[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Anti-democratic[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 25 Jan, 2010[/B]

Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani and Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif have dismissed speculation about the likelihood of mid-term elections and pledged to keep the present assemblies intact.

Speculation of this nature is as old as elections in Pakistan and is mostly linked to the ‘threats’ that key players in the democratic set-up face periodically. But what has amazed us in recent days are the calls by some political and national figures for the army to step in and ‘sort out’ the executive and perhaps even hold fresh elections. The arrogance and sheer recklessness that have fuelled such calls is stunning. Perhaps a reminder of first principles is in order. Democracy demands that a government’s policies be debated vigorously, that its feet be held to the fire and that it constantly be pressed to do better. Everyone agrees that the government of the day is not performing as well as, or even close to, the expectations of most Pakistanis. But the solution cannot, should not and must not be to call for the unconstitutional ouster of a government. Whatever the speculation about the army having a ‘constitutional duty’ to act against the executive in certain circumstances, it is flat-out untrue. The army would in fact be in violation of the constitution if it were to rise against another state institution.

We are doubly disturbed that this whole line of reasoning, if it can indeed be called reasoning, has been put forward by some of the very people who were at the forefront of the movement to remove Gen Musharraf (retd) from office. It would appear that those would-be democrats were and are only interested in a government that they are either a part of or whose policies they agree with. The terrible damage that interruptions to the democratic process have caused to the country seems to have already been forgotten by some. Again, we are clear that the present government has not handled the affairs of the state in a confidence-inspiring way.

Mistakes have been made and continue to be made. From dragging its feet over the constitutional amendment package to botching the handling of the power sector, the government has not handled key elements of the transition to democracy well. But a line has to be drawn and it must be bright and red: no more ‘rescue missions’ to ‘save’ democracy through anti-democratic and unconstitutional measures will be accepted.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]A basic right[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 25 Jan, 2010[/B]

It is paradoxical that the media should be demanding the right to information at a time when journalists enjoy unchecked freedom to say or write what they deem fit. But that is precisely why access to information, which is fundamental to the exercise of all other rights, is essential.

The fact is that the failure of people — especially media persons — to obtain authentic information has contributed to the state of general confusion that prevails today. As pointed out by participants at a discussion at the Islamabad Press Club, Pakistan was the first country in South Asia to get a freedom of information law; but access to information remains as elusive as ever. Unfortunately, laws have come to mean little in Pakistan and the Freedom of Information Ordinance has been violated by the government of the day to deny data that it believes could damage its image. Moreover the ordinance has limited use. It does not cover provincial governments. It spells out far too many exemptions in the name of national interest that are not clearly defined, allowing the government to use these to protect itself. Small wonder, those who could have benefited from this law have hardly used it — since 2002 only 51 applications have been filed — because of the government’s lack of credibility before journalists.

The government does not appear to be overly keen to rectify this situation. When the PPP assumed office it was vocal about the right of information of the citizens and its own commitment to it. The president and the prime minister spoke of it in their inaugural speeches. Thereafter the information minister of the time, Sherry Rehman who had authored a Freedom of Information bill in 2004 when her party was in the opposition, even drafted a new law. But this was never presented to parliament and now the government does not seem to have this on its agenda. This is a pity because a lot of the disinformation and misinformation that has fuelled the rumour mills today could have been dispelled if the government were more open about revealing authentic information to the people.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Spurious drugs[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 25 Jan, 2010[/B]

Passing a resolution in parliament to urge action against the sellers of spurious medicines is not enough if we are serious about tackling a problem linked to almost half the drugs manufactured in the country.

There is an array of regulatory institutions to guard against spurious medication — the provincial quality control boards, the federal Drug Control Organisation, the Central Licensing and Registration Board and the Drug Appellate Board. But the problem remains, despite occasional inspection of pharmacies and clinics and subsequent prosecution in drug courts of those storing spurious drugs. The past decade also saw a significant increase in the number of drug inspectors and the creation of a Senate subcommittee on spurious drugs. However, with over 300 licensed drug manufacturers, more than 50,000 retailers and the collusion between unlicensed manufacturers and unscrupulous retailers and inspectors, uncovering the clandestine manufacturing and distribution chain has proved a difficult task.

Successful tackling of the problem requires strengthening inspection mechanisms to keep harmful drugs from entering the market and, more importantly, to prevent them from being manufactured in the first place. For this the loopholes in the Drug Act 1976 must be plugged. In this respect, it is important that two bills lying in parliament — one of which pertains to traditional medicine — be promulgated soon. Improving the resources of regulatory institutions and strengthening accountability mechanisms are also crucial. While it is not certain whether the proposed Drug Regulatory Authority would be able to deliver any better than the existing Drug Control Organisation, it would help to involve associations of pharmaceutical companies in tackling the issue. They could do this through exploring ways of securing the distribution chain and providing incentives for investment in track and traceability technologies and packaging protection programmes that limit access to spurious drugs. Finally, public awareness can curtail the demand for such medicines.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - North American Press Welcome Haitians here[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 25 Jan, 2010[/B]

CANADIANS opened their hearts and wallets to Haitians after the earthquake that struck their nation. We should open our doors, too. But Immigration Minister Jason Kenney seems more intent on making the case that we can’t bend the rules to let more Haitians come here. His obduracy is oddly out of sync with Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s humanitarian rush of troops, food and aid to a nation where two million are homeless and 200,000 feared dead.

To be fair, Kenney has promised to speed the adoption of some 150 children, and he is fast-tracking 2,000 applications under the family reunification programme. He is also letting 1,000 temporary residents stay here for the time being … That’s fine. But given the magnitude of the crisis, is it enough?

Some in Canada’s 100,000 Haitian community don’t think so. And neither do Michael Ignatieff’s Liberals. They want Kenney to “soften the rules” so Canadians may sponsor adult siblings, aunts, uncles, nieces and nephews.

Kenney cites the need to be “consistent” in immigration policy. He notes that Canada didn’t bend the rules when disasters hit China, Pakistan and other countries.

Moreover, countries such as China and Pakistan have central governments that can cope with disasters. Haiti’s government was weak before, and now it is in complete disarray…. The situations aren’t remotely comparable. — (Jan 22)

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Maid’s death [/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 26 Jan, 2010[/B]

THE death of 12-year-old Shazia, who worked as domestic help for an affluent Lahore family accused of beating her frequently, is a crime on multiple levels. According to the autopsy report, Shazia died as a result of severe physical torture. The police have now taken into custody the principal accused and three members of his family who were nominated in the FIR, as well as the couple who originally put the family in touch with Shazia. It is hoped that the case is investigated speedily and thoroughly, for delays will cause the young victim’s family further anguish.

Shazia’s death is also a consequence of the state’s failure to protect her interests — she worked for a meagre monthly salary of Rs1,000 and her age meant that she ought to have been protected by the country’s child labour laws. Despite the existence of legislation such as the Employment of Children Act 1991, child labour is on the rise because of increasing poverty. Unless immediate steps are taken to alleviate poverty and promote development on a large scale, many families will continue to have no choice but to set minors to work. Shazia’s death also serves as a reminder that even carefully drafted bills are ineffective unless passed into law. A case in point is the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Bill, whose coverage extended to domestic servants and would therefore have been applicable to Shazia’s predicament. The bill was passed unanimously by the National Assembly in August and was moved before the Senate in October. However, objections raised by the JUI-F led to the deferment of hearing, and subsequent inaction on the government’s part caused the bill to lapse. Representative of the manner in which Pakistan fails to protect the most vulnerable of its citizens, Shazia’s death ought to serve as a wake-up call.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Israeli intransigence[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 26 Jan, 2010[/B]

WHILE there is not much new in Sunday’s declaration by the Israeli prime minister that his country will retain — read annex — parts of the West Bank, what is striking is the categorical tone that was adopted. With America’s special envoy George Mitchell in Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu said words that deserve to be quoted for their hubris: “Our message is clear. We are planting here, we will stay here, we will build here. This place will be an inseparable part of the State of Israel till eternity.” By ‘here’ he meant two of the many illegal settlements which Israel has built on Palestinian territory. The first indication that Israel would never quit parts of the West Bank — or perhaps the whole of it — came in 2003 when Ariel Sharon, then prime minister, visited the White House and told George Bush in categorical terms what he wanted. Within minutes Mr Bush was telling a press conference that Israel would retain ‘some’ parts of the West Bank. The American president had no qualms of conscience about accepting the Israeli violations of the road map for peace, which he himself had unveiled after it had been prepared and approved by the Quartet — America, Russia, the EU and UN.

Today, 78 per cent of what in 1917-48 was Palestine under ‘mandate’ is under Israel’s control, and Israel has no intention of quitting the remaining 22 per cent. In August 1993, stunned by the success of the first Intifada, Israel signed the Declaration of Principles and agreed to a timetable that visualised a final settlement by April 1999. Following the murder of Yitzhak Rabin, who had signed the DoP along with Yasser Arafat, successive Israeli prime ministers — Benjamin Netanyahu, Ehud Barak and Ariel Sharon — sabotaged the Oslo treaties and virtually had them renegotiated. Super hawk Sharon even reoccupied the areas which Israel had vacated under the DoP and placed Yasser Arafat under house arrest. What is shocking, however, is the American administration’s surrender to the powerful Israel lobby in America, notwithstanding President Barack Obama’s declaration in his June 4 speech to the Muslim world that settlement activity must come to a halt.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Food scarcity[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 26 Jan, 2010[/B]

GRIM scenarios of an agricultural drought in the country should not affect the projected economic growth for the current fiscal year or trigger fresh inflationary pressures in the near term. But it does threaten to slash the wheat crop size and increase power shortages besides posing dangers to food security. In the long run it may drag down growth and hurt efforts for economic recovery. River water flows are down by 21 per cent and water stored in dams by 34 per cent over the last year because of a 30 per cent reduction in monsoon rains and the persisting dry spell during the post-monsoon period. The current dry spell is to last until the next monsoon. Hence, the Met department has projected that overall water shortages will increase to 40 per cent this year against 34 per cent calculated by the Indus River System Authority. Irsa has based its estimate on river flows and current levels of water storage in the dams. Irsa does not agree with the calculations done by the meteorological department as these are “on the higher side”.

The differences between the two federal bodies on water shortages notwithstanding, Irsa is convening a meeting of its advisory committee next week to revise its water management plan for the remaining period of the rabi season to protect the wheat crop from any major damage and put in place a course of action to cope with water shortages. Whatever the revised water management plan, it will be a short-term answer to the problem that we need to learn to live with.

A report by the Asian Development Bank last year had listed Pakistan among those nations in the world that would start facing acute water stress over a period of next five years. This simply means that we must begin to think of evolving a long-term strategy to save water for irrigation and discourage its wasteful usage. The first step towards this goal has to be construction of new water reservoirs for storing water for times of shortages and early completion of the canal lining project. The next step would be to discourage ‘flood irrigation’ and encourage water-saving methods like sprinkle and drip irrigation. The introduction of new water-preserving irrigation technologies is also important to narrow the inter-provincial differences, especially between Sindh and Punjab, on Indus water that keep coming up every cropping season. We should also understand that the dream of economic progress and food security cannot be realised unless we learn to stop wasting water, which is fast becoming a rare commodity.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - Sindhi Press Minister’s wisdom[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 26 Jan, 2010[/B]

THE government has admitted … that the sea has swallowed up over two million acres of rich agricultural land; what can one say about the wisdom of the federal minister for water and power who said that water could not be released downstream Kotri.... Poisonous water from Punjab is released into Sindh …

This has rendered millions of acres of fertile land barren. … [No] step has been taken to address the issue by releasing water downstream Kotri. The able minister disclosed … that this was due to the shortage of water in the rivers. If that is so, why should Sindh bear the brunt? The environment of Sindh is degraded. Which accord says that in case of shortage, water cannot be released downstream Kotri? … Who has given this right to the minister for water and power to justify not releasing the water…?

Time and again the rulers have admitted that sea intrusion claims 80 acres of land daily…. [N]o measure is being taken to save fertile lands. If an attacker occupies one inch of land it is considered a question of national honour, but in this case Sindh is losing 80 acres daily … and it is termed Sindh’s problem. … — (Jan 21)

[B][I]Selected and translated by Sohail Sangi[/I][/B]

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Lawyers’ strike[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 27 Jan, 2010[/B]

IT is nothing short of peculiar: a section of the lawyers’ community has called for a countrywide boycott of the courts on Jan 28 to protest the ‘anti-judiciary’ moves of a ‘civilian dictator’. The crux of these lawyers’ complaint against the government/President Zardari is: one, that the NRO judgment has not been ‘implemented’; and two, that the government is ‘interfering’ in judicial appointments by disagreeing with Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s recommendations. But on neither count is there a consensus even within the legal community. There has been no ‘violation’ of the NRO judgment as yet, according to some very eminent jurists; indeed, from the prime minister downwards, government officials have all pledged to implement the NRO judgment. Some may have reservations about the government’s ‘true intentions’ but the law doesn’t deal with hypotheticals — if/when the government is in violation of the NRO, then can it be accused of ‘undermining the rule of law’.

Second, as yet the disagreements between the judiciary and the presidency over judicial appointments have not risen to the level of illegalities. As it stands, Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry has made some recommendations, the president has declined to make the appointments and given his reason for doing so and that’s it. No side has violated the constitution and if anything, the executive is on the right side of the law as interpreted historically by the judiciary itself.

Given these facts, a court boycott cannot be justified, and raises the suspicion that politics may be involved. The lawyers’ movement was born of a desire to save the polity and the constitution from the depredations of a military dictator. To now invoke that spirit in a fight against a constitutionally elected president who is part of a system of electorally legitimate assemblies is bad enough. To do so on grounds that are weak and based on suspicions about what the presidency or the government may or may not do in the future is to destroy the very spirit of that movement. While we did not always agree with the tactics of the lawyers’ movement in the fight to restore the judiciary, we admired the spirit. But the legacy of the lawyers’ movement is being threatened by those who appear to want to go beyond strengthening the judiciary and become arbiters of the country’s political future. We are, therefore, gratified that other sections of the lawyers’ community are already pushing back. For sure, to achieve true judicial independence, the executive will have to be battled again — but not in the way and on the grounds some are arguing for at the moment.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Inclusion of Taliban[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 27 Jan, 2010[/B]

DESPITE Gen Stanley McChrystal’s strong hints about the possibility of the inclusion of some Taliban leaders in a government in Kabul, it is too early to make such predictions. At this point, it would be more realistic to focus on the reconciliation plan that Afghan President Hamid Karzai is all set to announce at the international conference on Afghanistan to be held in London on Thursday. This plan aims at winning over mid-level and lower-ranking Taliban by offering them economic incentives as a quid pro quo for laying down their arms. It is a replay of a similar strategy used in Iraq that produced substantial results. It is hoped that the foot soldiers termed as $10-a-day Taliban who are not ideologically committed to fighting the Karzai government will agree to disarm if they are provided livelihood and protection from former patrons. As a part of this scheme the Afghans and the Americans could be throwing feelers to those Taliban leaders who are ready to renounce violence to enter into a working arrangement with Kabul. As a goodwill gesture, President Karzai and the UN representative in Afghanistan have called for the removal of the names of some Taliban leaders from the US and UN blacklists.

The realisation now seems to be dawning that a troop surge alone will not ensure victory for the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan — the Taliban cannot be vanquished by military means alone. That would make a negotiated political arrangement crucial to ending the conflict. Understandably the Afghan government would want to negotiate from a position of strength and on its own terms. This would depend on how the two sides assess the strategic situation on the ground. Needless to say, any new political arrangement should be put to the electoral test so that voters can decide for themselves who their rulers should be.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Law and disorder[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 27 Jan, 2010[/B]

POLICEMEN in Pakistan routinely break the law, be it in the form of graft or extortion, patronage of criminals, torture in lock-ups or harassment of innocent citizens. Officers of the law have also been accused of rape, murder and other heinous acts that are ascribed largely to the power of the uniform. In short, though repugnant there is nothing novel about policemen engaging in crime in their individual capacity. But what happened in Quetta on Monday was unprecedented. Acting in unison, members of the police force — an armed mob really —turned on the city itself and brought it to a standstill. Private and public property was damaged, markets were shut forcibly, journalists and other citizens were manhandled in the streets of Quetta, tyres were burned and sections of the city reverberated with the sound of aerial firing. All this from those entrusted with protecting life and property, and over an issue that called for talks and more talks or, as a last resort, peaceful protest by representatives of the force. And there is a side issue here as well which is by no means trifling. When Quetta’s police force was rampaging through the streets, who was protecting the city from criminals?

Balochistan’s policemen have a genuine grievance, no question about that. They are paid far less than their counterparts in other provinces and put their lives on the line for a pittance. Monday’s violence has produced fresh assurances from concerned officials that this discrepancy will be addressed at the earliest. But will it? Similar promises have been broken before, stoking the frustration felt by policemen to the point where they opted for violence as a means of protest. It is hoped that real progress will be made this time round in ensuring some measure of parity in police pay scales across the country. At the same time, those in the forefront of Monday’s ‘near-mutiny’ must be taken to task, as should any other rioters who can be identified beyond doubt. Such behaviour by public servants who are expected to maintain law and order cannot be tolerated at any cost.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - European Press For Tymoshenko[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 27 Jan, 2010[/B]

… TODAY, we endorse Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. ... Ukrainians on Feb 7 must now choose between Tymoshenko and Yanukovych. There are big differences between them. … A Yanukovych presidency is more likely to bring continued stagnation, corruption and incompetence. The candidate, fresh from his Jan 17 first-round victory, showed how much of a daily embarrassment he would be for Ukraine as president. … Any candidate who is unwilling to engage his top rival face-to-face is unfit to … lead. His ducking of debates shows contempt for the people. Yanukovych is no leader. He lacks the vision, character and stamina required to tackle the nation’s problems. He is captive to the business interests that put him in power…. Yanukovych’s Party of Regions, the largest group in parliament with more than 170 out of 450 seats, has visionary members who act in the public interest.

... Tymoshenko has her billionaire backers, but they have demonstrated noticeably more progress on modernising their assets…or in making their assets public…. We understand the aversion to Tymoshenko. She raked in… billions of dollars in corrupt gas-trading deals…. She has also made so many shifting tactical alliances … that it is hard to tell what she stands for. But Tymoshenko has also done more good for the nation … She landed in jail … for trying to break free from the old ways of doing business. She cleaned up the energy sector… also motivated Ukrainians to stand up … in the … Orange Revolution. She has never shied from a fight and knows how the oligarchs have plundered the nation. Only Tymoshenko would have the intellectual strength, tactical skills and fortitude to battle crime … and change the nation’s course for the better. … [T]he nation will have some hope of a brighter tomorrow — especially if the abler people within her inner circle can curtail her destructive tendencies…. — ( Jan 21)

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]At daggers drawn [/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 28 Jan, 2010[/B]

THE rule of law is predicated on two fundamental tenets: everyone is innocent until proven guilty and all are equal. But lawyers and media persons in Lahore, each party pursuing one of the two tenets to the exclusion of the other, clashed at the venue of a magisterial court in Lahore on Tuesday, where the main accused in the Shazia Masih case was remanded to police custody. While sections of the media have already declared a local advocate guilty of torturing his young employee to death, some lawyers have thrown their collective weight behind the accused who was formerly the president of the Lahore Bar Association. They are making the holding of a free and fair trial difficult.

By taking sides, each party is in fact contributing to a further erosion of the rule of law in society. If the media can accuse, investigate, try and punish those charged with crime, what good are the police, lawyers, courts of law and prisons? If lawyers can block media coverage when one of their own is in the dock, and try and ensure special treatment at courts and police stations for the accused, what happens to the tenet of even-handed justice? By denigrating and mistreating journalists, reporters and cameramen at will, what good are their calls for other sections of society, especially politicians, to open up, obey the rule of law and treat state and societal institutions with respect?

This is not the first time that the media and lawyers have clashed in Lahore nor, unfortunately, will it be the last. Matters cannot be rectified unless both sides accept that every institution of state and society needs to define its legal boundaries and work within them. By trespassing on the territory of the courts and the police, the media will only end up creating trouble for itself. Meanwhile, the lawyers, who appear to have assumed the moral guardianship of every other institution, can only perpetuate their image as bullies. A strict delineation of the boundaries between the two is, therefore, the only way of avoiding any future confrontation.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Sound advice[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 28 Jan, 2010[/B]

“ANY kind of public accusations or public finger-pointing, quite frankly, that does not serve any of us well. That doesn’t mean we won’t have disagreements. But I hope that we can do that privately, and not publicly.” We could not agree more with Adm Mike Mullen and urge Pakistani, Indian and American officials to take note of his comments. Look at what’s happened in recent weeks. On Dec 30, 2009 The Times of India published a report with the headline ‘Army reworks war doctrine for Pakistan, China’ in which the possibility of a ‘two-front war’ with China and Pakistan was referred to. Cue pandemonium in Pakistan, where outrage at Indian army chief Deepak Kapoor’s ‘statements’ nearly caused a fresh diplomatic crisis. Meanwhile, in India itself the comments went largely unnoticed until the news of Pakistani outrage began to seep across the border. The ‘Deepak who?’ reaction in India is possibly inexplicable to Pakistanis long used to having generals occupy centre stage.

Over in China, the other ‘target’ of a two-front war, there was nary a peep and the country serenely continued to focus on its march towards economic-superpower status. Point being, Gen Kapoor’s dilation on Indian war strategy created an unnecessary and unwanted kerfuffle in Pakistan. While the comments were made in a closed-door seminar, the modern communications era demands that comments by public officials be very guarded whenever there is the slightest chance of a leak.

Just days after Gen Kapoor’s comments made the headlines in Pakistan, Prime Minister Gilani’s remarks about Pakistan being unable to guarantee that there would not be another Mumbai-style attack in India caused an uproar across the border. Like Gen Kapoor’s comments, there was nothing technically wrong with what the prime minister said. But perception is sometimes everything and to the Indian side it seemed as though the prime minister was suggesting that Pakistan will continue to sponsor and nurture jihadi groups ideologically opposed to India. Again, unnecessary and unwanted. Then on the American side there are the routine public demands for Pakistan to ‘do more’ and act against the Haqqani network and the so-called Quetta shura — reinforcing suspicions here that the Pakistani state is fighting ‘America’s war’ and complicating the fight against militants. Once again, unnecessary and unwanted — and perhaps even self-defeating for the Americans. We are not suggesting that Pakistani, Indian and American officials start doing everything in secret and hide even more than they already do from the public. Transparency and openness are foundational. But so is common sense, and that is what seems to be lacking on occasion. Our advice: listen to Adm Mullen.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Missing persons[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 28 Jan, 2010[/B]

THE judiciary and the intelligence agencies are once again headed towards a confrontation. While hearing the case of a missing person, the Peshawar High Court rebuked the ministries of defence and interior as well as the intelligence agencies for their “non-cooperation”. The court felt that its authority was being defied when some people allegedly held by the intelligence agencies were not produced before the judges on their orders. In the eyes of the judiciary, this is a constitutional transgression. The failure of the judges to get the intelligence agencies to produce the missing persons in court underscores their predicament. For decades the judiciary remained subservient to the army which is identified closely with the intelligence agencies. The army’s political adventures were pronounced legitimate under the doctrine of necessity. Now that the judiciary has, after a concerted struggle, won its independence it is disturbing to see a tussle brewing once again.

The fact is that having become accustomed to being answerable only to themselves, the military and the intelligence agencies find it difficult to submit to the rule of law. This is not the first time that the orders of a court have been flouted. Although in some cases the judiciary has managed to recover some of the missing persons, there is still a way to go before the superior authority of the judiciary is recognised. This is a basic issue that has far-reaching implications. If the constitution is to be observed in its entirety, the rights it has granted to the people must be respected and the judiciary’s authority to enforce them fully respected. True, it is sometimes necessary for the intelligence agencies to detain suspects for investigation. But laws and procedures have been prescribed for this and there is no justification for not observing them fully, as the judiciary is trying to emphasise.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - European Press Debt, more debt[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 28 Jan, 2010[/B]

KOREA’S sovereign debt shot up from 309 trillion won in 2008 to more than 360 trillion won last year. … [T]his should not come as a surprise, because the government had no other way than to borrow and spend its way out of the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. The expansionary fiscal policy … successfully steered the nation away from the brink of a recession last year. Now the government is looking forward to restoring growth momentum….

If government projections are correct, sovereign debt will near 500 trillion won in 2013. … Were the government’s debt and that of the 297 government-controlled corporations and agencies … to be added to government debt, the total would amount to 743 trillion won now. That would be roughly equal to 75 per cent of GDP.

At such a high level, any European country would be easily disqualified from joining the European Monetary Union, given that one of the conditions for participation demands that the gross debt total … should not exceed the reference value of 60 per cent of GDP. … — (Jan 23)

[B]School principals[/B]

THE requested demotion of 179 public school principals, vice principals and deputies in 2008 was one of the clearest signs yet of the crisis in Japanese public education. The number of administrators stepping down of their own free choice is the highest ever…. The reasons for asking to be relieved of duty are ... revealing. ... Over 53 per cent cited health issues, including psychological ones; 25 per cent cited problems with job responsibilities, and 22 per cent cited family affairs.

… These resignations are a clear call for change. If so many principals are disillusioned with the system, students will not be far behind. The job will never be an easy one, but public school administrators are overworked and rarely given the recognition they deserve. Trapped among the conflicting demands of teachers, students, parents and bureaucrats, they are responsible for multiple burdens. Yet, all of those involved basically want the same thing — better schools. Finding the right people to become administrators, and keeping them, is crucial for Japanese education. … Administrators’ burdens must be reduced before another school year begins. — (Jan 25)

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Unkindest cut[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Friday, 29 Jan, 2010[/B]

IT’S a tricky situation with no easy way out. Pakistan’s internal security needs have never been greater and more funding is required to sustain the fight against militancy. At the same time, however, the country is faced with a dire shortage of resources. Both the government and the security apparatus are on the same page where tackling militancy is concerned, nor is there any shortage of public support for the war effort. But the commitment and consensus seen in recent months cannot by itself ensure victory, which is a distant goal anyway and no one can say what pitfalls lie ahead. Matters have been made worse by delays in payments promised to Pakistan under the Coalition Support Fund programme. The latter though are expected to start trickling in shortly.

It was against this backdrop that the federal cabinet decided on Wednesday that as much as 30 per cent of the social sector’s budgetary allocation would be diverted to security expenditure. This massive cut of Rs170bn will deal a severe blow to development and income support programmes at a time when millions are suffering agonies on account of sky-high food inflation and cyclical poverty. Some 60 years after the creation of Pakistan, a large section of the population still lacks access to clean drinking water, adequate food, sanitation facilities, healthcare and education. One couple’s life of deprivation is almost always the fate of their children as well. Such unrelenting misery not only destroys lives but also contributes to the rise of extremism. The link between poverty or lack of opportunity and the growth of militancy in Pakistan is widely accepted. When a man cannot feed or school his son, he may opt for a madressah where the child would at least eat and receive instruction in religion. In some cases he may also be subjected to a heavy dose of the ideology of hate. Take also the case of unemployed young men in underdeveloped areas like the tribal belt where opportunities are scarce. They may well turn to the Taliban who not only provide a steady income but also a sense of empowerment and prestige.

Even if a reduction in development expenditure was inevitable, was there no way of softening the blow? Couldn’t the cuts needed to control the budget deficit be spread around more evenly instead of hitting social services so hard? Was any thought given to putting the government on a crash diet and checking its profligate ways? Every rupee that can be salvaged by Islamabad must be ploughed into the development sector. The country’s future is at stake.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Sri Lankan polls[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Friday, 29 Jan, 2010[/B]

PRESIDENT Mahinda Rajapaksa’s triumph in Tuesday’s election in Sri Lanka can only prove meaningful if he pursues a process of reconciliation with the minority Tamil community. Nearly 70 per cent of Sri Lanka’s 14 million voters turned out to vote and 57 per cent cast their ballot in favour of the incumbent president. However, with the main presidential contender crying foul and some election monitors alleging the misuse of official resources, it is not certain to what extent the vote truly reflected the public’s approval of a government that brought to a close more than two decades of civil war. President Rajapaksa shrewdly exploited the war fatigue that was setting in. So confident was he of public support that he called for elections two years before they were due and then proceeded to claim credit for the military victory. Gen Sarath Fonseka, the former army chief and Mr Rajapaksa’s key challenger, was sidelined once the rebel Tigers had been defeated. With Gen Fonseka — himself a Sinhalese — winning the support of Tamil voters, new ethnic divisions have opened up.

The government should not test the people’s patience and exploit the war fatigue any further. Several months have passed since the Tigers were crushed, but no substantive moves have been made so far to reach out to the alienated Tamil population that had backed the insurgents in their struggle for autonomy. Rajapaksa’s campaign speeches would not have endeared him to the Tamil voters either. Sri Lankans now want their newfound peace and political stability to continue. They are also discontented by inflation and the economic crisis that has come in the wake of the war and the downturn in the international economy. The two issues — peace and the economy — can be addressed only if the Tamil question is handled with sagacity. In his speeches, Gen Fonseka had pledged a 10-point demilitarisation package, reconciliation and normalisation in the Tamil areas. Why doesn’t the government pick up the thread from there? This could also help it ward off charges of war crimes that are now being levelled against it by international human rights organisations.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Plight of undertrials[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Friday, 29 Jan, 2010[/B]

AN inmate of the Peshawar Central Prison claims he has been in jail for 20 years without being convicted. He says he was arrested in 1990 in connection with a theft case and the last time he was produced before a court was in 2000. Though the prisoner’s claims have yet to be verified, his plight points towards a harsh reality: the situation of undertrial prisoners in Pakistan is miserable. Conviction and sentence are out of the question when many undertrials are not even produced in court. Almost 70 per cent of the country’s prison population is said to consist of UTPs. Trials can drag on for years and often the time spent in jail during this period exceeds the length of the sentence if the accused were to be found guilty. Rather than administering justice, a cumbersome, slow judicial process and an inefficient criminal justice system ends up destroying lives.

Lack of coordination between the police and prosecutors as well as the limited number of judicial staffers are said to be largely responsible for the lengthy trials. The fact that there are not enough prison vans to bring the accused to court for hearings has also been highlighted. During a session of the Sindh Assembly last year, the house was told by the relevant minister that in the entire province, there were only 155 prison vans to take 13,000 UTPs to court. Little has changed since this disclosure. The low conviction rate and non-prosecution of UTPs are responsible for the overcrowding in jails, many of which are holding more than twice their capacity. None of the problems relating to UTPs are impossible to solve. With planning and the will to make a difference the lives of undertrials can be made much easier. But are relevant authorities even concerned?

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - Pushto Press No end to extremism[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Friday, 29 Jan, 2010[/B]


THERE is no doubt that Al Qaeda and other militant organisations … pose a serious threat to world peace, but … why is the international community finding it difficult to eliminate the menace of extremism and terrorism despite using all its resources? Unless the US and the coalition forces do not stop their barbaric ways against weak and oppressed nations in order to control their markets and natural resources, militancy and extremism will continue to be nurtured across the globe. Innocent people will be killed daily…. The bloodshed in the region is due to the unrealistic approach of the US and its allies. The attacks on international forces in Iraq and Afghanistan are actually a protest against the brutality and arrogance of the US. … Those carrying out suicide attacks are neither loyal to or want to support Osama bin Laden … or Mullah Omar. Rather, they claim to fight for the independence of their motherland and to safeguard their ideology, religion and system.

This is why even if the US and its allied forces kill Bin Laden … and other militant leaders, extremism and terrorism will not end. The people of Afghanistan and Iraq view the US as an occupying force which has wrecked their sovereignty. Today the people of Afghanistan and Iraq are resorting to violence because the US has shut all the doors of justice … and is not listening to the deprived classes. In such a scenario they have no option but to register their demands through extremist acts. They don’t want to protest peacefully on the streets. … If the US and the allied forces want to create peace in the region and eliminate extremism and terrorism, they would have to stop killing innocent people, and protect and respect the humanitarian and democratic rights of people belonging to all classes. — (Jan 25)

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Ball-tampering fiasco[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 02 Feb, 2010[/B]

Just when we thought Pakistan cricket had hit rock bottom, along comes another shocker. No, this time round it wasn’t spineless batting, appalling captaincy or dreadful catching that made the nation hang its head in shame. No less a person than Shahid Afridi, Pakistan’s stand-in ODI skipper who has been in the team longer than any other current player, chose to tamper with the ball in Perth by gnawing on it.
As many have asked, what was he thinking? How could a player with more than 13 years of international experience even contemplate so mindless an act let alone carry it out under the full glare of the media? True he apologised for his moment of madness, which resulted in a two-match ban, and promised it would never happen again. But at the same time he claimed that all teams tamper with the ball, only he did it in a different way and was caught. It remains to be seen if this frankly libellous statement will land the cricketer in more trouble in the days to come.

The ball-tampering fiasco perhaps sums up the sense of hopelessness surrounding this Pakistan team. By his own admission, Shahid Afridi was trying to win just one match, any match, for Pakistan on its disastrous tour down under. So he resorted to cheating in an attempt to salvage pride. That certainly bears some thought, and consider also that Pakistan under him finally showed some fight in the last ODI which did not feature
an ostensibly injured Mohammad Yousuf — although it does not absolve him of wrongdoing. Shahid Afridi was being touted as Pakistan’s captain in all three formats of the game but what the future holds now is anyone’s guess. One thing is clear: the team is in complete disarray and the players’ confusion is matched only by the cluelessness of those at the helm of the Pakistan Cricket Board.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Karachi violence continues[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 02 Feb, 2010[/B]

A disturbingly familiar pattern of violence is once again emerging in Karachi, where over 15 people belonging to specific ethnic backgrounds have been killed since Friday. The latest round of violence began with the killing of an MQM activist, which led to greater bloodshed.
Political violence of this kind usually has a political explanation, and it appears that a turf war may have broken out now that the tentative date for the next local government elections has been announced. Lending credence to this theory are the areas in which the violence has broken out: neighbourhoods and townships such as Qasba and Orangi have pockets of Pakhtun populations and the ANP may be harbouring ambitions of electoral gains there — ambitions that are sure to be fiercely opposed by those who believe that these areas ‘belong’ to them.

Whatever the reasons for the violence, though, they are completely unacceptable. The city is being nudged towards ethnic strife. The parties that have clout in the restive areas must be bluntly told to control the violence. (Given the pattern of such violence — turned on and off like a faucet — it is inconceivable that the parties involved cannot stop it.) We understand there are other, historical reasons that are contributing to the violence: the fact that the city is armed to the teeth, the reality of a police force that is nakedly and thoroughly politicised, etc.

However, there is this fact, too: in certain areas inhabited by a specific ethnic group, no ‘outsider’ can even sit on a bus and pass through a ‘rival’ neighbourhood without being forced to disembark and questioned about his ‘unauthorised’ and ‘unwanted’ visit. So, whatever the grievances, whatever the rivalries, whatever the fears, the political parties must bluntly be told to take their hands off the trigger and in fact to exert their influence in a way that reduces, instead of exacerbates, ethnic tensions. Karachi is as much a tinder box for historical reasons as it is for the proclivity of its present masters to readily turn to violence, a proclivity that needs to be decisively curbed. We have said it before: there is something truly awful about the fact that Karachi is no safer from ethnic strife despite the fact that the three major parties in the city are all in government together. We did not expect democracy to be an immediate panacea. But neither did we expect a return to the bad old days so quickly.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Oil price hike[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 02 Feb, 2010[/B]

How many times have we seen it happen? Confronted with tough choices, the government risks angering the people in general rather than take on a powerful lobby. There has been a fresh 9.37 per cent increase in oil prices instead of the government heeding advice that it cut the profit margin of oil companies and dealers. Food and everyday household items are set to become dearer and the people will be compelled to compromise further on the quality of life.
While the latest price increase could be the last straw in the case of many a breadwinner, the effect of the hike on the national economy would be no less serious. Economic growth could slow down and exports stagnate and then fall. In the short run, the government’s tax and non-tax revenues will go up just as the profits of oil marketing companies and dealers will rise. In the long run, the government will have to contend with the anger the new oil prices are set to fuel.

There was a surge in global oil prices and the authorities here insist a rise in petroleum rates was inevitable. The government doesn’t have the money to support consumers and recently cut its development spending. Subsidies will create budgetary problems due to fiscal pressures and could lead to uncontrollable inflation. Yet, while the government’s compulsion of linking domestic oil prices to global markets is understandable, the policy of using the oil price mechanism as a convenient tool to make up for any shortfall in its tax and non-tax revenues is a formula that has been applied for far too long. In addition to hefty sales tax on petroleum sales, the government will collect Rs129bn as petroleum development levy this year. PDL is the main cause of disparity between domestic and international prices and a huge burden on the pockets of the consumers.

High indirect tax and non-tax levies on petroleum consumption also amount to taxing indiscriminately. PDL and sales tax on petroleum consumption must be phased out and the margins of sellers slashed to bring down oil prices. That is the only alternative.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES -Sindhi Press End to confrontation[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 02 Feb, 2010[/B]

DURING the hearing of the case of the promotion of 22 officers Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry said that the government and judiciary were not on a collision path and added that there would be no conflict between the institutions. … He also appreciated parliament for not approving the actions of Nov 3. Before the NRO judgment, when some TV anchors were trying to create an impression that the nation would soon get a big surprise, retired Justice Rana Bhagwandas had remarked that it seemed that some judges wrote judgments after reading newspapers and watching television. Perhaps the chief justice was dispelling such an impression when he said that judges do not give their verdict while watching TV channels. … Again an impression is being created regarding the implementation of the apex court’s judgment that there is a confrontation between the judiciary and the government.

No doubt an independent judiciary is a guarantee of democracy and the rule of law. Similarly, it should also be noted that parliament is supreme.

… In the past, the judiciary had collaborated with dictators. … Even the present lordship had legitimised Musharraf’s rule and taken oath under the PCO. … It is the responsibility of the government as well as the judiciary to work according to the spirit of the constitution…. This would lead to strengthening the democratic process. — (Jan 30)

[B][I]— Selected and translated by Sohail Sangi [/I][/B]

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Baghdad carnage[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 03 Feb, 2010[/B]

WITH a general election only five weeks away, Monday’s carnage in northern Baghdad serves to highlight the precarious security situation in Iraq. Nearly 50 people were killed and 150 injured, many of them women and children, as a suicide bomber blew herself up in a line of Shia pilgrims at a security post. The attack is the third major act of terrorism in recent days: the last week of January saw two devastating attacks — bomb blasts at Iraq’s forensic headquarters in Baghdad and the well-coordinated mini-bus bombings of three hotels in the capital city. This left a minimum of 50 dead and 90 injured. The overall casualty toll for 2009 was 400 dead and l,000 injured, far less than what it was during the height of the insurgency but still cause for concern at a time when elections are just round the corner and American combat troops are scheduled to pull out by August.

Monday’s blast comes a few days after ‘Chemical Ali’ — one of Saddam Hussein’s closest aides — was executed, leading to heightened sectarian tensions and widening the gulf between Baathists and their opponents. In a significant statement a tribal elder asked the Nouri Maliki government to stop the persecution of Saddam loyalists and said the relevant law was being abused. The mass sacking of Baathists — ordered by Paul Bremer, who headed the occupation government after Saddam Hussein’s fall — was also criticised by Christopher Hill, American ambassador to Iraq. In a newspaper interview Mr Hill said the decision was “misguided” and there no realisation that a large number of security men, teachers and health workers had joined the Baath Party because party membership was compulsory. The tribal leader’s reference was to the ‘blacklist’, which has kept 500 people, not all of them Baathists, out of the electoral process. The March election is the second in the post-Saddam era, and it is essential that it is held on time so that the fragile Iraqi state advances towards consolidation. Seen against the background of the autonomy which Kurdistan already enjoys, stepped-up violence could derail the process of national reconciliation.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Drug addiction[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 03 Feb, 2010[/B]

THE number of drug users in the country is on the increase. The Anti-Narcotics Force recently said that there were eight million drug users — a considerable jump from three million in 1993 and four million in 2000. Many drug users, especially addicts, are not only a burden in economic terms, they are often a danger to society as well when they turn to crime in their quest for illegal substances. Their habit sustains and fuels the narco trade. Some governments elsewhere while continuing to battle drug abuse through punishment for the suppliers also treat the problem as a public health issue. This approach stresses demand-reduction initiatives like treatment and rehabilitation, prevention and education.

Unfortunately in Pakistan, treatment and rehabilitation services, usually provided by NGOs, are hampered by uncertain funding. This must be remedied as effective treatment and rehabilitation of drug addicts require enhanced resources and the extension of such services to public hospitals. It is also important that treatment and rehabilitation are available to prisoners — it is estimated that 20 to 40 per cent of the prison population consumes drugs. Awareness, of course, remains key to the prevention of drug abuse in the first place, and, in this respect, it is the youth that must be targeted. Students should know that drugs, besides having adverse moral and economic implications, are hazardous to health. They should be made to understand that experimenting with drugs is likely to lead to abuse and dependence. Counselling in educational institutions should be available to them. Since healthcare, social welfare and education are provincial responsibilities, better coordination at the policy level in the ANF — a federal organisation with regional directorates in the provincial capitals — is necessary. Last but not least, effective drug abuse prevention hinges on the government’s political commitment to a sound policy that invests in our youth.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Kayani speaks[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 03 Feb, 2010[/B]

GEN Ashfaq Kayani has reiterated the army’s position on Afghanistan: Pakistan wants a “peaceful, friendly and stable” Afghanistan; strategic depth isn’t about “controlling” Afghanistan but about ensuring Pakistan doesn’t have a long-term security problem on its western border; India’s role in Afghanistan is “unhelpful”; and Pakistan wants Afghan state institutions, including the army and the police force, to be fashioned in a manner that they don’t pose a threat to our “strategic interests”.

The report in this newspaper highlighted how strongly the army feels on the issue: “He [Gen Kayani] warned that an environment hostile to Pakistan could strain its battle against militancy and extremism.” Translation: address our concerns regarding India, or else don’t expect us to cooperate as vigorously in the war against militancy. But this appeared a contradiction of sorts as Gen Kayani himself pointed out that Pakistan is fighting ‘our’ war, not America’s. For its part, the US has often given the impression that it has little influence or the inclination to convince India to reduce its role in Afghanistan. (India in any case argues its role is focused on development, though it has been eager to ramp up its training of the Afghan army and police.)

It is significant that the army chief’s statement comes against the backdrop of calls from Washington and other western capitals for the Pakistan Army to move against militant bastions in North Waziristan. This is where the US and its allies believe the Haqqani network and Al Qaeda have their main bases. However, Pakistan’s military appears to be saying that such action is unlikely unless some of its concerns are addressed. We hope that the army’s response is part of a well-calibrated response for there are many other powers jockeying for some say in the future of Afghanistan (Russia and the Central Asian Republics, China, Iran, Saudi Arabia, America, etc). The India-centric approach may cause Pakistan to become net losers in a wider struggle that it may not be paying full attention to. Then there is the question of a future power-sharing agreement among Afghanistan’s internal players. Here, too, what the Pakistan Army can achieve appears to be limited. Pakistan is hugely disliked by the non-Taliban, non-Pakhtun forces in Afghanistan, while its ability to influence the Taliban and the broader Pakhtun community may be in question. What, then, are Pakistan’s options? Gen Kayani called on the US and Nato to come out with a clear strategy on Afghanistan; we can only hope he has told his Pakistani strategists the same thing.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - European Press Ban’s visit[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Wednesday, 03 Feb, 2010 [/B]


WHEN the news that the UN secretary-general was to visit Cyprus was announced we expressed the hope that his presence would give … fresh impetus to the talks…. Perhaps he would persuade the two leaders to show a greater sense of urgency … or help them bridge the outstanding differences in the governance and power-sharing chapter, which has taken up 16 months of negotiations and remains open.

From what was said … by Ban Ki-moon and the leaders’ joint communiqué it appears that very little was achieved…. There was no commitment to speed up the negotiation process … and the only thing said about the talks so far was that “important progress” was achieved. It would appear that the sceptics, who had argued that Ban’s visit had little meaning, were correct.

...We can only deduce that no agreement was reached on the … intensive talks. ...The secretary-general, diplomatically, mentioned what was lacking in the peace process when he said “Cyprus needs commitment, vision and flexibility” and he politely pointed out that the two leaders would need to show “even more courage and determination to bring these talks to a successful conclusion”. The UN was not prepared to wait indefinitely for this conclusion as “now is the time for the Cyprus solution”.

Despite the effort to be positive there was a sense of frustration, presumably because his visit had not achieved very much. This could explain why he made a point of reminding the two leaders… that the responsibility for reaching an agreement was exclusively theirs.

“But this is a process that is by the people of Cyprus, and for the people of Cyprus … the future of Cyprus is in your hands.” The message was clear — if Talat and Christofias failed to deliver … they would only have themselves to blame. …. — (Feb 2)

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Afghan operation[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 09 Feb, 2010[/B]

Operation Mushtarak in Helmand is part of Isaf’s new strategy for Afghanistan: degrade the Taliban’s resistance, secure south Afghanistan and then negotiate from a position of strength with the Taliban. Will it work? The answer depends on how success is measured. Start with the ‘clear’ stage of the counter-insurgency doctrine.

It seems unlikely that the Taliban will take on the might of Isaf head-on: they may prefer to melt away instead. But there are uncertainties: the Taliban may be tempted to inflict casualties that skittish European Isaf partners may deem ‘unacceptable’, thus undermining the new strategy at the first step.

Second, will Isaf be able to ‘hold’ the area? The quantum of forces assigned to the latest operation suggests Isaf will have enough firepower; however, here too there is a caveat. Unlike the past, the troops are not expected to stay in fortified bases but to be deployed in small numbers in a bid to ‘protect the population’.

Yet, the more dispersed the troops and the stricter their rules of engagement, the more likely the Afghan Taliban will be tempted to slide back in and inflict morale-sapping damage on Isaf soldiers with IEDs, sniper fire and suicide attacks. Isaf appears to have taken a page out of Pakistan’s counter-insurgency playbook by evacuating the population, but to achieve ‘success’ the population will have to be moved back in sooner rather than later — at which point the Taliban may be able to challenge Isaf’s ‘hold’ over the area.

Third, can the Afghan government ‘build’ the area? There appears to be little reason to believe that it can or will transform its ways in the foreseeable future. But the very purpose of the operation is to create space for the Afghan government to deliver basic services.

Isaf engineers, soldiers and development experts could use their vast resources to make up for the shortcomings of the Afghan government — but for how long? President Obama and European leaders have made it clear that they are opposed to an open-ended commitment, so sooner rather than later the Afghan government will have to demonstrate to the people that it can govern with a modicum of efficiency.

Fourth, a related point, will the Afghan government and security forces be able to receive the ‘transfer’ of control from Isaf? The Afghan National Army does not have the necessary resources or command structure in place and to acquire the requisite capabilities may take several years. The Afghan police meanwhile is spoken of with barely concealed derision, even by the Afghans. Operation Mushtarak is not doomed to failure, but the question marks hanging over it are very large.

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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Iran’s nuclear stance[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 09 Feb, 2010 [/B]

After blowing hot and cold over the issue Iran has now displayed a defiant stance on its nuclear plans. To the sceptics this is not reassuring. Tehran has not been unambiguous about the uranium enrichment deal that has been on the table since last October. This requires Tehran to send its low-enriched uranium to France and Russia to be enriched to the 20 per cent level and returned.

President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has at times given the impression that he is willing to accept the offer to ease the pressure on him. But on Sunday, he declared that it was the West that was obfuscating the issue and that Iran would now proceed to enrich its uranium to a level higher than its present 3.5 per cent. In a show of strength, Iran has been resorting to measures that can hardly be described as indicating pacifist intentions. On Saturday, it inaugurated two missile production plants. Earlier, it had fired a rocket carrying live animals into space. In December, it tested its 2,000-km Sejjil missile.

What is one to make of all this? It is plain that the six powers and the IAEA which are negotiating with Iran are not unanimous in their approach. The US and Britain — though their stance has softened somewhat of late — are convinced that Iran has nuclear ambitions and should be checked by a fourth round of sanctions against it. There are others such as Russia and China who want to tread carefully. Small wonder Iran has capitalised on these divisions. However, it has been careful about not offering any technical justification to the IAEA.

The inspectors have not expressed full satisfaction at the limited cooperation offered to them by Tehran either. All this makes for instability and tension which is not conducive to peace in the region. Needless to say, Iran will not benefit from a policy that aims at flexing its muscles. Hence it should extend greater cooperation to the IAEA if it has no intention of using its nuclear capability to build bombs, as it has sought to assure the world time and again.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]A life lived well[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 09 Feb, 2010[/B]

With the death on Sunday of veteran politician and renowned Pushto writer Ajmal Khattak, the country has lost one of its most committed political workers and prolific Pushto writers. A vocal advocate of the rights of the Pakhtun people, Khattak told this newspaper last year: “I am deeply concerned about the political situation in South Asia; what is being done against the Pakhtuns troubles me more than my illness.”

He had, indeed, spent a lifetime working for his people through both politics and literature. Influenced by the Khudai Khidmatgars, he worked for the Quit India movement and joined the Awami National Party after partition, of which he was president twice. He was the stage secretary at the 1973 Liaquat Bagh rally of the United Democratic Front, when UDF leaders were fired upon.

As a prominent figure of what was then the National Awami Party, Khattak was wanted by the Federal Security Force and went into self-imposed exile in Afghanistan in 1973. He returned to Pakistan in 1989 when the Awami National Party, the successor of the NAP, entered into an electoral alliance with the IJI. He was elected to the National Assembly in 1990, and became a senator in 1994.

Khattak’s written work reflects the principles of a committed Marxist-Leninist. He is widely considered to have brought Pushto poetry in line with modern poetic trends. There, too, his subject matter was the exploitation and oppression of his people; his first collection of poetry, Da Ghairat Chagha, published in 1958, was banned in both Pakistan and Afghanistan.

The continued relevance of Khattak’s work is evident in the fact that his poems continue to be sung at progressive parties’ meetings. Khattak’s politics were characterised by an amalgam of reason and dedication to principles. With his passing, we have lost an important voice of sanity in these turbulent times.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - Sindhi Press Just statements[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Tuesday, 09 Feb, 2010[/B]

THE recent bomb blasts [in Karachi] have claimed dozens of lives and disabled scores of people…. This has exposed the tall claims of the administration about fool-proof security arrangements. … [I]t is not certain whether these were suicide attacks or caused by a device. Under such circumstances how can one expect our agencies to succeed in apprehending the culprits? How can untrained and disorganised officials with outdated arms and technology combat terrorists who are well-organised and well-equipped…? The government has declared war against terror but without making any preparations. The government has adopted a path that combats bombs through statements. We can see the results. Time has proved that the government has neither trained manpower nor modern technology to combat terrorism. Mismanagement, confusion and panic prevail….

A non-serious attitude is witnessed in every field. … [O]ur law- enforcers and investigators have failed to reach an agreement on how the explosions were carried out. … It has become common to avoid further investigations; our agencies declare these explosions to be suicide attacks and close the investigation chapter. The Ashura bomb blast on M.A. Jinnah Road was termed a suicide attack and some agencies also claimed to have found [body parts] of the suicide bomber. Later, after investigations, it was claimed that a device had been used to cause the explosion. Again, the agencies did not concur on the mode of explosion in the chehlum day blast. If this situation continues what results can be expected of the investigation?

The investigators without probing the matter thoroughly have found similarities in the Ashura and chehlum blasts. They claim that the same type of explosive material was used…. This means that the same network of terrorists was involved in both incidents. After a lapse of 45 days, the report of the samples of the Ashura day explosion material sent to Islamabad is still awaited. Terrorism can be stopped when our agencies are equipped with superior and modern technology…. It is pathetic that we have no detectors, except for a few and two are defective. The bomb disposal squads lack modern equipment. … If the energy which our rulers expend on issuing statements about eliminating terrorism … was spent on uprooting terrorism the terrorist network could be broken. — (Feb 7)

[B][I]— Selected and translated by Sohail Sangi[/I][/B]

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Sharif lashes out [/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 15 Feb, 2010 [/B]

Here we go again. Pouring fuel on Saturday’s fire, Nawaz Sharif has lashed out against President Zardari. The president is the ‘biggest threat to democracy’ in Mr Sharif’s reckoning and the move to replace Lahore High Court Chief Justice Khwaja Sharif was unconstitutional.

The PML-N supremo threatened to agitate against the government’s ‘anti-constitutional’ moves inside and outside parliament and demanded that Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s recommendations on the appointment of judges be complied with immediately. It appears, then, that the ‘friendly opposition’ is no more. Could this be the start of a new round of political conflict and instability? It’s not clear yet.

President Zardari could make a swift U-turn and decide to do what Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry ostensibly wants: elevate Justice Saqib Nisar to the Supreme Court from the Lahore High Court and keep Justice Khwaja on as the LHC CJ. Additionally, the president could also appoint Justice Ramday as an ad hoc judge of the Supreme Court as demanded by the chief justice. After that the multiple openings on the various high courts would also need to be filled, again perhaps completely in line with Chief Justice Chaudhry’s recommendations.

Anything short of that and the government is likely to continue to remain under pressure. The fact that the PPP has opted for some small-scale mobilisation on the streets, though, does not augur well for political stability. It seems all sides — the government, the opposition and the judiciary — are digging in their heels.

It is of course impossible to ignore the background to the latest row: the perception that all is not well between the judiciary and the executive since the restoration of Chief Justice Chaudhry last March has been greatly reinforced by events since the Supreme Court’s judgment in the NRO case. Now, with Mr Sharif casting aside his benign veneer yesterday, the stakes have raised and the government is likely to find itself under pressure from two fronts simultaneously.

What all sides should do now — as opposed to what they will do — is obvious. The opposition needs to step back from politicising a legal battle. The Supreme Court must clarify the procedure for the appointment of judges by laying down clear rules. And the court must do it in a manner that demonstrates sound legal reasoning as opposed to a naked desire to get its way. Finally, the government must accept in good faith whatever the Supreme Court decides in the matter and implement it fully. That alone will serve the interests of democracy.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Menace of illiteracy[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 15 Feb, 2010[/B]

Every now and then we get stark reminders of just how miserable the plight of education is in Pakistan. The Sindh Assembly was told during question hour on Friday that Jacobabad was the province’s least literate district, with only a third of its population able to read and write. Though the news is depressing, it should prompt us to think about what can be done to set things right.

There is much that is wrong with Pakistan’s system of education. Observers have pointed out that even in a city like Lahore there are a number of schools without basic facilities. The situation in other urban centres is probably not too different. The state of schools in the rural areas of the country is much worse. In this regard, Balochistan and the NWFP, where countless schools have been blown up by the Taliban, is perhaps most grim.

The government has pledged to raise the budget outlay for education as part of the GDP significantly by 2015. But the millions of dollars that have already been poured into programmes for the improvement of education over the past few years have proved that simply throwing money at schools will not stem the rot. Unless there is accountability and sustainable policies matters will remain the same. A pragmatic approach towards education is needed not only to help reduce illiteracy but to make young minds realise their potential as productive members of society.

Experts have pointed to the linkage of poverty, security and education. Poor, malnourished and impressionable minds are an easy prey for the peddlers of obscurantism. The proposal of free education for all can only be successful when parents are given incentives to put their children in school and no longer feel compelled to send them into the fields or workshops to supplement the meagre family income.

The Sindh Assembly members were correct in holding previous governments responsible for the state of education today. But if they and their colleagues in the other legislatures simply criticise without taking corrective action, they themselves will become the targets of censure in the future.


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In[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]fant mortality[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 15 Feb, 2010[/B]

The launch by the federal health ministry of the rules and regulations for enforcing the Protection of Breastfeeding and Child Nutrition Ordinance 2002 is a milestone in the country’s attempts to reduce its startlingly high infant mortality rate.

Pakistan has the eighth highest newborn mortality rate in the world and the third highest under-five mortality rate in Asia. Health experts, who associate artificial feeding in infants with higher risks of gastrointestinal and lower respiratory tract infections, say that initiating exclusive breastfeeding within the first hour of birth and continuing it for six months could reduce the neonatal mortality rate by 22 per cent.

Yet despite the 2002 national breastfeeding ordinance, which adopted the 1981 International Code of Marketing of Breast Milk Substitutes to restrict the promotion of infant formula feeding, we have one of the lowest breastfeeding rates in South Asia — just 37 per cent.

The reasons for this are poor awareness of the breastfeeding ordinance among our health workers and the continual violation of the code on the marketing of formula milk. It took 21 years after the international code on breastfeeding was formulated for us to have a national breastfeeding law. It has taken another eight to formulate the rules and regulations for enforcing the 2002 ordinance.

Along with breastfeeding two other concerns must also be addressed to reduce infant mortality and improve child health: vaccination against preventable diseases and delivery-related causes of infant death including asphyxia and sepsis. The Expanded Programme of Immunisation must improve its coverage and introduce new vaccines.

Meanwhile, better access to obstetric and neonatal care will encourage families to seek such services. Needless to say, upgrading these facilities would include increasing the number of skilled birth attendants trained in emergency measures and capable of giving guidance to mothers about breastfeeding their newborn within the first hour of birth.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - North American Press The challenge of China[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Monday, 15 Feb, 2010[/B]

RELATIONS between the United States and China have turned chilly in recent months as the two countries wrangle over Taiwan, Tibet, Iran and China’s continued manipulation of its currency. President Obama is right to press Beijing to behave more responsibly — towards its own people and internationally. China is certainly pushing its sense of grievance too far and underestimating the fear and resentment its growing power is provoking in Asia and the West. There is little hope of progress — on the global economy, global warming or Iran’s nuclear ambitions — unless Washington and Beijing work harder to manage their differences.

President Obama’s decision last month to sell Taiwan $6.4bn in helicopters, Patriot missiles and other defensive items elicited a particularly harsh reaction: Beijing has publicly threatened to punish American arms companies that sell to Taiwan, presumably by cutting off access to China’s huge market. The sales could not have been a surprise to China’s leadership. Mr Obama told President Hu Jintao of his intentions at their summit in November in Beijing. The arms were part of a package approved by former President George W. Bush, and Mr Obama left out the most controversial items: F-16 jets and diesel submarines.

Rather than encouraging Taiwan’s independence, as Beijing claims, the arms sales will give Taiwan’s president, Ma Ying-jeou, the confidence to continue his efforts to improve relations with the mainland. It is absurd for China to think that any Taiwanese leader would not want to bolster his country’s defences when Beijing is modernising its arsenal…. Beijing is also complaining bitterly about President Obama’s planned meeting this month with the Dalai Lama … American presidents have regularly met with the respected Tibetan religious leader. And China’s leaders would have more chance of calming tensions in Tibet if they sought serious compromise with the Dalai Lama, who has advocated greater autonomy for the region, not independence, as Beijing speciously claims.

China is alienating not only the United States but also France, Britain and Germany by resisting tougher United Nations Security Council sanctions on Iran. … Any conflict over Iran’s nuclear programme would drive up oil prices and disrupt China’s purchases. The Obama administration is smart to try to line up back-up suppliers for China … as part of its bid to get Beijing to support tougher sanctions…. American officials say they see signs that Beijing doesn’t want to push things too hard. Outside experts worry that China may overplay its hand. That would not be in anyone’s interest. — (Feb 11)

[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]SC wins[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 18 Feb, 2010 [/B]

The crisis has been defused — at least for now. From what the prime minister has announced it appears the government has essentially capitulated to Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s demands: the Supreme Court will consist of the judges that the chief justice wanted and the Lahore High Court chief justice will stay on in his present job.

In the circumstances, though, this is perhaps the most sensible course of action. For days, politics was held hostage to the sudden crisis that erupted on Saturday night. Now that it appears to be over, what are the lessons to be learned?

Start with the presidency. Mr Zardari’s notification late on Saturday evening was ill-advised. It appears to have been issued without the input of the chief justice (a constitutional requirement) and it came only hours after the Supreme Court had constituted a five-member bench to look into precisely the matter at dispute, i.e. who has the ultimate say when it comes to making appointments to and within the superior judiciary.

The president’s move, then, did not make much practical sense and only served to turbocharge a disagreement that had been simmering for weeks. It was not good politics and it was definitely not good policy.

Next, the Supreme Court. After President Zardari had made his move, the court acted with remarkable, arguably undue, haste even later on Saturday evening. The court was anyway set to hold its next hearing on the issue at stake on Feb 18. It also had the option of bringing the matter forward to the next normal working hour. Point being, constitutional matters, even where the fault is obvious, should not be decided at late-night meetings — that itself adds to the climate of crisis.

More generally, the court needs to take more cognisance of the perception that some of its moves may have an element of the personal involved. Even now it is not clear why Justice Ramday absolutely had to be an ad hoc justice of the Supreme Court or why Justice Saqib Nisar is qualified to be elevated to the Supreme Court but not the chief justiceship of the Lahore High Court.

The opposition must also reassess its response. What began as a highly technical dispute over the interpretation of the law unfortunately ended up as a highly politicised issue. A section of the media, too, played its part to transform the issue in this way. Yes, the president’s move was a bad one but it is not clear it amounted to rejigging the judiciary in the government’s favour. To everyone, then: more calm, please.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Mullah Baradar’s capture[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 18 Feb, 2010[/B]

It’s official. The ISPR’s director general confirmed on Wednesday that a militant reportedly arrested in or near Karachi is indeed Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, the Afghan Taliban’s top military commander and second only to Mullah Omar in the insurgents’ hierarchy. Although news of his capture broke only two days ago, it is believed that Mullah Baradar has been in custody for more than a week.

This brief delay in publicly acknowledging his arrest is wholly in keeping with the demands of intelligence-gathering, especially where militant groups are concerned. Keeping his capture secret may have given interrogators time to extract information about the Taliban network without alerting other leaders, particularly Mullah Omar, who could be lying low in Pakistan or across the Durand Line. According to a Pakistani intelligence official quoted by the The Associated Press, Mullah Baradar has already provided “useful information”.

Mullah Baradar’s arrest is also significant in the context of the major US-Nato offensive launched in southern Afghanistan just days ago. The Taliban’s resilience is denied by no one, and beyond the immediate term their military capacity in Helmand and Kandahar may not be significantly dented even in the absence of their top tactician. But Mullah Baradar’s removal from the fray will no doubt deal a severe psychological blow to his colleagues. Many believe his arrest sends a signal that Rawalpindi means business and any Afghan Taliban presence in Pakistan will not be tolerated. This in turn could compel some influential Taliban leaders to opt for dialogue, an outcome favoured by both Afghanistan and the US.

At the same time, the capture of the Taliban’s top commander highlights the growing coordination and cooperation between Pakistani and US intelligence agencies. This is a positive development that serves the cause of both countries and the region as a whole. It seems to suggest that sections of our security establishment may no longer be making a distinction between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ Taliban, namely militants that operate in Afghanistan and those who have turned their guns against the Pakistani state. All Taliban who do not lay down arms are of the same hue and should be treated accordingly.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="darkgreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]Another tragic incident [/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 18 Feb, 2010[/B]

Yet another incident of alleged violence against a domestic worker has come to light in Okara after Shazia Masih’s case made headlines a few weeks ago. Yasmin, 15, who was employed by a couple to do housework, died of burn injuries recently. Her family accuse her employers of having tortured her and set her on fire. On the other hand, the accused claim it was a case of suicide.

The case has many shocking dimensions. It points to the high prevalence of child labour in our society. In fact, children employed as domestic help are especially vulnerable to abuse and harsh working conditions. They are considered ‘invisible’ workers and it is difficult to keep a check on the conditions in which they work. In other occupations too not only are child workers maltreated, they are also underpaid.

Then there is the lack of social accountability: no thought is given to the fact that child workers rarely go to school. Attributing the curse of child labour to poverty people who employ young girls and boys for work that should be done by adults try to shrug off responsibility in the matter. These are issues for our collective conscience to reflect on.

What needs to be addressed by the government is the failure of the law enforcers to take up such cases seriously, investigate them and take the accused to court. With claims and counter-claims, the role of the investigating officer assumes vital importance. What has been observed is that justice weighs heavily against the marginalised classes because they do not have the resources and the clout to obtain redress. In the case of both Yasmin and Shazia poverty, gender and age worked against them. With the Domestic Violence Bill still hanging fire, the laws also don’t make it easy for victims to obtain justice.


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[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"][FONT="Georgia"]OTHER VOICES - Middle East Press Well done, Oman[/FONT][/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]Thursday, 18 Feb, 2010[/B]

THE sultanate has done remarkably well at the recently concluded Gulf Radio and Television Festival in Bahrain where it won four gold and six silver medals. Though not entirely unexpected, as Oman has won such honours at the same festival in the past, it is indeed a reflection of the hard work done by various writers, artists, lyricists and production people in the two mass mediums….

Oman TV was honoured with two gold medals in the environment and comedy categories. Its Ramazan comedy serial Darish 3 … and Arab Tiger Programme won gold in the comedy and environment categories respectively. Oman TV also won two silver medals for its programmes in children’s and interviews sections.…

Most of the sultanate’s radio and TV staff are well-trained Omani nationals and both mediums have frequent training programmes, both in the country and abroad. Both the media organs are also constantly updating themselves on the latest developments in mass communications at the international level. … — (Feb 13)

[B]Talks charade[/B]

IN an attempt to break the logjam in negotiations, the Middle East peace participants are close to a novel approach — talking, yes, but from a distance. Palestine President Mahmoud Abbas has reportedly agreed to start “indirect talks” with Israel by the end of February….

Netanyahu has been suggesting that his repetitive calls for an immediate resumption of peace talks in no way imply that he is willing to give in to the Palestinians. In fact, he has been adding fresh conditions that any prospective Palestinian entity would have to be completely controlled by Israel, including borders, border crossings, foreign relations, communications networks, airspace and territorial waters. Two weeks ago, Netanyahu said that Israel would have to maintain a military presence in the West Bank. Israel also wants to retain military control of the Jordan Valley, which constitutes the boundaries between Jordan and any future Palestinian political entity. … Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman has been saying that the entire concept of land-for-peace was dead. … — (Feb 15)