has become a tit-for-tat game. This is ridiculous. In most cases it is an error of judgement when the fishermen enter foreign waters. Their ‘crime’ is hardly of a grave nature and the punishment that is generally handed down is light — a one-year term in prison. It is inhumane of the authorities to detain the fishermen indefinitely.

Last year the India-Pakistan Judicial Committee on Prisoners that was formed in 2007 recommended that prisoners who had completed their term be released immediately. But Islamabad and Delhi have failed to implement this humane suggestion for reasons best known to them. Mercifully they have observed the consular access agreement and allowed their diplomats to visit each other’s prisoners in jails. But that is not enough. Why should the judicial process be held ransom to politics? The two sides try to extract mileage from every small gesture of compassion they make. Periodically fishermen prisoners were exchanged between India and Pakistan. But since the Mumbai attacks, even this practice has been discontinued.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]PIA’s nosedive[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 21 Oct, 2009[/B]

HIGH fuel prices cannot explain away PIA’s disastrous decline into near bankruptcy. If anything, international fuel prices fell sharply in the last few months of 2008 but Pakistan International still managed to post an annual loss of Rs39.88bn by December, a staggering increase of more than 200 per cent over the previous year. Net revenues increased by nearly 27 per cent but these gains were more than offset by a 58 per cent spike in operating expenses. In a report presented to the National Assembly’s Public Accounts Committee, the auditor general’s office echoed the widespread view that PIA’s problems run deeper than fuel costs alone. As many as 29 audit objections were raised in the AG’s report. Loose internal controls are the root cause of the malaise afflicting the national carrier according to the report, which also recommends a thorough review of the way in which PIA is run. Indeed, it is high time such an exercise was carried out by a professional task force with no vested interest in the airline or personal links with its top management.

PIA is overstaffed and saddled with political appointees and an ageing fleet. Many potential customers are kept away by tales of delays and cancellations as well as concerns, real or otherwise, about aircraft maintenance and overall quality of service. Then there is the calibre of the people at the very top of the organisation. A skilled and experienced pilot is no doubt an asset in the cockpit but his utility in the boardroom is questionable to say the least. Compared to its competitors, PIA has fared poorly in marketing its product. An airline spokesperson claims that a new marketing strategy has been initiated but its workings, clearly, are not evident as yet to the paying public. Fuel prices will remain unpredictable and cannot be used endlessly as an excuse for continued failure. PIA needs to trim the fat and streamline operations but this may not be possible without outside help. If need be, professional troubleshooters specialising in aviation ought to be called in to put PIA on the runway to recovery.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - European Press Apparitions from[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 21 Oct, 2009[/B]

NO-CONFIDENCE motions in Slovakia’s parliament have metamorphosed into a toothless act, a sort of political theatre where the final scene has been written long before the actual performance begins. On October 15, parliament performed the ‘no-confidence motion’ play again and the outcome is quite predictable.

Justice Minister Viera Petrikova will survive; but not because she warrants being kept in post to make her shining contribution to justice in Slovakia. On the contrary, she will survive because she is a safe bet for making no contribution at all. She got her script from the play’s director, Vladimir Meciar, and she seems to have memorised her lines well.

... The way Petrikova handled the case of prominent judge Jana Dubovcova, who in 2002 was awarded a Transparency International Integrity Award for fighting corruption, suggests that she is exercising someone else’s sense of justice or interests…. When the chairman of the district court in Banska Bystrica … Busik proposed … disciplinary action against Dubovcova for expressing her strongly held personal opinion that there is decay in the state of judiciary, Petrikova instantly approved Busik’s action.

Daniel Lipsic, former justice minister and deputy chairman of the Christian Democratic Movement (KDH), said that in about a month Slovakia will commemorate the 20th anniversary of the Velvet Revolution but at the same time society is relapsing to the times when there was “freedom of expression but not freedom after the act of expression”. … — (Oct 19)

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Pak-Iran tensions[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 22 Oct, 2009[/B]

IN the wake of Sunday’s attack by Jundullah in Sistan-Baluchestan, senior Iranian officials have issued blunt statements against Pakistan. For example, Intelligence Minister Heyder Moslehi has been quoted as saying: “According to the evidence, the Pakistan intelligence service is linked to the group (Jundullah) and Pakistan has to clarify its position regarding the group.” And the commander of the Guard’s ground forces has reportedly demanded permission to “confront terrorists on Pakistani soil”. For its part, the Pakistani government has strenuously denied any link to Jundullah and promised to extend all cooperation possible to the Iranian authorities. What are we to make of all this? First, the issue of Jundullah and its presence inside Pakistan. In the shadowy world of militancy very little is known for certain, but it does seem likely that Jundullah exists in some form in Balochistan and perhaps even Fata.

However, and this is the second issue, the question is, does Jundullah to the extent that it does operate from Pakistani soil do so with the government or the security establishment’s blessing? Even by Machiavellian standards, support for Jundullah extended by agencies under civilian control can virtually be ruled out. After previous attacks in Sistan-Baluchestan attributed to Jundullah by the Iranian government, it is understood that President Zardari directed then Interior Adviser Rehman Malik to urgently address the concerns expressed by the Iranian government. Could, though, the security establishment here be playing its ‘games’ and helping Jundullah as one of the ‘good’ militant groups it is regularly accused of shielding? This too seems extremely unlikely for there is no apparent benefit to be had. Remember also that Pakistan is itself faced with a low-level local Baloch insurgency and therefore is unlikely to stoke Baloch militancy across the Pak-Iran border.

While it cannot be argued with absolute certainty, what is far more likely to be occurring is that Jundullah is benefiting from the Al Qaeda–anti-Shia nexus of militancy operating inside Pakistan, a nexus that the state here is struggling to contain and is itself a target of. Consider this possibility: as the militants fighting against the state find themselves being targeted inside their strongholds by the Pakistan Army, they will try everything possible to take the pressure off. A wave of suicide bombings and fidayeen attacks inside Pakistan is one way to do so. Another way would be to increase tensions between Pakistan and its neighbouring countries — exactly what has happened following Sunday’s attack in Sistan-Baluchestan. So while the state must clamp down on such forms of militancy harder, our neighbours should avoid falling into the militants’ trap.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Plots and MPAs[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 22 Oct, 2009[/B]

TALK about empathy. The country’s security apparatus is engaged in mortal combat trying to save Pakistan from militants who want to usurp power along with our very identity. Schools, bazaars and mosques are being bombed, adding to the misery of an already shell-shocked nation. Millions go hungry in these days of food inflation and the ranks of the newly poor are swelling by the day. Flour and sugar are in short supply, or beyond the reach of the poor, in a country where hoarders and politically powerful commodity cartels call the shots. Thousands of people who could afford both food for the family and education for their children now must make do with one or the other — and sometimes without both. Citizens displaced by conflict in the northwest are fleeing their humble homes and heading for an uncertain future featuring even greater hardship. Many now live in makeshift shelters and are dependent on state handouts or the generosity of others.

Yet it seems that several members of the Punjab Assembly feel that the real problems lie elsewhere. Tuesday’s assembly session, for instance, was dominated by the burning issue of the day: whether or not Punjab MPAs are entitled to residential plots in Lahore. If senators, MNAs and bureaucrats are given state land, went the battle cry in Lahore, why should members of the provincial assembly be discriminated against in this heartless manner? And this from people who can afford to buy vast tracts of prime real estate in Lahore. Tuesday’s tirades shed more light, if any were needed, on the priorities and mindset of this self-serving lot. True, a sound case could be made against allotting land to MNAs, judges, bureaucrats or journalists. Reasons of conflict of interest, if nothing else, should be enough to scrap all such schemes. But is this the time to engage in such pettiness? Doesn’t the Punjab Assembly have anything more pressing to discuss, such as cracking down on terrorist outfits in the province? Pakistan today is in a state of war. MPAs who want residential plots need to get a grip on reality — and the standards of basic decency.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Gun culture[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 22 Oct, 2009[/B]

THE display of arms has gone from being a feudal practice to an urban status symbol. Hence it is no surprise that politicians, the affluent and other elites in Karachi are moving about the metropolis with heavily armed guards in plain clothes. Some of these gunmen are armed with sophisticated weapons that do not belong to the city streets. What is perhaps more disturbing is that the city’s police force appears to be reluctant to confront these individuals. The display of even licensed weapons by persons in plain clothes is not allowed under the law, unless approved by the home ministry. Yet such permission is generally not thought necessary as policemen do not want to risk ‘offending’ the person being guarded. No one is above the law and when the country’s precarious security situation is considered, no one should feel offended when asked to provide identification or legal documents, especially keeping in mind the lethal weapons in question.

Nevertheless, the need for armed guards for politicians and public figures who need extra security is justified. Karachi’s total sanctioned police force is 29,000 officers, which is wholly inadequate to provide protection to its citizens, let alone special security cover for public figures. But politicians and lawmakers should set an example. Is it not possible for their gunmen to conceal their weapons especially in public? Here we must look at security arrangements for public figures in foreign countries. Foreign security agents of various countries arguably do a much better job of protecting public figures than their Pakistani counterparts, and without brandishing heavy weapons in public. Discretion is the better part of valour. The scourge of guns in this city cannot be eliminated without public figures taking the lead. Maintaining personal security is one thing. Illegally displaying weapons to establish one’s status in society is quite another.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - Middle East Press Turkey-Israel ties slide[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 22 Oct, 2009[/B]

ISRAEL is paying the price for its Gaza offensive. A few months ago, human rights organisations had chastised the Jewish state for killing unarmed civilians, including women and children, and destroying … Palestinian properties and called for trying Israeli leaders in the International Court of Justice… In yet another blow, Turkey excluded Israel from an aerial exercise planned along with the US and Italy. Reason: the Gaza onslaught earlier this year. … [I]t appears to be the beginning of a foundering relationship.... For decades, Jewish Israel and Muslim Turkey have shared common strategic interests...

… This is not the first time Turkey has expressed its displeasure over [the] Gaza offensive. In January, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan stormed out of a conference during the World Economic Forum ... after he had scolded Israeli President Shimon Peres over the extent of Palestinian casualties….

These developments point to the fact that Israel is losing its friends…. Its stubborn stand on Jewish settlements … has alienated its closest ally, the US, and now Turkey … is distancing itself from Israel over the Gaza offensive. … Israel is isolating itself because of its self-defeating policies. — (Oct 17)

[B]Path to salvation[/B]

THE much-anticipated assault on South Waziristan has begun. This mission … intends to eradicate the greatest threat to Pakistan’s security: the Mehsud branch of the Taliban. But with winter fast approaching, the military has a limited amount of time…. Yet, even if the operation meets with success its narrow objectives raise questions about whether it will truly lead to ‘salvation’ for a country racked by violence…. Of course, both the timing of the offensive and the nature of the objectives may be part of a deliberate plan… [I]t is essential that the army not be seen to lose this battle.

…[T]he tribal areas … have never been subject to government writ…. And the tribal areas have come to be part of the country’s national security policy, to be used as both a buffer with Afghanistan and to prevent Indian infiltration through its western border. The Pakistani military will not abandon this aspect of its long-held, if short-sighted, national defence strategy without good reason. Thankfully the Taliban may have provided the reason. Through its poisoning of traditional tribal relationships, the region cannot be relied upon to be more ally than foe. Pakistan must eradicate the Taliban or face a foe on both borders. … — (Oct 19)

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]A tougher stance[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Friday, 23 Oct, 2009[/B]

INTERIOR Minister Rehman Malik has come down hard on India. “We have solid evidence that not only in Balochistan but India is involved in almost every terrorist activity in Pakistan,” Mr Malik said on Wednesday. On Balochistan, it is understood that, despite denials by both sides, Pakistan handed over a dossier on Indian activities there at the meeting between the Pakistani and Indian prime ministers in Sharm el Sheikh in July, capping a long series of complaints on the issue by Pakistan. What is notable about the claims of Indian involvement in Balochistan is that the international powers have not downplayed them. On the issue of Indian involvement in “almost every terrorist” act in Pakistan, however, Mr Malik’s claim would appear to be an exaggeration, for it is well known that there are non-state actors inside Pakistan whose goal is to destabilise the state for ideological reasons that have nothing to do with India; indeed, many of those non-state actors regard ‘Hindu’ India as an even bigger enemy.

Be that as it may, we believe that the gist of Mr Malik’s blunt comments on India is correct. Whatever India may or may not be doing inside Pakistan, it is clear that the Indians are still unwilling to move out of the accusation mode. From the prime minister downwards, hardly a few days pass without some statement on ‘Pakistani’ involvement in yet-to-be-committed terrorist acts inside India. Puzzlingly, the Indians appear to be content with issuing public warnings and seem uninterested in sharing intelligence with Pakistan on the planning of such attacks. Surely, whatever doubts the Indian government has about Pakistan’s bona fides as a partner in the fight against terrorism, it has a bigger duty to try and thwart future attacks — and public warnings but no intelligence-sharing seems to run contrary to the fulfilment of that duty.

More generally, the Indian pressure is counterproductive for two reasons. One, Indian cage-rattling is liable to distract the security establishment here just as the Pakistan Army is locked in battle with militant groups. True, India’s concerns are about the Kashmir-centric, anti-Indian militants, whereas the Pakistan Army is focused on fighting the anti-state militants. But consider this: many of the groups the army is fighting today are the same ones it was willing to ‘shield’ only a few years ago. Clearly, then, the Pakistan Army’s security calculations are not inflexible. Second, the problems between India and Pakistan go beyond militancy and involve genuine disputes. Ignoring the latter will not help defeat the former; India must recognise this and re-engage a Pakistani government that has repeatedly expressed its willingness to talk.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Not the right decision[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Friday, 23 Oct, 2009[/B]

THE decision to close schools, colleges and universities in most parts of the country this week can only be termed a psychological victory for the militants. By announcing their temporary closure, the government has caused uncertainty if not panic among parents, teachers and students. The twin blasts at the International Islamic University campus in Islamabad on Tuesday were not the first and will probably not be the last acts of criminality on the precincts of an educational institution. War on education has been one of the Taliban’s major tactics against the state. They have blown up hundreds of schools in the north and have targeted buses carrying students.

All sides in a war rely on psychological propaganda as a major weapon to demoralise the enemy, sow confusion in its ranks and make it believe that further resistance would be useless. As far as the government is concerned the aim of a psywar should be to raise the morale of the civilian population, to assure them of final victory and to mobilise them for achieving that aim. From this point of view, the decision to close schools negates some of the basic principles of a psywar. The closure has brought the morale of the people to a new low and perhaps given ideas to the enemy. Hopefully, schools will open on Monday. Will the militants have disappeared by that day? And how would parents throughout the country feel about letting their children go to school which the government considers vulnerable to attacks? We have argued in this space for the need to strike a balance. Obviously, we cannot allow our children to be exposed to danger. But neither can we let fear and panic come to dominate their years of learning. What is needed is a joint effort by the education departments and the official security apparatus to draft and implement a safety plan that can be further fine-tuned to suit the needs of individual schools, colleges and universities. In the meantime, we hope that the closure of educational institutions in the country is not extended.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Culture takes a hit[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Friday, 23 Oct, 2009[/B]

THE theatre of war has expanded to South Waziristan. Meanwhile, it is far from business as usual in other parts of the country. In Lahore, amongst the prime victims of the deteriorating security situation, are the many cultural activities that were, in happier times, emblematic of the city. Since the recent spate of terror attacks in the city, cinema audiences have dropped by about 80 per cent. Commercial theatres have suffered similarly. The fear of a terror attack, particularly in view of the militants’ opposition to cultural activities, is a significant deterrent. The Ajoka theatre’s Panj Pani festival had to be shifted abroad, and there are reports that the annual Rafi Peer Theatre Workshop Performing Arts Festival, which has for years acted as Pakistan’s ambassador to the world’s theatrical circuit, may not be held this time. The Lahore Arts Council has for similar reasons been forced to cancel the International Urdu Conference. Concerts have become a thing of the past.

Private security has of course been beefed up at theatres and cinemas. But this has done little to assuage the fears of performing artists and their audiences. Such venues have, after all, been targeted in the recent past: explosive devices were detonated at the RPTW festival last year, while two theatres were targeted earlier this year. As Lahore’s once-vibrant cultural scene fades, great damage is being done to the country’s emerging presence on the world’s literary and performing arts stages. More importantly, the decline represents a serious loss of income for thousands employed in the entertainment sector. The livelihoods of persons in the film, theatre and music industries are insecure even during ordinary times. The uncertain security situation is likely to push into poverty those who were formerly financially stable. The loss to the city’s cultural heritage, meanwhile, is incalculable.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - Pushto Press A dangerous enemy and US agent[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Friday, 23 Oct, 2009[/B]

HISTORY is witness to the fact that Iran has all along, right from the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan to the present ‘takeover’ by Nato, abetted the enemies of that war-ravaged country and its people…. The recent arrests of terrorists in Pakistan, which is the Afghan people’s second home, have revealed that Iran and its stooges (the terrorists of the Northern Alliance) had tasked them to carry out subversive activities here and unleash a vicious propaganda against Afghans living in refugee camps.

Readers may recall that the terrorists of this very Northern Alliance in cahoots with Shurai Nazar had hijacked a school bus … when Naseerullah Babar was the interior minister. They were killed by Pakistan Army commandoes and the children were rescued. Last year security forces in Peshawar arrested agents of Shurai Nazar loyal to Commander Hazrat Ali of Darrai Noor … along with arms and bombs.

… Recently, an American agent of Iranian origin, Muhammad Raza Musawi, in a website article mentioned a would-be bomber of the Shurai Nazar who had been arrested in Jalalabad during the Afghan general elections. Musawi alleges that the arrested miscreant confessed to be a resident of the Shamshatu refugee camp…. Musawi … pleads for Shurai Nazar and … tries to dub the Shamshatu camp as the bastion of the Taliban’s terrorist activities…. At a larger level Musawi defames Pakistan….

Musawi implies that the Shamshatu camp … is the base camp of the Taliban who go across the Durand Line and fight the US and Nato forces. Musawi says … that whoever opposes the interference of Russia and Iran in Afghanistan through the Shurai Nazar are enemies of the country and should be punished.

… We believe that Pakistan is … a citadel of Islam, and if Moscow, Panjsher, India and Israel gang up to destroy it, God will save it. Today the agents of Russia, India, Iran, America and the Northern Alliance stoke unrest in Balochistan, the NWFP and other parts of Pakistan by killing Muslims; tomorrow they will face their own destruction. Allah-o-Akbar. — (Oct 21)

[B]Selected and translated by Faizullah Jan[/B]

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Fake doctors[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 26 Oct, 2009[/B]

SOME 70,000 quacks with bogus medical degrees are said to be endangering lives across the country. But the recent news of a fake doctors’ recruitment scam at the District Headquarters Hospital in Rawalpindi raises new concerns about the infiltration of such charlatans into our public healthcare institutions. Several senior health officials have already been arrested for the hiring of at least four people — three of them brothers — whose medical certificates were found to be bogus. One was taken on by the hospital as a neurosurgeon no less. While all those found guilty ought to be prosecuted and punished, more comprehensive preventative measures are also in order.

For starters, the Pakistan Medical and Dental Council could ask all public and private hospitals in the Rawalpindi-Islamabad area to send a list of their doctors for verification. The PMDC needs to introduce a multi-tiered checking and monitoring system which should include routine degree verification in all hospitals. Fake doctors are either not registered with the PMDC or hold phoney registration certificates, and as such unqualified doctors can be weeded out without harassing genuine practitioners. Hospitals which fail to verify credentials with the PMDC before hiring new doctors should be appropriately penalised. Detecting fake doctors requires diligent regulation as well as public awareness and prompt reporting by medical professionals who are suspicious of a colleague’s credentials. Not many people perhaps know that the PMDC’s website allows the general public to check if their doctors are registered with the council and are thus licensed to practise medicine. The PMDC and the health authorities should encourage the general public, through advertisements and posters, to be involved in exposing fake doctors in this manner. After all it is the public that will benefit most, in terms of safer healthcare, by the eradication of bogus physicians.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Cellphone scare [/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 26 Oct, 2009[/B]

MOBILE phone users across the country are alarmed, and rightly so, that multiple fraudulent connections have been issued against their CNIC numbers. By Friday, some 175,000 complainants had reportedly visited various cellphone companies to clarify that many accounts which they ostensibly own are in fact bogus. As a result, more than 400,000 SIMs have so far been identified as ‘illegal or irregular’ and are no longer in the complainants’ names. In this day and age, when terrorism and violent crime are on the rise, cellphone users are naturally eager to officially distance themselves from accounts they never sought in the first place. But the process itself is time-consuming. In large cities it can take hours to get to the relevant counter because several hundred people may be in line. It’s even worse for subscribers in rural areas who are told that they should visit a city or large town to get their records rectified.

Identity theft is a serious issue, especially in the current climate. A law-abiding citizen could be arrested because a terrorist has been using a mobile number obtain-ed through fraudulent means. While the PTA’s SIM-verification campaign is a step in the right direction, the regulatory authority must introduce measures to ensure that phoney connections are not issued again. Otherwise it is the victims who will be forced to make the rounds of cellphone companies every few months, for no fault of their own. It is believed that the biggest culprits are franchisees who issue SIMs against CNIC copies either deposited by legitimate subscribers or bought from employees of both government and private-sector institutions. In this age of connectivity there is no reason why cellphone companies cannot maintain a record of sales made at every franchise and take action against those exposed by the current campaign. The argument that typing errors can result in incorrect CNIC numbers being fed into the database is also unacceptable. Surely names and numbers can be matched before opening accounts, irrespective of their volume in mega cities. Our cellphone companies have some explaining to do. Without accountability, the system is bound to be misused again.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]More terror threats[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 26 Oct, 2009[/B]

THE words Lal Masjid evoke revulsion among many here, shocking evidence of the growth of militancy and the state’s complicity in nurturing that threat in recent decades. But Lal Masjid also evokes a fierce anger against the state among a small group of people who believe that a ‘house of God’ was attacked in Operation Silence in July 2007 and that many ‘innocent’ people were killed by the armed forces. Born of that rage is a small but deadly militant group known as the Ghazi Force, named after the dead Abdul Rashid Ghazi, the infamous deputy imam of the Lal Masjid, which is bent on seeking vengeance against the state. Led by one Fidaullah until his arrest in May, the group was blamed for a series of attacks against security targets in Islamabad and Rawalpindi.

The group fell off the terror radar after that, but, according to a report in this newspaper yesterday, is believed to be involved in the recent surge in violence in Islamabad and Rawalpindi under the tutelage of a new commander, Niaz Raheem. Not much is known about the Ghazi Force, but at least two things are worth bearing in mind. One, as a relatively new outfit, it has an incentive to ‘establish’ itself with a series of audacious and deadly attacks. Two, Lal Masjid’s sectarian, anti-Shia leanings are well known, which means that the Ghazi Force could easily forge an alliance with a range of groups operating inside Pakistan which share a similar outlook, groups that include Al Qaeda, Jaish-i-Mohammad and the Ilyas Kashmiri network.

What can the state do to fight groups such as the Ghazi Force, which may consist of no more than a few dozen highly trained and indoctrinated members bent on killing and maiming? Better intelligence, more surveillance and improved policing. That’s what got Fidaullah, the under-arrest leader of the Ghazi Force, in the first place — leads provided by other detained suspects that eventually led to his capture by law-enforcement personnel in Islamabad. But there is also a role for the ordinary citizen, too: stay alert, watch the goings-on in your neighbourhood, report any suspicious activity. By no means are we suggesting neighbour turn against neighbour or converting the country into one big web of spies, but these are extraordinary days and the state’s capacity to deal with the terrorism threat is still well below adequate. So the citizenry should help, responsibly, where it can.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - North American Press More Iranian injustice[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 26 Oct, 2009[/B]

THE journalist Maziar Bahari joined his pregnant wife in London this week after being freed from an Iranian prison where he had been held for five months. That is welcome news, but it would be a mistake to think that the mullahs who run the government had been seized with humanitarian spirit. If anything, they seem more determined to shift the blame for the unrest that followed the fraudulent June 12 election to America and other ‘foreigners’.

The Iranian-American scholar Kian Tajbakhsh, an urban planner with a doctorate from Columbia University, was arrested in July. He was prosecuted with more than 100 other defendants in show trials....

An Iranian court on Sunday convicted him of fomenting unrest against the government and sentenced him to 15 years in prison. His alleged offence? Working with George Soros’s Open Society Institute, which finances democracy-building programmes in many countries, and hooking into a Gulf region website run by Prof Gary Sick of Columbia.

... The mullahs are twisting themselves into knots trying to prove that outside forces are at work when they are facing homegrown outrage over their increasingly autocratic state. They also think they can solve the crisis with force....

On Friday, a leading opposition leader, Mehdi Karroubi, was attacked at a media fair. One day earlier, authorities stormed a prayer service at a private home and arrested 60 reformists. Many Iranians detained after the election protests linger in prison without charges.

Iran may sit at the negotiating table with the United States and other world powers, but it will never earn the respect it craves if it continues these kinds of human rights abuses. — (Oct 24)

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]A positive sign[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 28 Oct, 2009[/B]

THAT the meeting between President Zardari and Nawaz Sharif did not yield any breakthrough is being seen as a sign of failure in some quarters. We have a different view. Held in a congenial atmosphere where hawks such as Chaudhry Nisar of the PML-N were excluded and where controversial subjects such as the National Reconciliation Ordinance were avoided, the meeting demonstrated a much-needed maturity among our political leaders that has not been in evidence lately. By now, the primary political disagreements between the PML-N and the PPP are well known: the PML-N wants the anti-parliamentary presidential powers enshrined in the 17th Amendment revoked and the bar on a third-term prime minister removed, while the PPP argues that partners such as the ANP and MQM need to be won over by the PML-N for a constitutional amendment package. Add to that the reluctance, as some believe, of President Zardari to give up powers he currently enjoys and it is easy to see why there has been an impasse for several months now.

But concentrating on the differences between the two parties can lead to the mistaken conclusion that they are inevitably on a collision course. There is at least one important point of agreement between President Zardari and Mr Sharif specifically and their two parties generally: the need to protect democracy against extra-constitutional forces. In this regard, it is significant that in the wake of the army’s public objections to the Kerry-Lugar bill, Mr Sharif has elected to meet President Zardari. That it was not just the two leaders but high-powered delegations from both sides that met on Monday has sent an unmistakable signal: the politicians want the space to sort out their disagreements for themselves. This is how it should be; keep the channels of communication between the largest political parties open at all times and present a united front in the face of unwanted interference from the non-parliamentary forces.

Nevertheless, we also feel that the PPP and the PML-N need to strike a deal on the constitutional amendment package sooner rather than later. Political instability is an unfortunate fact of life here, and the longer the matter is drawn out, the more it will encourage mischievous elements outside the PPP and PML-N and hawks within to goad the leadership of the two parties onto a dangerous path of confrontation. While meetings and summits are good, they also need to yield results. There is agreement on the broad parameters of constitutional changes; President Zardari and Mr Sharif need to compromise on the peripheral issues for the sake of the bigger picture.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]KESC’s affairs[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 28 Oct, 2009[/B]

KESC’s shareholders want answers and understandably so. The utility’s management was bombarded with questions at its annual general meeting on Monday as investors wanted to know the reasons behind the electricity company’s dismal performance and demanded an explanation about certain financial anomalies. The shareholders reflect the concerns of Karachi’s power consumers. Topping the agenda was why KESC has failed to provide uninterrupted power supply to the city. The meeting was told that the utility’s power generation capacity had decreased by 4.62 per cent, while there had been an increase in transmission and distribution losses over the previous year. If these are official figures, one wonders how high the actual ones are. What also irked shareholders was the KESC CEO’s reported hotel bill of Rs9m when the company maintains an official residence.

This sad saga of ineptitude is becoming too familiar. Things were not perfect when KESC was privatised in 2005, yet it seems that the situation has gone from bad to worse. Memories of the summer of discontent, when Karachi suffered from crippling blackouts in June and July 2009, are still fresh. For its part, the utility’s management has claimed that ‘influential’ people and government departments are involved in power theft. There is certainly some truth to this. Many ordinary citizens too indulge in power theft. But merely complaining about this practice is not enough. Action needs to be taken soon. KESC and the government must chalk out an effective plan to eliminate or at least minimise power theft. The government should start the campaign by disciplining its own errant departments. KESC also needs to set its house in order. All the electricity in the world will not end the power crisis until transmission and distribution losses, currently estimated at 36 per cent, are contained.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Security for schools[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 28 Oct, 2009[/B]

THE threat of terrorist attacks on educational institutions and the recent week-long closure of the latter are worrying signs that the security situation in the country is unlikely to improve soon. In Lahore, the Punjab government allowed all educational institutions to reopen on Monday, claiming that campuses had been thoroughly checked for compliance with the newly prescribed security arrangements: fortified boundary walls, walk-through security gates, metal detectors and CCTV systems. Almost immediately, however, some 225 private schools were forced by the government to shut down again, because they had failed to beef up their security. A number of other schools were issued warnings. Major institutions, including the Forman Christian College, the National College of the Arts, the Lahore Grammar School, etc remained closed. This is a worrying situation; faculty and students alike will suffer greatly if academic schedules continue to be disrupted. Nevertheless, the government is right in insisting that schools and colleges implement adequate security measures to ward off terrorist attacks, for the uncertain situation in the country merits these.

Educational institutions must not drag their heels over the requirements, and must also desist as far as possible from passing on the expense of increasing security to the parents of their students. There are already reports of some schools having sent out such notices. The burden of meeting the security requirements must lie upon the shoulders of school administrations and the state that can help by stepping up patrols and setting up an effective communication system between school administrators and the law-enforcement agencies. Meanwhile, it is also practical to make students aware of the threat and of ways to counter it. Without pressing the panic button, school administrations must urge students to report the presence of strangers on campus or persons exhibiting suspicious behaviour. Emergency drills, including evacuation in the case of a terrorist attack or threat, must also be carried out at regular intervals. The provincial government, meanwhile, must keep in mind that public-sector and smaller, private educational institutions are also under threat. It is incumbent upon the state to provide as much security as possible to all educational centres without discrimination.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - European Press Price of gold[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 28 Oct, 2009[/B]

INVESTORS regard gold as a safe-haven asset in uncertain financial times. They hope the precious metal can hold its value…. Earlier this month, gold breached the $1,000 per ounce price level — a key psychological threshold — and last week it set a record high against the dollar. The soaring gold price has mirrored the recent decline in the dollar as international concerns grow about the health of the US economy….

In the US, a combination of near zero interest rates, expanding deficits and a rising national debt has lowered international confidence in the American economy. Fears that rising future inflation will erode the dollar’s value have increased investor concerns about the currency among some of the very large holders of dollar assets….

… For worried investors who want to hedge their risk, whether against inflation or market uncertainty, gold offers one form of diversification. But because the metal is a non-interest bearing asset, gold provides no income stream. Investors must rely on capital appreciation to secure a return. Since the start of the financial crisis in August 2007, gold has outperformed most other asset classes.

… A major turning point in the fortunes of gold occurred in 1971 when President Nixon allowed the gold price to float from the $35 an ounce set by President Roosevelt in 1934. In the late 1970s, with inflation in the US at its highest in the country’s history, investors lost confidence in paper money and the dollar, and the gold price peaked in 1980 at $850. The gold bubble quickly burst as inflation was brought back under control, the dollar recovered and as mining companies produced more gold, the price fell.

The short history of gold shows a rising price over recent decades. A longer history shows that gold has disappointed as an investment asset. ... — (Oct 27)

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Peshawar bombing[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 29 Oct, 2009 [/B]

THE security situation will get worse before it gets better, government and army officials have warned, often privately, in recent weeks. But as the people of Peshawar and the country generally reel from yesterday’s devastating bombing of a crowded marketplace, the question on everyone’s mind is: how bad will it get? The grotesqueness of the bombing cannot be overstated; a place chock-full of civilians was deliberately targeted and the bomb hidden in a car was meant to cause the maximum loss of life possible. What was the motive? US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton had touched down in Islamabad only a few hours earlier, so perhaps it was a message for the Americans. The other obvious possibility is that the army operation in South Waziristan is leading the militants to target the soft underbelly of the state, killing innocent civilians to sow the deepest of terror and perhaps cause the national mood to swing against military operations against the militants.

The immediate effect, though, is clear: the jitteriness and anxiety across the country, already at high levels, will have gone up a notch further. Peshawar, Islamabad, Rawalpindi and Lahore are major cities that have already been targeted by the terrorists, but the denizens of no city feel safe. Karachi has miraculously escaped the terrorists’ attention for now, but whether that is by luck or design is not known and knowledgeable observers are aware that the potential for terrorist activity in the city remains high. Elsewhere, in the smaller cities dotting the country, there is also anxiety and fear. All that the people know is that there is a shadowy enemy inside the country which seems capable of striking at will and that the state is floundering in the face of an unprecedented wave of violence. Who among the state’s officials over the years are to blame for allowing things to come to such a pass is arguably a moot point at the moment. All the people can do is focus on what can be done about the terrorist threat today, in the near term and on a war footing.

Counter-terrorism measures in the cities are being ramped up, but arguably the time has come to discard slow and desultory measures and instead deploy a dragnet to scoop up all manner of suspects across the country. A few dozen suspects arrested here and another handful detained there are yielding breakthroughs, but the intelligence and law-enforcement personnel are well behind the steep curve of violence. As the militants ramp up their terror campaign, the state must be more forceful in its counter-terrorism measures.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Water & sanitation[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 29 Oct, 2009[/B]

FOR the umpteenth time health experts have informed us how inadequate sanitation and unsafe water are taking a heavy toll on human health. Addressing a seminar in Karachi, speakers pointed to the high incidence of disease and poor quality of water and sanitation in Pakistan. So the question arises, what needs to be done? On a personal level, people can play a role. Boiling the water we drink and keeping public places litter-free can certainly make a difference. But not enough. Given their size, reach and the funding involved, water supply and sanitation are sectors that have to be addressed on the macro and community levels. Participants at the seminar attributed Pakistan’s failure in this area to “lack of meaningful political commitment, meagre government funding and [near absence of an] inter-sectoral approach”. The government on its part has tried to absolve itself of responsibility by attempting to induct the private sector in the management of public utilities. But experience has shown that de-municipalisation of water supply, sewerage management and sanitation facilities does not resolve the problem. These are best managed by the government itself, if it has political will and governance skills.

The government has tried to make a beginning by announcing a national water policy. In some respects it appears ambitious and scepticism has been expressed about its success. It is important, however, that the government should be the provider at source of water and sanitation facilities and the main distribution system must also be under the assigned official agencies. Only then can spending and inter-sectoral coordination be made cost-effective, and duplication too can be pre-empted. Thus water can be conserved and recycled while combining water and sanitation strategies. At the lower level, where distribution is the main issue, it helps to involve the community. The Orangi Pilot Project experience has amply demonstrated the viability of this strategy which should be replicated nationally. Apart from involving the community in the operation of these utilities under the umbrella of the government, such an approach will give the people a sense of possession and create public interest in the management and maintenance of this sector.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Suspension of legislators[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 29 Oct, 2009[/B]

ACCOUNTABILITY of elected representatives is vital for the success of the democratic system. However this principle has had little success when applied to the Pakistani democratic experiment. The fact that 68 legislators from the national and provincial assemblies were suspended on Tuesday by the Election Commission for not submitting details of their assets and liabilities strengthens this view. Political victimisation can be ruled out because among the suspended parliamentarians are members of the PPP, the ruling party, while lawmakers from the PML-N and other political parties also feature in the list. Serving provincial ministers are among those whose membership of their respective legislatures has been suspended. The step was taken when lawmakers failed to meet the EC’s deadline for filing the required information. They will remain suspended until details are submitted.

What do these men and women have to hide? Or were they just too lazy to file the statements? Perhaps they did not consider the process of personal accountability worth their while. Regardless of the legislators’ motives for not sharing the information with the EC, these suspensions speak of a larger disease afflicting society as a whole and the ruling classes in particular: we consider ourselves above the law. The issue becomes serious when lawmakers fail to submit themselves to scrutiny, especially when it comes to matters involving money. As it is politicians do not enjoy a good reputation with the public, and this is mostly due to their own misdeeds. But the hypocrisy becomes intolerable when political parties that keep harping on about democracy and rule of law fail to instil respect for these ideals in their own legislators. The suspended legislators should submit the details of their assets without delay, while hopefully the EC’s action will have a sobering effect not only on lawmakers but other public servants as well.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - Middle East Press A seething volcano [/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 29 Oct, 2009[/B]

THE clashes yesterday between Israeli police who entered the Temple Mount plaza and Palestinian stone-throwers and inciters seemingly ended calmly. There were ‘only’ three policemen who suffered light injuries. In contrast to prior incidents on the Temple Mount, and using the standard wherein the number of casualties is the measurement by which one views the gravity of an incident, what happened yesterday was almost routine. Yet it is that very routine which indicates that the Temple Mount is behaving like an active, simmering volcano; the timing of its next major eruption is impossible to gauge. The government’s attitude, by which it views these events as just another competitive front between Israel and the Palestinians, is likely to foment a violent outburst which will ignite the entire Middle East.

The trepidation of Palestinians, Arabs and Muslims from what is referred to as “the Judaisation of Jerusalem”, or the Jewish takeover of the Temple Mount, cannot be overstated. Archaeological digs; the construction of Jewish neighbourhoods and Jewish housing in and around the Old City; and the purchase of property and condemning of public parks with the intention of using the land to build Jewish residential neighbourhoods are all apparently part of a deliberate policy being pursued by the government of Israel….This is a struggle in which Israeli Muslims stand alongside their co-religionists throughout the world, all of whom view themselves as custodians of one of Islam’s holiest sites. Political and diplomatic disagreements between the Palestinians and the Arab world go by the wayside in the face of the religious struggle at hand. Israel has been made fully aware that even friendly states like Jordan and Egypt cannot stand idly by while the Muslim world broods.

… [T]he Israel police is caught between a rock and a hard place. It is wedged between a government which views strengthening the Jewish hold on the Temple Mount and its environs as a political and diplomatic objective, and Palestinians who view themselves as the fortifying wall standing in the way of such Israeli aims. Yet it is precisely the sensitive nature of the police’s task that requires it to adopt a more tolerant position of understanding and sound judgment. Its success will not be measured by an ostentatious show of force. Rather, it will be measured by its ability to hold a dialogue and reach understandings with the Muslim interlocutors in order to prevent a conflagration. — (Oct 26)

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Hillary Clinton’s visit[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Friday, 30 Oct, 2009[/B]

US SECRETARY of State Hillary Clinton is in Pakistan on a mission, it seems, to mend fences with the Pakistani public, media and opposition. Ms Clinton is the highest-ranking official of the Obama administration to have visited Pakistan in an attempt to mollify detractors here who have been aggrieved by the strictures contained in the Kerry-Lugar bill and the army and the government’s role in the ‘US war on terror’. The words she has elected to use have been sensible. “Let us discuss and air the differences as friends and partners and let us not magnify them to the extent of exclusion of many areas of agreement and cooperation.”

Topping the list of those “areas of agreement and cooperation” are two things — which many here are loath to admit: one, dollars flowing directly from the US treasury and indirectly from the IFIs that have helped stave off disaster for the economy; and two, cooperation in the fight against Al Qaeda which menaces the state here and poses a threat to regional stability. Neither has gained much traction with the public or created goodwill for the Americans because the focus has been on the other ‘sins’ of a profligate, not-very-competent Pakistani government and the American ‘hidden agenda’ to undermine Pakistan’s security and territorial integrity. Be that as it may, and in fact reversing public opinion in Pakistan in the near term may be a lost cause, it is good to at least see a softer side of American diplomacy, one that emphasises opportunities and not threats.

Unfortunately, when it comes to strategic issues — the real meat of Pak-US relations — Ms Clinton’s trip has come perhaps a few weeks too soon. Reportedly President Obama will make a decision on his new strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan after the presidential run-off in Afghanistan on Nov 7. What course Mr Obama elects to choose from the many, many options that have been debated internally and in the international media will have far-reaching implications on Pak-US relations in the years ahead. At the moment, the few signals being sent by a cagey White House indicate that the cut-and-run option is off the table and so is a significant drawing down of US troops in Afghanistan in the short term. Nor does a ‘Pakistan first’, purely counter-terrorist strategy appear to be imminent. But between those baselines and Gen McChrystal’s

full-blown counter-insurgency plan are many options, and the one finally chosen will be studied very closely in Islamabad and Rawalpindi for the implications on strategic relations between Pakistan and the US going forward.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Plagiarism at KU[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Friday, 30 Oct, 2009[/B]

IN the age of the Internet, photocopier and offset printing, when book piracy and plagiarism have gained ascendancy, it is intriguing that the Karachi University has not deemed it necessary to formulate a policy on the subject. This is a case of oversight that is difficult to condone given that the Higher Education Commission drew up a policy on plagiarism in 2007 and universities were expected to make their own rules within its framework. Not surprisingly, the KU does not know how to handle the cases of some teachers accused of plagiarism. It appointed two retired judges of sound reputation to look into the charges, which were found to be true. Meanwhile, the Sindh ombudsman has directed the university administration to draw up a policy on plagiarism and frame rules for a procedure to deal with cases relating to it. Now the university syndicate has decided to seek legal advice on disciplinary action.

The only positive dimension of this episode is that it has left no doubt in one’s mind that the university recognises the gravity of plagiarism. This in itself is something to be thankful about. Many people are not even aware that plagiarism constitutes intellectual theft. Others do not consider it a crime — legally or morally. But simply recognising plagiarism as a crime is not enough. One has to have rules and procedures to address any wrongdoing if justice is to be done, both to the accused and the victim, and the law is not to be misused to hurt an innocent person. While a plagiarism policy is being prepared — hopefully it will soon see the light of day — the university would do well to instruct the students in the virtues of honesty in intellectual pursuits. As for the academics, it would help if the final policy is publicised extensively.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]
Slaughter at Machiara[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Friday, 30 Oct, 2009[/B]

TUESDAY’S slaughter at Machiara National Park in Azad Kashmir must not go unnoticed. After spending the night as guests of a forest department official, a group of politically powerful people went on the rampage in a wildlife park that is protected under local and international law. Gunshots were heard throughout the day, according to area residents and wildlife department scouts. Machiara National Park is sponsored by the Global Environment Facility and is home to endangered and threatened species such as musk deer, ibex, horned tragopan pheasant and the snow leopard. The local community, which is involved in the park’s protection and has voluntarily renounced hunting within its boundaries, was understandably outraged. Senior officials of the MNP project have also confirmed the incident.

There is little doubt that wildlife laws were flouted with impunity at Machiara, possibly in connivance with the forest department. Be that as it may, it is unlikely that anyone will be taken to task. Part of the hunting party was Bilal Khar, son of veteran politician Ghulam Mustafa Khar and son-in-law of the new Azad Jammu and Kashmir prime minister. He was reportedly accompanied by the AJK PM’s brother-in-law. With so much clout at their disposal, will the perpetrators of the Machiara massacre ever be booked for illegal hunting in a country where the powerful can murder humans without paying the price?

Poaching and other forms of illegal hunting are not limited to AJK. Members of leading tribal-cum-political families were caught hunting two years ago in Sindh’s Kirthar National Park. They were let off with a nominal fine — though the fact they were even questioned was surprising in itself. Protected falcons are regularly trapped in Balochistan and the NWFP, and freshwater turtles are under siege in the Frontier and Sindh. Special permits are issued every winter to Arab dignitaries seemingly bent on exterminating the houbara bustard, an endangered migratory bird. All this must end. The special-exemption riders in our wildlife and environmental laws have to be discarded and fines replaced with jail time. Even if they are ever hauled up, money is no object for the bloodthirsty elite.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - Pushto press Treated as terrorists[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Friday, 30 Oct, 2009[/B]

…[T]he government has taken strict security measures by setting up check posts at which people are frisked. Vehicles are routinely stopped … to check for miscreants, which is laudable. However, Pakhtuns are always at the receiving end in these trying times.

They are mistreated … every Pakhtun is looked upon as a terrorist. Those who are poor and naïve are

not only humiliated but also fleeced before they are let go. Those who cannot afford to bribe are sent to the lockup.…

This humiliating treatment has created hatred for the security forces and sympathy for the terrorists. It tarnishes the image of the government because not every Pakhtun is a terrorist…. …[T]here are people from Punjab who have been arrested…. But it does not mean that every Punjabi is a terrorist or a Talib.

The government should take notice of such incidents where innocent people are being victimised….— (Oct 27)

[B][U]Attacks on armed forces[/U][/B]

THE other day militants attacked a security post in the Tora Warai area of Hangu in which 10 of the attackers were killed when security forces retaliated. … Security forces are being targeted by terrorists across the country…. There is no doubt that the security forces have made many sacrifices in their fight against terrorism, but the latter, instead of being wiped out, is flourishing by the day.

…To bring peace to the tribal areas the government should take firm steps, otherwise eradicating terrorism … cannot be ensured. …[T]he government has enforced Section 144 across the NWFP … besides keeping an eye on Afghan refugees and other suspects. So far hundreds of illegal Afghans and suspects have been rounded up.

The imposition of Section 144 in Peshawar is a positive step …But the government should see to it that common people are not faced with yet more problems because of such measures. — (Oct 27)

[SIZE="5"][B][U]SBP projections[/U][/B][/SIZE]


THE last financial year was a difficult one: hundreds of thousands of jobs were lost and essential expenditure was curtailed. The current fiscal does not promise to be much better, despite the fact that the State Bank of Pakistan sees some improvement. In its annual report for 2008-09 on the state of the national economy, the bank projects an increase in GDP growth of between 2.5 and 3.5 per cent for this year, against the budgetary forecast of 3.3 per cent and two per cent last year. This optimism stems from substantial improvement in macroeconomic fundamentals as a result of the implementation of the government’s economic stabilisation programme. Price inflation is down, exports are likely to rise, manufacturing is recovering, agriculture is performing and the fiscal and current account deficits are narrowing. Those who share this optimism expect the slowdown in the manufacturing sector to be reversed and agriculture to repeat its performance last year.

But there are concerns. Private investment is contracting, global oil and other commodity prices are spiking, terrorism in the country is escalating, promised foreign inflows are being delayed, tax revenue collection is falling short of the government’s target and energy shortages are forcing production cuts. Meanwhile, wavering investor confidence remains the most worrying factor. Total investment declined last year to 19.7 per cent of GDP from 21.5 per cent a year earlier. The trend has shown no signs of improvement during the first few months of the current financial year. Private investment is contracting and power cuts have caused the textile industry, the largest exporter, an estimated loss of more than $4bn in revenues. Security concerns are scaring away foreign investors. There can be no economic growth without investment. On the basis of internal and external risks, particularly falling investment levels, some multilateral lenders and economists don’t see GDP growing by more than two per cent.

The road to economic recovery is long and fraught with real risks. The government has to overcome several challenges for an economic turnaround: it must eradicate terrorism, increase the tax-to-GDP ratio, provide electricity and gas to industries, push exports and cut non-productive spending to free up resources for better public services and job creation. Too much reliance on aid, grants and loans from the so-called friends of Pakistan is only a short-term solution to the crisis, especially at a time when the international community is no longer willing to help us unless it is convinced that we are helping ourselves. So far our actions have done little to inspire confidence in this regard.


[SIZE="4"][B][U]Give ethanol a chance[/U][/B][/SIZE]


THERE’S been many a slip since ethanol-blended fuel was first advocated in earnest in early 2005. Gen Musharraf had promised at the time that the project would soon become a reality, a view that was echoed a year later. By then sugar-mill owners had invested millions in ethanol distilleries but the pay-off never materialised. Many blamed the powerful petroleum lobby, the oil marketing companies (OMCs) that have long held undue influence over government policy. The Economic Coordination Committee’s decision in July this year to introduce fuel with a 10 per cent ethanol content (E-10) by 2010 was ratified by the federal cabinet in September and a pricing formula was outlined by the ECC earlier this week. But as one senator warned in June, the OMCs could well sabotage the latest move to bring ethanol-blended fuel to pumps across the country.

Ethanol-blended fuel makes both economic and environmental sense. Petroleum products account for a major chunk of the import bill and the introduction of E-10 can produce significant foreign exchange savings. Then there is the eco-friendly aspect of ethanol. In this country it is made from molasses, a by-product of the sugar industry. As such ethanol is derived from a renewable source and it is also cleaner than petrol in terms of emissions. That said, large-scale ethanol production has been criticised in some quarters. First there is the ‘food versus fuel’ debate. As demand for ethanol grows, it is argued that farmers are abandoning essential food crops in favour of corn and sugar cane, as seen in America and Brazil respectively. No one can say with certainty whether this will happen in Pakistan. Then there is the problem that ethanol can produce less fuel than the non-renewable energy consumed in the manufacturing process. Also, as Germany found out, many older cars are not E-10 compatible and can cope with no more than E-5. But it is also acknowledged that newer technology is making ethanol production more fuel-efficient. And as for ‘food versus fuel’, in Pakistan’s case it may well be that existing molasses supplies can satisfy the needs of ethanol producers. The ethanol project deserves at least a trial run.

[SIZE="5"][B][U]Regulating the media[/U][/B][/SIZE]


IN a highly debatable move, the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting decided on Thursday to endorse laws restricting the independence of the electronic media. These are meant to be incorporated into the proposed Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority Act 2008. The move, according to the information minister, was prompted by “tremendous pressure” from the major coalition and opposition political parties. Significantly, the bill ignores pertinent amendments proposed by former information minister Sherry Rehman. It is ironical that the very political parties which opposed the Musharraf regime on the basis of their democratic credentials and his government’s anti-media stance are now poised to pass laws first enforced during the Musharraf era.

Certain clauses in the proposed law could have grave consequences and those putting their weight behind these should re- examine them. Broadly framed regulations, such as an amendment to Clause 6 that aims to ensure that nothing prejudicial to the ideology of Pakistan or the sovereignty and security of the state is propagated by TV journalists, are dangerously open to misinterpretation and abuse. They can amount to sheer censorship and the muzzling of dissent and criticism. On the other hand, some sort of codification is required of the electronic media, such as bars on the broadcast of images of terrorism victims and the glorification, even if not intentional, of extremist ideologies. Tasteless and sensational programming has become a distressing characteristic of our media industry. Codes of conduct must be framed and then strictly adhered to by the media organisations themselves. Their failure to develop such a consensus is part of what allows the state to intervene. The government must not lay curbs on the media, but media organisations too should not consider themselves in possession of a carte blanche. Responsibility, after all, goes hand in hand with media independence.