[B][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"][U][CENTER]More sanctions [/CENTER][/U][/COLOR][/SIZE][/B]



The fourth round of sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council on Iran on Wednesday is bound to trigger a new Tehran-centred nuclear crisis. UNSC resolution 1929 slaps new punitive measures on Tehran that include financial curbs, an expanded arms embargo and permission to seize cargo related to Iranian activities. American Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has described the sanctions as the “most significant that Iran has ever faced” but Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has rejected them as “a handkerchief which should be thrown in the dustbin.”

Given Iran’s hard-line stance it is unlikely that the new sanctions will achieve their goal of making Tehran suspend uranium enrichment. What is worse is that the polarisation in the world community is bound to intensify, with many countries viewing Iran as a means to address their energy concerns. Iran has survived three rounds of sanctions since 2006 without moderating its stance. With the crucial energy sector having been omitted under resistance from Russia and China in the watered-down new sanctions regime there is no reason why Tehran, as per Mr Ahmadinejad’s prediction, will not survive this time too.



The only way of pre-empting Iran’s acquisition of nuclear weapons — that is if that intention indeed exists — is to engage with Tehran on the issue of uranium enrichment. Turkey and Brazil were therefore right in seeking to pave the way to a negotiated settlement by entering into a nuclear fuel swap that would require Tehran to ship the bulk of its low-enriched uranium to Turkey for safekeeping until an equivalent mass of nuclear fuel was delivered to Tehran. This deal was originally proposed by the Obama administration in October 2009. Brazilian President Lula acted as the intermediary to get Iran to agree — only to have the US regress on its offer.

This is a dangerous game especially at a time when the International Atomic Energy Agency has yet to certify that Iran is indeed manufacturing nuclear weapons. President Obama will lose the goodwill of many. Lebanon abstained on the sanctions resolution and many in the Muslim world will support Iran. The American move is being seen as having come as a result of pressure from the Israel lobby and the big arms manufacturers who want to see Iran defanged. But caught in a dilemma — China and Russia do not see eye to eye with America — President Obama needs to do some clear thinking on Iran. Meanwhile, Iran would do well to assuage the fears of many countries regarding its nuclear ambitions by being more transparent about its atomic programme.



[B][CENTER][U][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]Hospital attack [/COLOR][/SIZE][/U][/CENTER][/B]



The trend of attacking medical staff or ransacking hospital equipment in reaction to doctors’ perceived inattention or misbehaviour needs to be checked urgently. Wednesday’s ugly incident in Toba Tek Singh is the latest in a string of such unsavoury events. Three brothers, injured in a dispute, were brought to the local DHQ hospital for treatment. However, the patients’ attendants felt the doctors were not properly tending to the injured men and decided to stage a protest on the main road. The police arrived and baton-charged the protesters, while a student was injured in the melee. The demonstrators proceeded to the hospital and smashed the windows of the emergency section and the doctors’ offices. Recently, a mob attack on Muzaffargarh’s DHQ hospital — reportedly led by MNA Jamshed Dasti — made headlines. The circumstances were similar as the protesters claimed a patient died due to the alleged negligence of doctors. Dozens of doctors and nurses were beaten while hospital property and medical equipment was also damaged.

While such violent means of protest cannot be justified under any circumstances, the issue of negligence by medical staff is a genuine one in Pakistan. The attitude of staff and the standard of service in hospitals is below average, particularly in government institutions. The situation is worse in smaller towns and rural areas.



Hence, when patients are brought in the slightest mishap is likely to prove incendiary for already emotional attendants. The situation requires care and sensitivity on the part of doctors and hospital staff. There must also be a proper mechanism in place where the complaints of patients and their attendants can be heard and action taken as per the law against those professionals found guilty of negligence. People should refrain from taking the law into their own hands.


[B][CENTER][U][SIZE="5"][COLOR="darkgreen"]Nawaz Sharif’s remarks [/COLOR][/SIZE][/U][/CENTER][/B]



It is a pity that many issues in this country tend to be viewed through the lens of religion and its attendant emotions. A principled approach, based on equal rights for all Pakistani citizens, is rarely in evidence and the result is an environment of confusion and hostility. This is borne out by the criticism faced by PML-N leader Nawaz Sharif in the wake of his condemnation of the dastardly attacks on Ahmadi places of worship last month and his reference to the Ahmadi community as an “asset” and as “brothers” and “sisters”. Considering that the PML-N has been seen to consort with elements belonging to banned extremist groups and is reluctant about acknowledging the Taliban threat emanating from Punjab, Mr Sharif’s comments are a welcome departure from his party’s conservative credentials.



Leadership demands tough decisions which are in the greater good of the people, and that transcend narrow political considerations. Given his huge support base in Punjab, where Ahmadis are regularly targeted, one hopes that Mr Sharif’s comments will be reflected on and engender a healthy debate on the need for tolerance towards minority groups in the country.

It is not surprising that Mr Sharif has earned the wrath of the ultra-conservatives, including the JUI-F and the JI, for his position, with some religious leaders threatening to campaign against his party if he does not retract his remarks. These are the very groups that have refrained from openly denouncing the militants responsible for mayhem and bloodshed across the country and whose religion-based politics often go against the ideals of a true democracy in which all citizens are equal.



The Ahmadis may not be regarded as Muslims by the state and a large, vocal section of the people. But does this mean that they should be treated as second-class citizens, undeserving of any praise or even a gesture of solidarity in times of crisis? Should they be sidelined and their contributions — and let us not forget Nobel Laureate Dr Abdus Salam in this regard — overlooked? For the sake of preventing further violence and ill-will in the country, these groups should learn to keep their ideological reservations to themselves

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"][U]The African cup [/U][/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]
The beautiful game has come to Africa. With South Africa hosting the month-long 2010 football World Cup, the nation has shown it has come a long way since the dark days of apartheid.
South Africa has hosted various international sporting events since the end of apartheid in 1994, including the 1995 rugby World Cup and cricket’s 2003 World Cup. However, hosting football’s wildly popular global event — being held on African soil for the first time — will be something else altogether. If the tournament goes smoothly, it should raise South Africa’s profile, as the country is already Africa’s economic powerhouse. The cup should also improve the continent’s weak image on the whole. Former South African president and anti-apartheid icon Nelson Mandela lobbied hard to bring the cup to his homeland. Interestingly, the flashy stadium in Johannesburg where the World Cup kicked off is not too far from Soweto, the sprawling township considered to be the bastion of the anti-apartheid movement.

The World Cup promises to be a spectacle of colour, drama and hopefully great football. However, South Africa’s journey to hosting the global event has not been trouble-free. There has been criticism of the country for not having the infrastructure to hold a global sporting event of the cup’s calibre, while high crime rates are also an issue. In the run-up to the event journalists have reportedly been mugged while cash has been stolen from the Greek team’s hotel rooms.

Nevertheless, the South Africans are trying to ensure that there are no major security lapses. Bomb squads are sweeping the venue and thousands of police officers are on high alert. It is a pity that Pakistani football fans will have to root for other national sides as this country does not register very high on the chart of international football. Though the sport is popular here, decades of official neglect have translated into lacklustre performances on the field. Which nation will raise the cup on July 11? That answer will depend on whichever side plays the best football and, of course, the fortunes of the day



[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="darkgreen"]No evidence to convict[/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]


The recent spate of acquittals of alleged terrorists has brought into question the authorities’ capacity to investigate and try terrorism-related crimes.

Since April, at least 33 alleged terrorists have been released by anti-terrorism courts, mostly because of lack of evidence. They had been indicted and prosecuted for nine suicide attacks carried out in Islamabad and Rawalpindi in 2007 and 2008, killing more than 150 people.

The latest to be acquitted were six men charged with carrying out bomb blasts at the Islamabad district courts and Aabpara market in July 2007. Earlier on, those charged in four suicide attacks on military targets in Rawalpindi and two bomb attacks on Islamabad’s Marriott Hotel, as well as in an attack on the Kamra Aeronautical Complex in December 2007, had been acquitted. This spate of acquittals by the lower courts was preceded by the Lahore High Court’s overturning of the 2008 conviction of two men for their role in plotting an attack on the then president Pervez Musharraf in Rawalpindi in 2007.

Whether the acquitted were innocent and wrongfully charged, or guilty but acquitted due to lack of evidence, our failure to incapacitate terrorists is obvious. If the acquitted are guilty, it sends out an ominous sign that the state is not serious about bringing the militants to book. Enhanced security is not enough to foil attacks.

Proper investigations resulting in concrete evidence are important to locate the source of a particular terrorist attack. The ability to analyse such data can help prevent future attacks. If we want to make effective use of the criminal justice system to prevent terrorism, a more disciplined approach is needed so that the courts have the needed evidence for convictions. Only then can we hope to have a strong and effective justice system for the hundreds who fall victim to terror attacks each year.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="darkgreen"]Fresh tensions [/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]


Try as they might — though some may argue they aren’t trying at all — the Supreme Court and the executive just cannot seem to get along. Friday brought more unhappy tidings on two fronts.

First, the Supreme Court bench looking into the matter of the implementation of the NRO judgment expressed its dissatisfaction with the law ministry’s response and directed it to prepare a new summary of what has been done to reopen cases and investigations against all the erstwhile NRO beneficiaries. Reading between the lines though, the court is quite upset because of the non-movement on a specific set of cases and investigations: those pertaining to President Zardari in Switzerland.

On this count, it is the government that must primarily shoulder the blame. In the review petitions against the NRO judgment one set of government lawyers has a different line on the Swiss matters to what the law ministry and Law Minister Babar Awan seem to be telling the NRO implementation bench. The only commonality is that all lawyers speaking on behalf of the government seem to be suggesting that the cases against President Zardari cannot be reopened. If that is indeed the government’s line, then it needs to say so clearly and explain its reasons for saying so. At least that way the matter can proceed to the next stage.

Unfortunately, the executive is not the only institution flirting with the boundaries of standard responses. In a rather unexpected way, the investigation into the Bank of Punjab scam has turned into yet another judiciary-executive tussle. Since the 1970s, there has been case law in Pakistan to suggest that it is the executive that handles the investigative side of proceedings in any matter where a crime has allegedly been committed. However, in the Bank of Punjab case, the Supreme Court wants Tariq Khosa, a former director general of the FIA and presently serving as the secretary of the anti-narcotics ministry, to lead the NAB investigation. In more ordinary times, the response of the prime minister — that Mr Khosa cannot be made available to head the NAB investigation — may well have been unremarkable because it is the prime minister’s prerogative to decide what jobs those employed by the government are entrusted with. But these are not normal times. Neither, for that matter, is the Khosa nomination completely free of question marks. The fact that Mr Khosa’s brother is the Punjab chief secretary has raised eyebrows given that the BoP scandal has reverberated between the previous PML-Q and the present PML-N provincial governments. Is it too late to hope better sense will prevail in all matters?

[B][CENTER][U][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]Violence in Sindh [/COLOR][/SIZE][/U][/CENTER][/B]

We expected better from a popularly elected government that had promised to ease the misery of the people. Its predecessor was the product of a military dictator’s ‘tailored’ democracy in which government officials were answerable only to one man.



The current administration, in sharp contrast, can and will be held accountable by the Pakistani public. Those who have been at the helm now for well over two years are guilty of inaction on several fronts and blunders on others. Their failures are many but the focus here will be on the increasing lawlessness in Karachi and other parts of Sindh. Constant fear is not the stuff of democracy and it is time our rulers went beyond words and took genuine steps to help the people of Sindh who are being terrorised by a rising crime wave and diverse forms of violence.

Karachi, for instance, has been in the grip of targeted killings for several months and the situation is particularly tense as we speak. Sectarian hatred is on the boil and has claimed several lives in the last few days. Doctors with no clear political affiliations have been gunned down, possibly on sectarian grounds. Ethnic and political violence is also rife while the Lyari gang war seems unstoppable. At the same time the people must cope with kidnappings for ransom, dacoities at their homes and hold-ups in the streets. The interior of the province is no stranger to violent crime either. Take the extreme case of district Dadu’s Borari village, which is a virtual no-go area. Armed robbers call the shots there, man entry points and kill people who don’t pay up. It is said that hundreds of girls have decided to stop going to school for fear of these thugs.

Where is the Sindh government in all this? It cannot pass the buck to the police because the administration is, after all, responsible for the performance of its law-enforcers. Why can’t known criminal gangs that operate freely be hauled in and booked once and for all? Many believe that the answer lies in the patronage extended to criminal elements by some politicians or other local influentials, including members of the police. Simply increasing the budget of the police force, as has been done this year, will not do the trick. Throwing money at the problem won’t deliver if the system is faulty. Our officials must change their ways and tackle root causes. Perhaps the biggest danger here is that prolonged public disillusionment may not necessarily usher in a new chapter in democracy. People deserve change and they want it now.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]For the public [/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]

PUBLIC land like parks should be run by public entities. This was the gist of the 62-page Supreme Court verdict on private development/commercial activities in a major Islamabad park. The verdict on Fatima Jinnah Park reinforces a 2006 SC ruling directing the Capital Development Authority to cancel its lease to a private concern for developing a mini golf course in another park. The latest verdict directs the CDA to cancel a lease to a private entity running an international fast food chain, an allotment to another running a library and an under-construction private club project. The difference this time is that the SC has suggested ways of turning the unlawful developments into amenities for the public. The library is to be returned to the original public owner — the ministry of education that will run it with private representation. The citizens’ club is to be converted into a public welfare project. In the case of the fast food outlet, the CDA has to frame and get approved regulations legalising the presence of a restaurant in that portion of the park. If not done within three months, the outlet will be demolished.

Pegged on provisions in the Islamabad Land Disposal Regulations 1993, which disallow allotment of plots in parks to private organisations, and the CDA Ordinance 1960, which states that public parks and playing fields are to be developed and maintained by the authority, the SC verdict is also an indictment of public functionaries who carry out unlawful orders under pressure. Learning its lesson from the verdict the CDA should develop the park and other parks in Islamabad as soon as possible and in accordance with the law and approved master plans. This will not only benefit the general public but also ward off those unable to resist the temptation of profiting from unused public land.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]High expectations [/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]


THE announcement of Sindh’s Rs442bn budget for 2010-11 has been met with a mix of hope and trepidation. Though there has been a significant increase in the development outlay, there is also a Rs25bn deficit. Sindh Chief Minister Qaim Ali Shah assured the assembly on Friday that “additional resources” would be used to improve revenue collection and bridge the deficit. He said the federal government would be approached to seek the return of the “overpaid” amount of Rs22bn — assumed to be from the share of GST — while the Sindh government would also cut down on “wasteful spending”. Worries about the deficit aside, there are plus points to the budget. Capital Value Tax is now a provincial subject and the tax breaks announced on CVT and stamp duty should stimulate investment. The education development budget, as well as the allocation for health, has been increased. The police budget has gone up by nearly 20 per cent. It is hoped this increase prompts the police to improve their performance, especially considering rampant targeted killings in Karachi and the general lawlessness in Sindh.

An increase in funds does not always translate into improved quality. There are complaints of government funds not being utilised or under-utilisation, as well as leakages. The Sindh government must address these concerns. Also, the right to impose tax on agricultural incomes now rests with the provinces. Observers say farmers are getting better prices for wheat and sugar, resulting in better incomes. Hence, there is no excuse for the provinces not to tax agriculture. The Sindh government must seriously consider this if it wants to bridge the deficit. The country’s fiscal structure has changed greatly after the passage of the 18th Amendment and the seventh NFC award. Key sectors now fall within the provincial domain; hence the provinces’ responsibility has grown. The use of funds must be monitored to ensure the money is going where it should be. For Sindh, it will be a great challenge to live up to the expectations set by the budget. The government must ensure judicious spending of resources as well as improvement in the quality of service.

[B][CENTER][U][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]Kyrgyz crisis[/COLOR][/SIZE][/U][/CENTER][/B]


The reverberations of the violence in the Central Asian state of Kyrgyzstan — specifically in the city of Osh — are being felt in the international community. Two Pakistanis — a female medical student and a male engineering student — have reportedly been killed in the country as clashes between ethnic Uzbeks and Kyrgyz continue to raise tensions. At the time of writing, 10 Pakistanis were said to have been taken hostage. However, the Pakistani foreign minister denied this, saying that a number of stranded students had reached safer venues in the city. Instability has dogged Kyrgyzstan since April, when former President Kurmanbek Bakiyev was ousted.



However, violence has flared over the past few days; more than 100 people have reportedly been killed while at least 1,000 have been injured. Between 1,200 to 1,500 Pakistanis — mostly students — are said to live in Kyrgyzstan. Many had returned home for the summer holidays but according to reports several Pakistani citizens remain stranded in the troubled Central Asian nation. Considering the volatility of the situation, their fate should be a matter of utmost concern to the Pakistani authorities.

The Foreign Office has said that the embassy in Bishkek, the Kyrgyz capital, is trying to gather all Pakistani nationals at the airport in Osh. In normal circumstances Pakistani missions abroad are expected to come to the aid of nationals in distress. In times of instability and violence, the missions’ responsibility increases manifold. So far, it appears the authorities are handling this situation in a responsible manner. However, we wonder whether the Foreign Office has permanent evacuation plans in place for Pakistani citizens, especially those working and studying in countries where there is political instability. Considering these turbulent times, such plans are the need of the hour





[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]Serious problems [/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]



Coverage of the provincial budget announced by Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Finance Minister Humayun Khan on Saturday has been dominated by the theme of ‘balanced budget’: Rs294bn of expenditure matched by Rs294bn of revenue. At first blush, this may seem to be a good thing. But scratch below the surface and serious problems become apparent. First, the province’s revenue projection relies heavily on money flowing from the centre as promised — a pledge that is already looking shaky. For example, if the Rs25bn in hydel power profit arrears is not forthcoming, a serious hole will appear in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s finances. The sum is part of Rs110bn that was awarded to it in an arbitration with the centre and is to be released to the province over four years. Yet, privately provincial officials are pessimistic that the arrears will be released, pointing to the fact that the province has only been allocated Rs6bn as hydel generation profits for the next fiscal year — several times lower than what they believe is owed.

Next, on the expenditure side of things, while the NFC award last year has increased transfers to the province and therefore improved the fiscal space, a majority of the money is to be spent on salaries, and a great many of those salaries are paid to employees who are not needed. It seems that in a war-torn, recession-hit economy, provincial administrators have struck upon a favourite ploy to appease voters: giving them jobs in government agencies. At least three new government departments have been created rather than trying to encourage job creation in the private sector.



The main challenge, then, for the government going forward will be to mobilise its own resources. Relying on uncertain federal receipts and making unnecessary provincial expenditures will only destabilise its finances. For example, the Rs21bn allocated to the police has more than doubled the present year’s outlay — arguably a necessary step — but the centre cannot be relied on to keep footing the bill. To be sure, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has suffered disproportionately over the last years from militancy; however, that should not be used as an excuse to further delay reform.






[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]A free hand? [/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]




Hafiz Mohammad Saeed has every right to participate in a public rally because the Pakistani authorities, for whatever reason, have failed to prove his involvement in illegal activities. He heads the Jamaatud Dawa which is widely believed to be a front for the Lashkar-i-Taiba, a terrorist outfit that allegedly orchestrated the Mumbai attacks. But Mr Saeed enjoys a free hand in the absence of solid evidence, so much so that he and his supporters were part of a demonstration organised by religious parties in Lahore on Sunday. He railed against Israel, as did everyone else, but also suggested that suicide bombings were being deliberately staged in Pakistan to defame the cause of ‘jihad’. He claimed the country was under siege and more or less threatened an uprising, a revolution.



What is particularly worrying here is that Mr Saeed delivered his diatribe in the company of the leaders of mainstream religious parties. He was clearly invited to the event. Does this mean that our ulema at large subscribe to the views espoused by Mr Saeed? Do they share his radical views on jihad and an apparently positive take on the activities of the Taliban?

Hafiz Saeed has long been seen as an asset by sections of ‘the establishment’ because his agenda is India-centric. That may be changing though as diverse militant outfits across the country, and particularly in southern Punjab, band together under the umbrella of the Tehrik-i-Taliban. Organisations such as the Lashkar-i-Taiba and the various incarnations of the Taliban are a product of Pakistan’s flawed policy of strategic depth, which sought to gain influence in Afghanistan through proxy agents and carry out militant activities in Indian-held Kashmir. It was hoped that this approach would change with the realisation that the real enemy lies within, that we are fighting our own war to safeguard the social fabric of Pakistan. But has the use of proxy agents stopped altogether? It is unlikely that someone like Hafiz Saeed could strut his stuff as publicly as he did on Sunday without the acquiescence at least of the right quarters.

Pakistan’s international image took a further battering when a study conducted by the London School of Economics concluded that the Inter-Services Intelligence is funding and training the Afghan Taliban. The report has been termed “baseless” and “spurious” by government and army spokespersons, and it may well be so. Pakistan has every right to question the credibility of the study. Be that as it may, we cannot afford to be seen as playing a double game at this critical juncture in the fight against militancy. What is needed is a united front.

[B][CENTER][U][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]Budget lapses[/COLOR][/SIZE][/U][/CENTER][/B]



[B]Wednesday, 16 Jun, 2010 [/B]



Punjab’s budget for the next financial year betrays the Shahbaz Sharif government’s reluctance to reform the provincial tax regime and improve financial discipline. This is frustrating, particularly in view of the pathetic performance of tax collectors over many years. Punjab should raise its tax revenues to bring down its mounting debt, reduce reliance on federal funds and expand fiscal space for development. Any cut in the promised federal funds in the past has always resulted in immediate reduction in development spending, which is crucial for improving the quality of life. It was in this backdrop that many expected that agriculture income would effectively be brought into the tax net from next year. But the government dithered despite estimates that agriculture income tax could generate billions of rupees and prove a sustainable resource for provincial development.

The budget also fails to give a clear policy roadmap for plugging loopholes in the system to prevent the pilferage of public funds. Only the other day, the chief minister had publicly admitted that half the public money was stolen by the unholy alliance of chor aur chowkidar. That leaves little for improving public service delivery. No wonder then that the entire social and economic infrastructure in the province is crumbling. Neither is the government prepared to change its spendthrift policies. It must pursue populist policies like sasti roti and Ramzan packages even if these do not produce the intended results. The allocations for these schemes underscore this approach despite proven cases of pilferage. The official disregard for fiscal prudence is perplexing.



Economic experts believe that a chunk of the subsidies goes into the pockets of those who don’t deserve them. They argue, and rightly so, that this money could be used to create thousands of sustainable jobs. The recently completed project of IT labs in government schools across the province is one such example. It has created thousands of new jobs for unemployed IT graduates, men and women, from lower-income groups in their home towns. But the government is unlikely to change its priorities as long as politics continues to dictate its economic policies.





[B][U][CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][SIZE="5"]Sectarian scourge [/SIZE][/COLOR][/CENTER][/U][/B]




After an all-too-brief pause the curse of ‘targeted killings’ has returned to Karachi. This time the victims are apparently being targeted not for their ethnic background or political affiliation, but for their religious beliefs, giving the latest bloody cycle a sectarian colour. Up to 15 people have been killed in the city in the first two weeks of June, mostly belonging to the Shia community. The latest incident saw the killing of a 68-year-old man in broad daylight on Monday. Armed motorcyclists rode up to Syed Ayub Naqvi’s car and shot him. The elderly man was on his way to an imambargah. The death was followed by violent protests in the city. Many areas of Karachi remained tense on Tuesday. Also on Monday the activist of a banned sectarian outfit was gunned down on University Road.

As usual, condemnations and promises to do more have come from the rulers as well as those tasked with enforcing law and order. The Sindh IG police has said “efforts are on” to trace those behind the killings while the federal interior minister has said there is “zero tolerance” for those involved in the violence. President Zardari and members of the Senate have also expressed “concern” over the incidents. Over the last year or so, hundreds of people have fallen victim to targeted killings in Karachi for various reasons. Now the time for platitudes is over. Tough words need to be backed by solid action, and if those tasked with maintaining peace aren’t capable of doing so, perhaps more capable individuals can be given the job.

The scourge of sectarianism in this country seems to be unstoppable. The seed planted three decades ago has grown into an uncontrollable hydra eating away at the fabric of this nation. The recent slaughter of Ahmadis in Lahore is fresh in the mind, but believers of all persuasions have been targeted by the self-proclaimed guardians of faith. Mosques, imambargahs and other places of worship have been brazenly attacked while religious processions have been bombed. Areas like Dera Ismail Khan, Parachinar and Karachi remain tinderboxes, which can easily be set alight at the slightest provocation.



Hence the government needs to clamp down on those who openly preach and practise violence. Cosmetic measures like increasing frisking and snap-checks of motorists in Karachi will not end targeted killings. As we have repeatedly said, the criminals behind the killings need to be brought to book while their support networks must be neutralised. Banned sectarian terror outfits must be permanently put out of business and not allowed to regroup under different names. This madness has to end.



[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]Harappa land dispute [/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]



Some 358 acres of the protected Harappa archaeological site land is reportedly under threat of occupation by dozens of citizens claiming ownership. The dispute between the archaeology department and the claimants goes back several years. The latter demanded the market price for ceding their land, while the archaeology department offered them only one-fourth of the amount. As legal lacunae remain, with colonial-era land acquisition laws heavily favouring government departments, the claimants now want to occupy the area willy-nilly.



This is because all these years, since the discovery of the world renowned pre-historic site in 1921, the archaeology department has failed to legally acquire the land it enlists as ‘protected’ from its lawful owners. It has also failed to build a protection wall to secure the barely excavated site to prevent trespassing, while it is the official custodian of the land pending a decision on the long legal battle with the claimants.

The invaluable Indus Valley archaeological remains that date back to 2500CE cannot be left to the whims of a dormant archaeology department and the ambitious claimants of the land on which they are located. The authorities would do well to settle the dispute with the claimants in a reasonable manner; it is only fair that the latter get the market price for their land, which must then be secured by the archaeology department for posterity. It is time for the bureaucrats involved in the tussle to act more responsibly and take swift measures to secure the historical site. This should be done by shedding the colonial-era practice of using dictatorially drafted laws that leave citizens frustrated and in a state of rebellion. The landowners’ claim must be settled forthwith and the site secured without any encroachments allowed to be made on the large swathes of unexcavated ‘protected’ land.

[U][B][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]Independent enquiry[/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/B][/U]


Interior Minister Rehman Malik’s call for holding an enquiry to determine the veracity of this paper’s claim that he is a beneficiary of a ‘grey calls’ international telephony scam is a welcome one. Contrary to what Mr Malik has been quoted as saying from the floor of the National Assembly, Dawn believes in democracy and democratic values (no matter how blemished) and has no desire to be part of a conspiracy to malign civilian politicians.



An independent enquiry to establish the facts surrounding the ownership of London-based Rodcom Europe, now being renamed Honeywell Solutions, and the change in the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority’s policies that have benefited businesses like Rodcom Europe/Honeywell Solutions would go a long way towards proving if any wrongdoing has been committed and if Mr Malik has anything to answer for. Given the sensitivity of the charge and the powerful position Mr Malik enjoys, it would be prudent to ensure that whatever committee is established it is independent of and not reliant on any investigative agencies that fall under Mr Malik’s purview. Furthermore, the enquiry should be empowered to seek the testimony of witnesses in the UK who are crucial to establishing the veracity of Dawn’s report.

For the rest, it is surprising that Mr Malik has chosen to lash out at this paper now rather than put his version of the facts on the record when approached, repeatedly, to do so. It was Mr Malik himself who chose not to exercise his right to contradict or clarify anything in this paper’s report. To allude now to the need for new libel laws smacks of that age-old ploy to intimidate the media from doing what it is meant to do, informing the public and holding public officials to account. This newspaper has no interest in undermining Mr Malik’s or any other democratically elected government. The public does, however, deserve to know if it is being forced to pay extra for an international telephone call simply to line the pockets of powerful politicians — something an independent enquiry is uniquely placed to determine. Certainly, if Mr Malik wishes to initiate legal action against Dawn, this newspaper will robustly defend itself.



[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="darkgreen"]Food insecurity [/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]


There are uncounted stories of poverty and deprivation in Pakistan but it takes crimes such as the one committed recently in Lahore to drive home the magnitude and human cost of these issues. On Tuesday a middle-aged rickshaw driver, Akbar, poisoned himself, his wife and three of his six children, resulting in his own death and that of two of his daughters. The family’s relatives told the police that Akbar was besieged by financial problems and feared homelessness.

It is not difficult to imagine the frustrations that led Akbar to take a step so extreme and so telling of utter desperation. Much is said about the country’s plummeting economy and fragile infrastructure but not enough about the manner in which the figures on paper translate to exponentially rising food and job insecurity. The ranks of the newly poor are swelling by the day: people are being laid off in their hundreds, children are being pulled out of school and families are tightening budgets to the extent of compromising on nutritional needs. According to assessments published by the UN World Food Programme, the poorest households in the country now spend over 70 per cent of their income on food. Consequently, their ability to spend on other essential areas such as health, education and housing is severely compromised. About 50 per cent of the child mortality in the country is food-related, and around seven million households are ranked as severely food insecure, i.e. people that consume less than 1,700 kilocalories per day.

This is a frightening situation and one that, even beyond the immense human tragedy, holds long-term consequences. Consider, for example, that food insecurity is one of the factors that convince parents to send their children to madressahs: though blamed for fomenting religious intolerance and extremism, their attraction lies in ‘education’ accompanied by free meals. Consider too that a malnutritioned population is an unhealthy population, which translates to even more pressure on a healthcare system that is already collapsing. Then there’s the issue of future workforces: what jobs will be available to all the children whose education has been forced to a halt, and how will their children fare? And is this situation not pivotal in terms of the erosion of the citizenry’s faith in the state and the government, and in the democratic set-up?

The crime Akbar committed should not distract us from the larger crime under way: the state’s apparent inability to protect the most vulnerable. If this basic task cannot be fulfilled, the citizenry — whose welfare is the raison d’etre of government — can be forgiven for questioning the viability of the system



[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="darkgreen"]Plot politics[/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]


The National Assembly’s Public Accounts Committee has asked the federal government to review the years-old practice of allotting more than one residential plot to generals, judges, journalists, bureaucrats and parliamentarians. The committee says it is not against giving residential plots to government officials, but it should be done purely on “merit” and under a uniform policy to put an end to the “politics of plots.”



The committee, however, did not explain if it wants the merit policy to cover all government employees comprehensively or apply only to those in the higher pay scales. Apparently, for the time being at least it favours restricting the scope of the merit policy to powerful officials and lobbies. Doesn’t it sound discriminatory and unfair to those who will be left out of its scope? After all, some of them might have served the country and its people better than those who are occupying the so-called lucrative posts.

The committee has also asked the government to prepare a list of those who have obtained plots under discretionary powers of the president and the prime minister since 1997. Yet it has not indicated as to what it intends to do — or can do — with the list. The direction seems to be aimed at exposing those who had been allotted expensive plots for political reasons, especially those who were rewarded for serving the rulers after the Oct 12 coup by the military. Why not expose everyone who gave or got plots after 1985, or maybe even before that?

There can be no disagreement with PAC chairman Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan’s cry for putting an end to plot politics. It will be an important step towards better governance. There are no two ways about it. The practice should be done away with completely with no exemptions.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="darkgreen"]Hate speech [/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]


[B]Monday, 21 Jun, 2010 [/B]


The street power and political clout wielded by Pakistan’s religious right have resulted in the state and society being held hostage by extremist elements. The latter stop at nothing to further their agenda of inciting hatred, divisiveness and violence. The latest example is that of the Jamaat-i-Islami chief, Syed Munawwar Hasan, who during a sermon in Lahore on Friday threatened a fresh movement against the Ahmadi community if it “did not accept their minority status” and the government kept silent about “their blasphemous and unconstitutional activities”.



Mr Hasan did not specify any particular instance substantiating his charges, leading one to read his comments as hate speech and also as an attempt to blackmail the government into further victimising an already persecuted community. Given the incendiary passions the issue arouses, any call by religious parties in this context is certain to be attended by violence. A strong case can be made against the JI leader for fomenting aggression and religious persecution under the country’s laws regarding hate speech and incitement to violence.

Even beyond this particular case, it has now become a matter of urgency that the government show an active and uncompromising stance on the issue of hate speech and incitement to violence or other sorts of criminal activity. Pakistan’s polity is already rent by religious, ethnic and sectarian divisions. Allowing irresponsible and divisive opinions to be aired publicly will deepen these fissures. Once it begins, the process of religious, ethnic and other communities being pitted against one another will prove difficult to bring under control. Spiralling violence, particularly in view of other issues being faced by the country such as militancy and terrorism, can then be expected. It is in the interests of both the state and citizenry to take a stand against inflammatory hate speech and lobby for the prosecution of those who break the law.


[U][B][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]Petroleum products [/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/B][/U]

It is a small but welcome move: the government plans to deregulate the price of petroleum products, abolish the Inland Freight Equalisation Margin and do away with a ‘deemed duty’ given to refineries. The net effect may be a drop of Rs2 in the price of major oil products, including petrol and diesel. Understanding the pricing methodology of petroleum products in the country is difficult business. Even so, many injustices to the end consumers are apparent. Start with the deemed duty issue. In 2002, a new import parity pricing mechanism was put in place which allowed refineries here to retain customs duty imposed on four petroleum products, including diesel. The idea behind creating uniformity in the pricing of imported and locally refined diesel was to create a fund that the refineries could use to expand and upgrade their facilities so as to meet European standards and to reduce sulphur content in petroleum products.



Perhaps unsurprisingly, what was meant to be a short-term measure has now been in place for nearly a decade, with the refineries claiming that cutting off the deemed duty could lead to the closure of the refineries. Of course, the original idea — improving the quality of the petroleum products produced locally — has not been implemented. No doubt, some of the refineries’ financial concerns may be valid, but the question remains: why should consumers subsidise the inefficiencies of refineries? The end of the deemed duty era must be welcomed.

The other impending change, the abolition of the IFEM, is also a good thing. There was no real justification for having one rate of petrol, for example, in Karachi and northern Pakistan. Transport of fuel costs money; there is little reason why consumers in Karachi should subsidise fuel delivered to Gilgit-Baltistan. Welcome, then, as the impending changes may be, the fact remains that they do not go nearly far enough. Approximately four out of every Rs10 spent on petroleum products goes into government coffers as tax revenue. Lacking the political will to impose direct taxes, the government continues to rely on a highly regressive tax system. That is the main reason petroleum products are so costly.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]Economic dependence[/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]


A common refrain of the PPP-led government in its comments to the outside world, especially the US, has been: give us more money to help pay for the costs, direct and indirect, of the fight against militancy. The theme was again evident in the government’s remarks to the visiting Richard Holbrooke over the weekend. There is a kernel of truth in this position as there are things that the world could do to help Pakistan stabilise its economy and fight militants more effectively. The Coalition Support Funds could be released in a timely manner; access to western markets could be enhanced; more aid in absolute terms could be provided in shorter time periods, etc. Yet, there is another, grimmer side to the story: the staggering inability of the present government to get its act together and to plan and govern with even a modicum of efficiency.

Ambassador Holbrooke arrived in Pakistan in large part to further the strategic dialogue between the US and Pakistan, as part of which several working groups have been established to further the negotiations in various ‘clusters’ of issues, ranging from communications and public diplomacy (the Americans have been keen to address the tide of anti-US sentiments in the country) to energy and water (which is believed to have garnered particular interest in GHQ). The American side though has been concerned, to put it mildly, that the government here has shown no real interest in substantive negotiations. Instead of being presented with poorly thought out ‘wish lists’ and demands for direct cash transfers, there was some hope on the American side that the strategic dialogue would spur Pakistan into thinking about its long-term interests and preparing a strategy for the overhaul of its finances and its service-delivery mechanisms. But to no avail: the government here appears content to suck up the dollars without any real planning.

Consider this. Some economists estimate that if the rebates, concessions, exemptions, etc on sales tax handed out to various business interest groups were to be done away with, Rs300bn extra in tax revenue could be generated each year; twice the sum of the annual Kerry-Lugar aid of $1.5bn. Or consider this: agriculture accounts for nearly a quarter of Pakistani GDP, but only one per cent of tax revenues. Necessary as foreign aid may be at this juncture, what the country really needs for the long term is a plan to stand on its own two feet without a begging bowl in hand. Presently, there is no evidence of any such plan

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IP pipeline Dawn Editorial [/CENTER][/SIZE]
Wednesday, 23 Jun, 2010

The prime minister is supposed to dispel confusion, not create it. But for a 24-hour period between Sunday and Monday, Prime Minister Gilani caused many to scratch their heads after media reports attributed to him a pledge to abide by US sanctions against Iran, in contradiction of Pakistan’s traditional stance of adhering to only UN-imposed sanctions. Yesterday Mr Gilani rejected the media reports and reiterated Pakistan’s stance of adhering to only UN-imposed sanctions, but what it has done is to bring into focus the difficult triangle of US-Pakistan-Iran relations.

At this point, it would be helpful to revisit the economic and technical basics of the Iran-Pakistan pipeline and the first principles of geopolitics. Pakistan is a country on the brink of an energy crisis: the resources that we are currently able to tap may not last another decade. There are local options, the ‘new’ ones such as figuring out how to tap the potential of Thar coal and Kohat gas and building more dams, and ‘old’ ones such as extracting more from wells that have been capped. The problem is there is no direction from the government on energy planning. Even if there was such planning, at this late stage stopgap measures would be needed to plug the energy deficit.



Enter options such as the Iran-Pakistan pipeline. The cost and technical details are massively complex, but some of the ‘conventional wisdom’ is questionable. For example, will it really cost in the range of $7bn for Pakistan to build its share of the pipeline? That is a critical question because Pakistan is unlikely to get any foreign financing for the pipeline from the IFIs or cheap credit from international credit markets. Also, is the purchase price agreed unjustifiably high or should Pakistan view the agreement from the prism of current options, and the cost of not doing anything on the energy front?

Getting answers to these questions is where Mr Gilani’s energies should be directed, rather that speculating about sanctions. American disapproval for the pipeline is clear and the US will continue to flex its diplomatic muscle, but thus far it has avoided presenting Pakistan with a fait accompli. Potential American sanctions against Iran have not been linked to Kerry-Lugar aid nor do they specifically bar projects such as the IP pipeline. And if the American side does try and squeeze Pakistan diplomatically, Pakistan’s response should be: how exactly will an energy crisis here help the fight against militancy?

[U][U][U][B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]Pakistan-India ties[/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B] [/U]
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Not much was expected in terms of public announcements from the meeting of the foreign secretaries of Pakistan and India yesterday in Islamabad and not much was offered afterwards for public consumption other than blandishments. With their bosses, the foreign ministers, set to meet on July 15, such meetings are invariably about setting the stage for higher-level interactions. From the perspective of nudging forward Pakistan-India relations, the meeting to be held between Interior Minister Rehman Malik and Home Minister P. Chidambaram may hold greater promise. Undeniably, terrorism is a key issue between the two countries at present. Yet, bizarrely, there is no effective mechanism for sharing intelligence on potential terrorist activities between the two countries.

The Joint Anti-Terrorism Mechanism set up in 2006 had become a posturing club, involving members of the bureaucracy who were content to exchange ‘wanted lists’ periodically. A more meaningful mechanism would involve the exchange of real-time intelligence between the two countries, and would almost surely require the active participation of the intelligence agencies on both sides. Messrs Malik and Chidambaram could use their meeting towards at least initiating such a process, one that would in concrete ways address some of India’s concerns on the terrorism front.

The fact of the matter is that big breakthroughs are not likely any time soon. Perhaps because of external, read US, pressure or perhaps because India is afraid the shifting tide in Afghanistan may jeopardise its investments there, India agreed to talk to Pakistan. But it’s striking that even now, some months after Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh made his surprise announcement, there is no decisive shift away from the Indian position post-Mumbai. What seems to have changed is more the tone and tenor rather than the substance of the conversations. Also not very encouraging is the lack of creative thinking on the Pakistani side.



As long as India clung to its ‘no composite dialogue’ line, Pakistan seemed to know what to say: restart the composite dialogue. But given some kind of ambiguity in the Indian position, Pakistan has not been able to put any new ideas on the table. To be sure, it’s in Pakistan’s interests to talk, and talk soon, about the ‘core’ issues, Kashmir, water, etc. Yet, diplomatic breakthroughs are not had by sitting back and sticking to traditional demands. In Prime Minister Singh, Pakistan has a potential peace partner who appears willing to at least go beyond the bare minimum in the quest for peace. Creative thinking here could give the latest ‘process’ the necessary impetus.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"][U][COLOR="DarkGreen"]No movement[/COLOR][/U][/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

Pakistan rolled out the red carpet for Indian Home Minister P. Chidambaram on Saturday, the grand welcome an attempt to establish the government’s bona fides as a genuine partner in peace.



The ongoing thaw in relations will continue with the July 15 meeting between the foreign ministers of India and Pakistan, but the same unanswered questions continue to linger in the air ever since Prime Minister Singh and Prime Minister Gilani made their ‘breakthrough’ in March. What is apparent by now is that the Indian tone when it comes to Pakistan has changed. But there seems to have been little to no movement in terms of substance so far. Even if it has stopped saying so quite as insistently as previously, India continues to put the terrorism issue first. At the very least, India wants the trial of the men held here in connection with the Mumbai attacks to be completed speedily. Beyond that it wants some firm kind of response against, specifically, the Laskhar-i-Taiba, the group that India believes was behind the Mumbai attacks, and, more generally, other ‘India-centric’ militant groups here.

The problem on this side in regard to those core Indian demands is twofold. One, the army’s ‘prioritisation approach’ in the fight against militancy means that the India-centric groups are much lower down the ladder in terms of priority. Two, with the army wary of Indian activities in Afghanistan, the growing military threat India represents on Pakistan’s eastern border and the long-standing Kashmir and water issues, there is a sense that there is virtually no possibility that Pakistan will do something simply because India demands it, even if circuitously through the international community.

Therein lies the problem. If change in tone does not lead to a change in substantive positions, at least on the issue of talking — and talking about the issues, not talks about talks — then Pakistan and India look set to continue this delicate diplomatic dance that convinces no one. Of course, just as Prime Minister Singh surprised the world in March by seemingly breaking from India’s post-Mumbai stance towards Pakistan, there is a possibility of another surprise being pulled from the diplomatic hat. So on the caravan of hope must move, to July 15. Privately, Indian officials are not very upbeat about the possibility of any major breakthrough then, which means that the caravan of hope risks becoming a diplomatic circus. The governments of India and Pakistan owe it to their people to do all that can be done to move their nations closer towards the path of peace. Anything less, and the perpetrators of Mumbai would have won.


[U][B][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"][U][CENTER]Militant education [/CENTER][/U][/COLOR][/SIZE][/B]

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A report by the Brookings Institution has belatedly discovered what academics in Pakistan have been saying for over a decade. It is now being pointed out that the public school system in the country stokes militancy in Pakistan more than anything else.



The inadequacies of the education system are usually cited as risk factors and the report endorses this view. The fact is that the curricula and textbooks, said to have been under revision since 9/11, are responsible for promoting a narrow worldview and a culture of bigotry. Young minds have been exposed to literature that celebrates jihad and glorifies religion by stirring hatred against non-Muslims. Along with the religiosity spewed by many television channels, school books have helped create regressive mindsets that the madressahs approve of. If the religious schools have had a smaller impact it is not because they are more tolerant but because their relatively low enrolment rate limits their reach.

The failure of the public-sector school system — it hardly functions and has not expanded sufficiently — has left many children out in the cold. The private sector that is being encouraged very often cannot provide affordable education to the poor. Even though enrolment is shown as having grown, most children in government schools cannot claim to be benefiting from education of a kind that trains them to become productive and enlightened adults. If anything, rising expectations and the failure to provide the youth opportunities for education and jobs have led to frustration, creating a fertile breeding ground for militancy. The only solution lies in addressing the education sector holistically. The immediate need is to expedite the curricula and textbook reform process, launch a massive teachers’ training programme to raise the standard of pedagogy and install a monitoring mechanism to ensure that schools actually function.



[U][B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"]Terror suspects[/COLOR][/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]

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There is no doubt that the criminal justice system in Pakistan needs to undergo a major overhaul. In this respect Sindh Home Minister Zulfiqar Mirza’s recent remarks in the provincial assembly criticising the judiciary have raised some pertinent questions that need to be addressed by all stakeholders.



The minister claimed that the judiciary was actually letting suspected terrorists caught “red-handed” off the hook. He added that hundreds of people — including terrorists arrested for “heinous crimes” — had been released by the courts since 2002. The minister’s comments are not unfounded. Notorious individuals with evidently strong links to banned outfits have been known to walk free in this country because of ‘lack of evidence’. Dr Mirza wants the courts to give the benefit of the doubt to the prosecution in cases of terrorism.

Observers have also pointed out that a defective investigation process is the main reason why suspects are allowed to walk free. Also, eyewitnesses and victims often refuse to testify in court or identify the suspects for fear of their lives. Trials in this country can drag on for years and the low conviction rate is no secret. When the legal system fails, extra-legal means are employed to deal with suspects. This, coupled with the fact that suspected terrorists are freed due to shoddy investigations, is a recipe for disaster. Clearly the solution to bringing terrorists and other hardened criminals to justice is an empowered, effective legal system complemented by modern methods of investigation. The legal lacunae which allow suspects to walk free must be plugged while law-enforcement agencies need to vastly improve the way in which they probe cases. All organs of the state must play their part in overhauling the criminal justice system. The executive cannot afford to be complacent and allow anti-terrorism laws to lapse, as in the case of the Anti-Terrorism (Amendment) Ordinance 2010. On the other hand, the courts must convict and sentence terror suspects if credible evidence is produced. It has also been pointed out that comprehensive anti-terror legislation — which is currently lacking — would at least provide a base for legal action against those who practise violence.