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  #561  
Old Saturday, September 03, 2011
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Default Monday editorial (15-08-2011)

US versus the world


The viewpoint offered by a section of the right-wing US press that anti-Americanism is an entirely irrational reaction to the American way of life does not bear scrutiny.

By M. Zaidi


ANTI-Americanism can be defined as opposition or hostility to the people, government, culture or policies of the US. This label is readily applied by pro-American thinkers to an assortment of worldviews, many of which they consider polemic in their interpretation of the term.

The first edition of Noah Webster’s American Dictionary of the English Language (1828) defines ‘anti-American’ as opposed to America, or to the true interests or government of the US, or to the revolution in America. In French, the term ‘l’antiaméricanisme’ has evolved since 1948, entering the political currency in the 1950s. The recent exponential rise of the phenomenon is ascribed to particular American policies or actions, such as the Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan wars. Many critics term it as a label employed for the blanket dismissal of any action by the US as irrational. American scholar Paul Hollander describes it as a relentless, critical impulse towards American social, economic and political institutions, traditions and values.

This takes us to the degeneracy thesis espoused by Comte de Buffon in his Histoire Naturelle in 1766. It was proposed that climatic extremes and other atmospheric conditions in the New World (America) weakened the genetic stock of men and animals. Purportedly, the American fauna was smaller than its European counterpart, venomous plants were more abundant etc. In 1768, Dutchman Cornelius de Paw described America as a degenerate or monstrous colony, arguing that the weakest European could crush it with ease. French intellectual Abbé Raynal at the time wrote that America had not produced a good poet, an able mathematician, or a man of genius in a single art or science. This degeneracy thesis was later rebutted by early American thinkers such as Alexander Hamilton, Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson.

Authors James W. Ceaser and Philippe Roger have read this as a kind of prehistory of anti-Americanism, one which has debatably fostered vehement rejection of anti-Americanism by the Americans. Purportedly, this long-standing feeling of anti-Americanism has ‘carried over’ to the present times, which, according to some pro-American scholars espousing this theory, lends a mimetic quality to anti-Americanism. French scholar Marie-France Toinet contextualises it as an allergic reaction to America as a whole. Anti-Americanism has also been equated with prejudices such as racism.

Hollander talks of anti-Americanism as not fully rational, a free-floating hostility or aversion feeding on many sources besides America’s discernible inadequacies. Others have put down anti-Americanism as irrational and an ideology dressed up to look like Marxism.

Jean-François Revel and Philippe Roger tend to ascribe anti-Americanism to a long-standing aversion to Americans and everything American, nourished by a concoction of non-liberalism and an irrational resistance to change. AntiAmericanism is also touted as the ideological basis upon which ruling elites gain power, this hostility being harnessed to concretise specific political or religious agendas.

For instance, Francoise Thom highlighted the importance of antiAmericanism in fostering the political and ideological struggle in France, consolidating the various destructive forces in France including virulent Trotskyists, Islamic extremists and radical supporters of anti-globalisation in the context of anti-Americanism.

Scholar Josef Joffe suggests five aspects of the phenomenon including reducing Americans to stereotypes, believing US to be essentially evil, ascribing conspiracy theories to the American establishment aimed at world domination, holding the US responsible for all the world’s evils and isolation from the pervasive influence of American culture and goods. Using antiAmericanism as a symbol of irrationality, the ‘anti’ part of the term becomes the epitome of something pure. Against this, ‘anti’ implies the antithesis of that other ‘goodness’. Using this model, ‘Americanism’ becomes the unpolluted version but at the same time the root cause of ‘anti-Americanism’.

All these often conflicting definitions have lent a certain incoherence to the term turning it into an inherent paradox capable of being rendered articulately as a critique of the opposing viewpoint by critics on both sides of the fence.

In this context, Pierre Guerlain argues for a two-pronged approach in order to approach clarity. One is systematic or essentialist, which is a form of prejudice targeting all Americans. The other refers to the way criticism of the US is labelled anti-American by those supporting American policies in an ideological bid to discredit their opponents. Guerlain insists that the two forms can morph in certain situations making the analysis pertinent only in a particular paradigm. This is the middle way which at least accepts that anti-Americanism can be a manifestation of genuine grievances.

It is not a coincidence that intellectual Noam Chomsky draws parallels with the totalitarian state methods by comparing anti-Americanism to ‘anti-Sovietism’, a label utilised by the Kremlin to demonise dissident or critical thought.

The reductionist view is widely used by the American media in particular, which espouses that the essential goodness of American culture generates jealousy and awe in less inspired societies, which compensate for their lack of freedom as compared to America by turning their awe into hostility. ‘They shall not violate our way of life’, ‘we will protect our liberty’ and ‘they hate America for our way of life and freedom’ all become slogans associated with eliciting a schizoid response from irrational wannabees.

This viewpoint blatantly ignores the fact that people in the rest of the world could, in fact, be rational human beings, have genuine grievances and may put the onus of their grudges on America’s foreign policy. The fact that the end of the Cold War and unipolarity has been associated with an almost simultaneous escalation of anti-Americanism supports evidence of foreign policy as an alienating agent.

Of course, many cogent arguments could be offered from both sides, and undoubtedly there are biased views of the US, but the viewpoint offered by some among the right-wing US press and even academia that anti-Americanism is an entirely irrational reaction to the American way of life does not bear scrutiny. ¦

The writer is a security analyst.





Seraiki province debate


Those who do not want to see the erosion of Punjab’s dominance will resist the Seraiki province move.

By Mazhar Arif


FOR the past few weeks, talk about the creation of new provinces has dominated the discussion in the media.

Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani has announced that the creation of a Seraiki province will be included in the PPP manifesto for the 2013 general elections, while the PML-Q claims its alliance with the PPP is only on condition that the southern part of Punjab be declared a separate province. Now, the PML-N has come up with its own suggestions for new provinces.

The creation of a Seraiki province will not only respond to the aspirations of the 40 million people of the Seraiki region, it should also remove the impression of Punjab having a ‘colonial’ mindset.

Before discussing the challenges obstructing the way to a Seraiki province, it is pertinent to mention the debate of ‘linguistic’ or ‘administrative’ provinces. Pakistan is a federation comprising federating units constituted on a linguistic, cultural and historical basis. Though the federating units have not been given their rights and have continuously been treated as administrative units so far, they have not surrendered their cultural, linguistic, regional and historical identities.

New provinces, if created, will in fact be new ‘federating units’ representing social, cultural, linguistic and historical values and the aspirations of their respective peoples in the federation of Pakistan. If talk of administrative provinces is not meant to confuse the people, then it simply shows constitutional illiteracy on the part of their proponents. The demand for new provinces, particularly the Seraiki and Hazara provinces, is not only for administrative or financial authority but also for the political, cultural and linguistic rights guaranteed under the constitution. Talk of administrative provinces is tantamount to denial of constitutional rights.

A Seraiki province is referred to as ‘south Punjab’, which is an incorrect description of the geographical dimensions of the Seraiki region. It would include not only south Punjab or the administrative divisions of Multan, Bahawalpur and Dera Ghazi Khan but the whole of southwest Punjab (including D.I. Khan and Tank in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) from Mianwali, Khushab, Bhakkar, Jhang and a part of Sargodha in the west Punjab to Bahawalpur division in the south.

There are some other important issues which should be addressed for the smooth and peaceful creation of a Seraiki province.

First, the reappearance of the movement for the restoration of a Bahawalpur state has made the demarcation of a Seraiki province a challenge. Despite the presence of Punjabi-speaking settlers largely in the rural areas, Bahawalpur division is a true representative of the Seraiki language and culture. The Seraiki Sufi poet Khawaja Ghulam Fareed belonged to Bahawalpur state. Most of the leaders and workers of the Bahawalpur Suba Mahaz, launched in 1970, later joined the Seraiki Suba Mahaz. But the fact that a separate course will ultimately dilute their cultural and linguistic identity because of the demographic changes in Bahawalpur division during the past decades has been ignored.

Political or quasi-political forces that do not want to see the erosion of Punjab’s dominance will resist the move to create a Seraiki province covertly if not overtly. The recent Bahawalpur province movement is already being seen by Seraiki activists as suspicious.

Second, the majority of people of D.I. Khan and Tank districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are Seraiki-speaking. They are asking to be part of a Seraiki province and have formed the Seraiki Suba Mahaz to launch a campaign for the inclusion of their districts in the new province. National Assembly deputy speaker Faisal Karim Kundi is in the forefront of the campaign. The ANP’s stance is not clear yet. It has not openly opposed the demand, but convincing the ANP leadership and other Pakhtun nationalists to surrender the two districts will not be easy.

Third, there are some districts in western Punjab such as Mianwali, Khushab, Bhakkar and Jhang wherein feelings of a Seraiki identity are strong but Seraiki political organisations non-existent. There are a large number of Seraiki activists in this area but they lack organisation and a vocal local pro-Seraiki leadership, except for Dr Sher Afgan Niazi.

Fourth, the Punjabi-speaking settlers in Thal and Cholistan and the urban population consisting of migrants from India are largely supporters of the PML-N. Two or three of their generations have been born and reared in the Seraiki region and the majority of them favour a separate province, but they may toe the PML-N line of an ‘administrative province’ obstructing the creation of a province on a linguistic and cultural basis.

Fifth, and perhaps the most important, is the disconnect between the PPP and Seraiki nationalists. As the nationalists have been isolated, they doubt the PPP’s sincerity regarding the creation of the province. The PPP Punjab leadership is based in central Punjab. Other senior party leaders are either from central Punjab or Sindh. Differences between the PPP and Seraiki activists does not augur well.

Intriguingly, the participa tion of proponents of the new provinces is missing from all discussion in newspapers and TV channels. The discussions are being held in Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi without participation of Seraikis or Hazarawals. The discussions are being seen as one-sided and largely advocating so-called ‘administrative provinces’.

In view of the abovementioned challenges, the PPP and PML-Q, that are going to contest the next general elections jointly, need a comprehensive joint strategy and a joint campaign for the creation of a Seraiki province. As a first step, both parties need separate provincial organisations for the Seraiki region. Close coordination and participation of the PPP and PML-Q leaders and workers and Seraiki activists will make the strategy more effective.

Serious negotiations should be initiated with genuine leaders of Bahawalpur who have been the torchbearers of the Seraiki language, culture and history. The prime minister may compromise on the question of the capital of the proposed new province. The non-Seraiki speaking population should also be taken into confidence. ¦

The writer is founder-general secretary of Seraiki Lok Sanjh. mazhar@alternativemedia.org.pk
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  #562  
Old Saturday, September 03, 2011
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Default Tuesday editorial (16-08-2011)

From one to sixteen


In settling scores with Lahore’s Sharif clan, the descendants of Multan’s saints must not put the integrity of the country at stake.

By Kunwar Idris



WHILE many amongst us still feel nostalgic about (West) Pakistan’s being one unit, PML-N leader Makhdoom Javed Hashmi, if he could have it his way, would be satisfied with no less than 16 provinces to be carved out of the present four.

How this lonesome, tormented politician reconciles this number with provincial autonomy is hard to comprehend.

Ironically enough, the exponents of more provinces also want more powers for them. This is only one of the many contradictions in their glib campaign being run on selfish reasons. Prominent among the few who stand for retaining the present number is Balochistan’s outspoken chief minister Nawab Aslam Khan Raisani. He can foresee what most others do not: the more provinces there are, the fewer must be their powers. He would rather have one Balochistan but with greater autonomy.

The Punjab chief minister, Shahbaz Sharif, quite understandably, is opposed to the division of his province for he and his party both would be the losers. Yet, wary of opposing a populist concept, he has come up with a caveat that the basis for the creation of new provinces should be administrative and not ethnic. That is absurd, to say the least.

The province is a constitutional and legislative entity. It also represents, or is supposed to, the cultural, racial and linguistic homogeneity of the inhabitants in the context of a historical background. Systems or institutions to administer the province can be evolved to suit the convenience of the people by dividing the territory, howsoever sprawling or densely populated, without mutilating its unifying characteristics.

Administrative powers are always delegated, as indeed in the current practice, to divisions, districts, talukas, towns and villages down the line. The province essentially represents a fraternal bond that persuades the people to think and act alike for the common good.

In any case, unlike India, Pakistan has not chosen language as a defining feature in demarcating its provincial boundaries. Uttar Pradesh (even after its hilly part was hived off to form the smaller state of Uttarakhand) still has a population (199 million) larger than Pakistan’s total of 180 million. The defining feature of UP is Urdu/Hindi as a common language.

At the other end of the Indian spectrum, Goa with fewer than two million inhabitants has not been denied provincial status merely because of its small size in the presence of other unifying factors — chiefly its historical entity as a former Portuguese colony. The division of Indian Punjab was also based on language and not because the province was too large to administer.

At first glance, Pakistan’s provincial map may look tempting for redrawing boundaries and increasing the number of provinces. But, make no mistake, it would be stirring up a hornet’s nest. It is infinitely safer to live with the present incongruities of area and population than to let personal and parochial interests run riot. New provinces should not be created only to enable the district or regional politicians to become governors or chief ministers at the expense of the people without benefiting them. In the vanguard of the provincial campaign is south Punjab which has the least justification to be a province either on grounds of economy, culture, language or any other factor. Northern Punjab, if at all, is poorer. And the relatively more developed central Punjab is in no way usurping the resources of the south which is weighed down only by its own landed elite and shrine-keepers who could become more oppressive in a province they alone dominate.

Linguistically, Punjab is one entity. The regional dialects of the Punjabi language smoothly merge into each other in their long journey from the borders of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to Sindh. Hindko of Peshawar, Potohari of Rawalpindi, Seraiki of Multan, Jangli of the intervening wilderness and the hard-core Punjabi of Lahore are understood, if not spoken, with equal ease across 1,000 miles. In short, language is no barrier to unity nor can it be a plausible ground for dividing the province.

Even less plausible, if not outright ludicrous, is the demand for a Bahawalpur province. It is as much a part of Punjab’s variegated landscape as any other. If its claim to special status lies in being a princely state of the colonial times, the first to be considered on that ground should be Kalat which was not merely a state but a suzerain of the Baloch tribes. To this day, the Khan of Kalat asserts that the state was conquered. It did not formally accede to Pakistan.

A variety of other claims are coming up. Hazara’s is old but not troublesome. For the first time, Baloch nationalists have been heard demanding the return of their forcibly separated kin of Dera Ghazi Khan, Rajanpur and Jacobabad to the motherland. Not to be found wanting, the Awami National Party wants the Pushtu-speaking parts of Balochistan to form a separate province of ‘Southern Pakhtunkhwa’.

All these demands sound frivolous and may be so treated. But not after south Punjab becomes a province which it must one day for it enjoys the backing of the ruling party. In settling scores with Lahore’s Sharif clan, Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani and the descendants of other Multan saints must not put the integrity of the country at stake. The rebels of Balochistan may be firing from their hideouts in the hills. The separatists of Sindh sit on the lifeline of the country.





Make voting compulsory


Now as more accurate electoral rolls are being prepared, it is time to develop a consensus on introducing compulsory voting along with other electoral reforms.

By Javed Jabbar


PAKISTAN has an electoral democracy but not a representative democracy. Post-1971, in eight general elections, the voter turnout has almost always been less than 50 per cent of registered voters.

Or one out of every two voters has never chosen a candidate or a party. Compulsory voting alone will redress this enormous gap between the unknown truth and the known election results.

If casting a ballot becomes as obligatory as possession of a national identity card is today, every adult citizen will establish a direct, physical interaction with the democratic process. The act of participation will reduce the alienation and sense of distance presently felt between at least half the population and the political democratic system. Even for those who vote and still feel alienated, the knowledge that the election result is the reflection of the totality of adult soci ety will help shrink the cleavage.

When virtually every adult votes, democracy will become truly representative of public opinion. At present, election results are often sceptically viewed as being representative of mainly tribal, ethnic, linguistic, and feudal vested interests. Or of religious alignments, or individual candidates’ influences. The results of the ‘must-vote’ may merely extend or magnify existing patterns. But then again, no one knows for sure what the whole electorate actually prefers.

When every adult votes, the results will eliminate forever the historic and ongoing absurdity of the present firstpast-the-post system. Candidates who often receive a small percentage of the votes cast — leave alone a fraction of the total registered votes — become the winners because they have simply won the highest votes amongst all candidates.

For example, an average National Assembly constituency may have 300,000 registered voters. Say only about 100,000 or one-third come to vote, as often happens. There are, say, six candidates. The top one receives 30,000 votes. The next five get, in descending order, 25,000 and 20,000 and 15,000 and 10,000 and 5,000 votes. Together, the losing five candidates get 75,000 votes i.e. more than double the number polled by the winning candidate. Yet the person getting only 10 per cent of the registered votes and only 30 per cent of the cast votes — minority numbers in both cases — gets to represent the total of 300,000 voters. And the finishing touch is that 75,000 voters have actually voted against the winning candidate who got only 30,000 votes! No wonder most voters and citizens feel entirely disconnected with the candidates who are their official elected representatives.

To ensure a genuinely representative result in each constituency we need an authentic-majority principle. Only that candidate becomes a winner who secures 51 per cent of the registered votes. If no one obtains this result in the first round, a second or third round is held to determine the majority winner.

Compulsory voting will at once make this ideal a practical possibility.

Similarly, the real level of public support for political parties will become crystal clear. Currently, parties which obtain only about one-third of the cast vote, e.g. PPP, PML-Q, PML-N, and about only onesixth of the registered vote acquire the aura of being ‘majority’ and ‘dominant’ parties. Whereas neither has the majority of voters voted for them nor have they secured a majority even of the votes cast.

Mandatory voting will oblige the state and the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) to ensure that all adult voters, especially those residing in remote areas, or in locations where transport is difficult or expensive, have convenient access to polling stations and polling booths. This writer recalls being present as an election observer for the Inter-Parliamentary Union in Namibia in 1989 when mobile voting stations on trucks and buses reached the doorsteps of villagers and residents of small towns who were voting for the first time, and did so with delight.

The most important beneficiaries of compulsory voting will be the women of Pakistan. Many in the rural areas are either not permitted by their men to go out to vote, or certain political parties conspire to prevent them from voting. Or conditions en route even in urban areas between homes and polling stations are not conducive for them. Or they are not even registered, to begin with. Compulsory voting will enfranchise all adult women. And even though it will take time before each woman is able to vote without the influence of husband, father, tribe and clan, a major step towards her empowerment would have been taken.

As about half the expenses by candidates on election campaigns is incurred on polling day — to transport voters, provide food, refreshment etc. — compulsory voting would significantly reduce such costs and related corruptive practices such as underreporting to evade legal limits on expenses. The state and the ECP would assume the cost and responsibility to either bring voters to polling stations or take mobile polling stations to them.

To cope with more than double the turnout of voters, polling could be spread over two to three days.

More than 30 countries around the world have constitutional or legal provisions to facilitate compulsory voting. These range from Australia to Argentina, from Singapore to Greece. At least 12 countries enforce this provision. Voters who wilfully abstain can be penalised by a variety of measures. These include fines (e.g. in Turkey about $10), nonissuance/non-renewal of passports (Brazil), withholding of monthly salary for three months (Bolivia).

A principal argument advanced against compulsory voting is that forcing a person to vote is violative of freedom of choice. But the obligation to be a responsible citizen far outweighs the loss of a ‘negative’ freedom i.e. that of choosing apathy and indifference over engagement and commitment. To address such reluctance, ballot papers could include the option: ‘none of the above’.

During a meeting of a Pildat (Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency) electoral reform group with Prime Minister Gilani in March 2010, this writer in his individual capacity suggested the introduction of compulsory voting. The head of government instantly endorsed the idea. He asked officials present to ascertain its feasibility. Now, over 16 months later as new, more accurate electoral rolls are being prepared, it is time to develop a consensus about this measure along with other electoral reforms.

Though the political scene may remain in flux, compulsory voting will build a stable and sustained democracy while strengthening democratic values and practices. ¦

The writer is a former senator and federal minister. javedjabbar.2@gmail.com
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Old Saturday, September 03, 2011
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Default Wednesday editorial (17-08-2011)

Victims of disappearance


Wouldn’t Pakistan do well to use political methods to resolve its Baloch problem?

By Zubeida Mustafa



GOVERNMENTS in Islamabad have traditionally had a dismal human rights record. Even civilian leaderships have followed the brutal traditions set by their military partners, though quite often they have had to battle it out in the courts.

The incumbent PPP government, however, has been different in one way. It has ratified more of the UN’s nine core international human rights treaties than any of its predecessors. As a result, Pakistan is now a party to seven human rights international conventions. Four were ratified by the present government, two by the PPP governments in the 1990s and one in 1966.

Given its actual performance it appears that the government has accepted commitments on people’s civil, political and socio-economic rights and against torture with a cavalierly approach. Since no optional protocols which provide teeth to many of these treaties have been signed the government probably feels it can ignore its obligations under the treaties with impunity with no disastrous consequences.

It is the government’s act of omission that attracts more attention. There are two instruments that it has chosen to distance itself from — the Convention on the Rights of Migrant Workers (1990) and the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED). Adopted by the UN Assembly in 2006 and having come into force a few months ago in December 2010, it is the second one that needs careful attention at the moment given its immediate relevance to what is happening in the country.

Balochistan is in the grip of an insurgency today. What began as sporadic acts of violence is now a full-blown uprising and has been a theatre of an army crackdown. Since no sin cere attempt has been made to address the grievances of the Baloch, unrest has grown and the army with its training to fight a conventional war has found itself at a disadvantage.

In retaliation it has resorted to surreptitious methods against people it suspects are behind the unrest. That is what is widely alleged and has been confirmed by international human rights bodies. The youth picked up allegedly by the intelligence agencies constitute the ‘enforced disappeared’ of this unhappy province.

From information provided by Mir Mohammad Ali Baloch, a long-time activist from Sindh with a long association with the Baloch rights movement, we learn that the number of the missing is not small. When the Supreme Court took up their case in September 2009, 170 persons were said to be untraceable in Pakistan of whom 109 were Baloch. When the government was directed to provide information about them, it could point to the whereabouts of only six Baloch. Becoming uncomfortable with a court that was demanding proof and information from the authorities, they changed their tactics. From July 2010 to April 2011 it is reported that 104 Baloch youth were killed in kidnap, kill-and-dump operations, while 137 political prisoners were killed in custody.

Against this backdrop, shouldn’t Pakistan be paying more attention to the convention on enforced disappearance? Even though it is not a signatory of the convention it cannot afford to turn a blind eye to legal developments taking place around it. Defined by the UN as “a crime and, in certain circumstances … a crime against humanity”, enforced disappearance is taken very seriously. The convention recognises that it is every person’s right not to be subjected to enforced disappearance, and the right of victims to justice and reparation. What is most important is that the family of a victim is also regarded as a victim. Hence the preamble affirms “the right of any victim to know the truth about the circumstances of an enforced disappearance and the fate of the disappeared person”.

With the authorities refusing to take responsibility for this tragic phenomenon that is bringing so much anguish to the affected families the problem has been further compounded by the government’s denial of any involvement. Finding itself on a weak wicket the government erroneously believes that it can sweep the consequences of its ‘dirty war’ under the rug.

It is plain from a reading of the text that the authorities in Pakistan are playing with fire. For instance, Article 1 makes it categorical that “no exceptional circumstances whatsoever, whether a state of war or a threat of war, internal political instability or any other public emergency, may be invoked as a justification for enforced disappearance”. Article 2 comprehensively considers any form of deprivation of liberty by agents of the state or by persons acting with the authorisation or acquiescence of the state as a crime, as is its concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person.

In the course of time, the convention will become a part of international law. Our rulers would do well to remember the fate of the Chileans and Argentine dictators and army leaders who inflicted the agony of enforced disappearance in the 1970s and 1980s on their people. The convention had not even been conceptualised then. Yet Pinochet and others were put in the dock.

Now that enforced disappearance has been declared a crime against humanity no government should be unmindful of its moral and legal responsibilities. Rather than resort to military means, wouldn’t Pakistan do well to use political methods to resolve its Baloch problem? The need is to negotiate with Baloch representatives who speak for the people and not those who are the guardians of Islamabad’s interest in the province.


Maze of governance


The importance and urgency of the local government system cannot be put aside. A system based on functional and financial autonomy with a self-regulatory mechanism is the need of the hour.

By Tariq Mahmud


IN a recent move, the Sindh government repealed the Local Government Ordinance 2001 and Police Order 2002 replacing these two flagships of the Musharraf era with the Police Act 1861 and the Local Government Ordinance 1979 only to reverse the latter act within no time.

The office of the commissioner which also stood activated went through a quiver motion, an expeditious revival, and what followed was a stunning midnight demise.

The local government ordinance has now to be presented before the provincial assembly and it will be interesting to see the manner in which this bill is steered through. The latest move by the Sindh government has, however, created ripples in some quarters whereas in this debate at the other end the office of the commissioner is being termed as a colonial legacy. The Police Act 1861 has been dubbed as an archaic law reminiscent of the British period. The Local Government Ordinance 1979, is getting flak as the handiwork of a dictator.

There is a need to correct the misplaced emphasis. An impression is being created as if the commissioner’s office is a substitute for the local bodies system, which it is not. These are two distinctly separate domains working in their own area of responsibility. During the Basic Democracies era in the 1960s, the district and the divisional bureaucracy had formal sway over the local councils but a significant departure was made in the Local Government Ordinance 1979.

An institutional arrangement of the district coordination committee, headed by the chairman of the zila council was put in place giving him overriding powers in coordinating activities throughout the district, resolving inter-council disputes and performing the role of planning and development in key sectors of primary healthcare, education, rural water supply, livestock development and farm to market roads. The deputy commissioner as the chief executive officer of the district coordination committee under this formal arrangement reported to the chairman of the zila council. The same position was occupied by the mayors in metropolitan areas.With the promulgation of the Local Government Ordinance 2001, the office of the commissioner was done away with and his revenue judicial functions were entrusted to lower-level functionaries who were under the direct control of the zila nazims. The nazims more often did not care to distinguish between their political and administrative role.

A frequent overlap of these roles in turn affected the working of these revenue judicial officers. It was overlooked that in a steeply factionalised Pakistani society the nazim was the repository of both development and regulatory functions and also controlled a hierarchy of officials dealing with revenue judicial matters. In 10 years, the revenue administration saw a marked deterioration resulting in serious dysfunctionalities.

The nazim system did throw up enviable names like Niamatullah Khan and Syed Mustafa Kamal, but at the same time, the commissioner system reminds us of its own prodigies. It is difficult to forget the names of Zafarul Ahsan, Musarrat Hussain Zubairi and many others who left deep imprints on the public mind during their careers.

Zafarul Ahsan is remembered as the builder of modern Lahore, he laid the foundation of new habitats and was the spirit behind the settlement and development of vast barren tracts of ‘Thal’ in western Punjab. Musarrat Hussain Zubairi’s name has been part of the folklore in the desolate expanses of Cholistan. The Rohilas of Cholistan, hitherto nomads, got a taste of settled life owing to his resolute efforts.

Under the 1979 Ordinance, the only interface the commissioner had with the local councils was not by virtue of his office but as a ‘delegatee’ of the provincial government, performing functions of oversight. If and when the need arose these functions could be parked in an independent statutory body.

Coming to the revival of the office of commissioner in the hierarchy of revenue administration, it should be seen in a larger perspective. The agriculture sector continues to be key to our economic breakthrough. A reasonably good level of growth in this sector has always been happy news for the overall econo my. We need to harness the full potential of this sector.

The country will have to move towards a broad-based income tax net for the key area. Despite the rising input prices there is appreciable surplus income in this sector. Our growing deficit is touching alarming levels. The only option available is to generate and mop up indigenous streams, agricultural income tax being one of them. We will, therefore, require an efficient and well-structured administrative machinery to perform this Herculean task.

This goes for all administrative tiers including the positions in the revenue districts and the divisions.

Laws are like living organisms representing both continuity and change. The Local Government Ordinance 1979 did not come from the blue. It was mainly based on the Municipal Administration Ordinance of 1960 which in turn had its genesis in the municipal enactments dating back to 1911. Not much had changed in terms of the ‘business processes’. The only change brought about was in the composition and modes of election of local councils and their interface with government tiers.

The Police Act 1861, at the same time, is by no means a perfect law, but to decry it on account of its colonial origins does not seem to be the correct way to proceed. This act was an ‘evolving law’ and had been absorbing changes through amendments all these years. Vintage should not be the cause for alarm as what was not colonial in this part of the world? We had the largest hydrographic society spawned by the colonial rulers in Sindh and Punjab that transformed production relations in the plains of the Indus and the allied river system. We are still reaping the dividends, with our road and rail network triggering all-time connectivity.

We need to think through the issue in its entirety. The importance and urgency of the local government system cannot be put aside. A system based on functional and financial autonomy with a self-regulatory mechanism is the need of the hour. At the same time, the provinces cannot be slowed down in taking steps which in their wisdom can help retrieve their fast-eroding writ.

The writer was previously home secretary Punjab, additional chief secretary former NWFP and secretary interior. tmahmud-pk@hotmail.com
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Default Women in government

A REPORT by the Planning Commission has revealed alarming statistics about the lack of representation of women in public-sector organisations. According to the study, which collected data from the Planning Commission itself and 16 ministries, these groups employ a disproportionately low number of female employees, especially at the higher levels of the bureaucracy. Only eight per cent of the Planning Commission’s employees are women and over a third of these (including all those in the highest grades of BS-20 to BS-22) are employed in contract-based roles that provide limited or no benefits and few prospects, according to the report, of career progression. Across the 16 ministries surveyed there were no women at all at the BS-21 and BS-22 levels and only six per cent representation of women across all levels.

Ironically, the study itself contains some observations that do not demonstrate sensitivity to gender issues. It claims, for example, that one reason for the lack of women in higher positions is that they “by nature sit back” and fail to push for their annual reviews to be completed in time for promotions. Such preconceived notions and stereotypes about the performance of female employees are part of the problem standing in the way of a more equitable representation of women in the workforce.

But aside from trying to change mindsets the bureaucracy needs to take concrete steps to both hire and retain women, from running active recruiting drives targeted at women to providing daycare centres at work for mothers. As public-sector entities these organisations should be leading the way in terms of incorporating women into the workforce in order to set an example for the private sector, help change societal mindsets and empower deserving women by giving them access to independent livelihoods.


August 31, 2011
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Default Turkey’s anger

ISRAEL’S refusal to apologise to Turkey for the raid on the Gaza peace flotilla is astonishing, because the UN report made public on Friday contains elements that Tel Aviv should have had the common sense to feel satisfied with. No wonder Turkey should have decided to expel Israel’s top diplomats for refusing to apologise to Ankara and suspend all military contacts. While the report, authored by a former New Zealand prime minister and an ex-president of Colombia, does hold Israel guilty of using “excessive force” it says its commandos faced “significant, organised and violent resistance” from some passengers, “requiring” the commandos to use force “for their protection”. What more could Israel expect from a UN report? The passengers were unarmed. But still the Israeli soldiers chose to shoot them “multiple times, including in the back or at close range”. This act of aggression resulting in the loss of innocent lives on the Mavi Marmara had not, according to the report, been “adequately accounted for” by Israel.

The voluminous report goes into the geopolitical part of the Middle East conflict when it speaks of “the real threats” which Israel faces from (Hamas) militants and for that reason justifies Israel’s blockade of Gaza. But that part of the 105-page report which sections of the media has carried does not say that the Israeli commando raid took place on the high seas. Turkey’s UN envoy rejected the report’s claim that the blockade was justified, pointing out that freedom of navigation on the high seas was part of international law, and a blockade required a broader convergence of views. The report incidentally asks the Likud government to express “regrets” not apologise. However, throughout its existence Israel has displayed utter contempt for all UN resolutions. For that reason the latest UN report will be a non-event for it.

Monday 5th September 2011
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Crop losses in Sindh - 16th September;2011



THE disastrous flooding of a large part of Sindh caused by torrential monsoon rains is estimated to have destroyed between 20 to 25 per cent of the province`s standing paddy crop. The damage is projected to cause the country a loss of $235m in export earnings. Additionally, Pakistan will lose its edge over other rice exporters of an early crop. But rice is not the only crop that has been affected by the floods in the province for the second year running. The output of other major kharif crops — cotton and sugarcane — has also been affected adversely in addition to the production of chillies, tomatoes, onions, musk melons and bananas. The initial estimate of losses released by the Sindh Agriculture Department on Sept 5 showed that the flooding of fields had destroyed a third of the total kharif crop spread over 15.9 million acres of land across the province. The Sindh Chamber of Agriculture has, however, disputed the official numbers, claiming 70 per cent of the crop has been destroyed. Another private estimate has the losses to Sindh`s rural economy at a whopping Rs250bn.

Irrespective of the final cost, the damage to major and minor crops in Sindh is going to impact a national economy already reeling from the losses from last year`s unprecedented floods. While the reduction in rice and cotton output may result in a significant drop in the country`s meagre export earnings and slow down economic growth, the damage to vegetables, fruit orchards and fodder is likely to push up price inflation. In fact, the prices of basic vegetables like onions and tomatoes are already soaring in many parts of the country because of disruption to supply from Sindh. The country`s fiscal and current accounts could also come under pressure due to reconstruction costs as well as a possible hike in the bill for food imports. Helping affected farmers who have lost their livelihoods and managing the economy in such a way that the floods do not affect the country`s growth prospects will be a real test for the government in the wake of this destruction in Sindh.

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Palatial farmhouses


FORMER military ruler Gen Pervez Musharraf not only has to deal with an anti-terrorism court order directing the seizure and freezing of his assets, he must now respond to a notice served to him by Islamabad`s Capital Development Authority. According to reports, his expansive farmhouse in the capital`s Chak Shahzad suburb has been built in violation of zoning laws and the portion exceeding the covered-area limit will have to be demolished. The CDA served the notice in compliance with Supreme Court orders; the apex court had initiated suo motu proceedings in this regard in 2007. Reportedly, around 500 farmhouses have committed similar violations. Some have already been demolished. Many of the houses in Chak Shahzad belong to serving and former ministers, parliamentarians, and generals. According to the capital`s master plan the locality was originally meant to grow produce and raise poultry for Islamabad`s markets while the covered area allowed, increased from 4,000 sq ft to 10,000 sq ft during Gen Musharraf`s rule, was reserved for animal sheds and living quarters for farm managers. However, instead of growing vegetables or raising chickens, Chak Shahzad has been turned into an exclusive enclave for the high and mighty to build palatial residences under the guise of farmhouses, with the land often bought at throwaway prices.

The CDA plans to tell the leaseholders to utilise the land for its original purpose or risk losing it. It has pledged “across-the-board” action in this regard. Indeed, regardless of position and power, anyone violating municipal regulations should be penalised. It remains to be seen if the CDA has the courage to demolish the illegally built portions of properties belonging to the rich and powerful. Either the land should be used for what it was originally meant or the law should be amended accordingly.

-----------------------------------

Kabul attack

HOLDING the heavily guarded centre of Kabul under siege for 20 hours, Tuesday`s terrorist attack was the capital`s longest sustained incident since the start of the war in 2001 and the third there in less than three months. With heavily armed men able to get close to such fortified buildings as the US embassy and Nato headquarters and launch gunfire and grenades at them, the immediate question the attack raises is that of the ability of Afghan security forces to take over as Isaf troops withdraw. Kabul was handed over to domestic forces this summer, and if an area ensconced in multiple rings of security and checkpoints is still vulnerable to attack, what hope is there for the vast swaths of the country outside Kabul once foreign troops have gone home? And while the nature of this particular attack might have been unusual, figures from around the country indicate that violence is currently at its highest levels since the war began.

The attack also raises serious questions about the behind-the-scenes reconciliation effort that is apparently being conducted with the Taliban, which claimed responsibility. Details of the nature, participants and progress of these talks has always been hazy, but the recent attacks indicate that they are either floundering or that the Taliban — or certain Taliban factions or leaders not involved in them — are continuing to carry out attacks despite the discussions. Recent reports that members of the Afghan government may have leaked the identities of some Taliban interlocutors demonstrated that all stakeholders might not be on board with the way the talks are being conducted. The overall picture, then, is of a reconciliation process that is proceeding very slowly, if not failing altogether.

American officials are blaming the attack on the Haqqani network, the faction of the Afghan Taliban said to be based in North Waziristan that Pakistan has long been asked to act against. So far the evidence seems to be circumstantial, with officials pointing to the method of the attack to support their claim, but pressure for an operation in North Waziristan will likely be applied again. In recent months Pakistan too has been asking for Afghan and Isaf action in north-eastern Afghanistan from where militants who fled Swat and Bajaur have been launching attacks in Pakistani territory. Gen Kayani and Adm Mullen are set to meet at a Nato conference in Spain later this week; now is the time for them to set aside blame games, admit to their respective security failures and chalk out a concrete plan for how both countries can play their part in improving the region`s security.
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US ambassador`s remarks
20 Sept 2011

THE US is speaking with one voice, and its message is clear. Although American officials have in the past accused Pakistan of failing to act against the Haqqani network — a concern heightened by last Tuesday`s attack on the US embassy and other foreign targets in Kabul — the American ambassador in Islamabad has now entered the fray. Cameron Munter stated in a Radio Pakistan interview that “there is evidence linking the Haqqani network to the Pakistani government”. Two things are interesting about this. First, the ambassador`s role is quite different from that of the CIA chief, an American military commander, a congressperson in Washington or even the secretary of state. Situated as he is in Islamabad and tasked as he is with conducting diplomacy on a day-to-day basis, the statement was a surprisingly aggressive one. Second, past accusations of linkages with the Haqqani network have often referred to Pakistani intelligence or even `elements` within Inter Services Intelligence, and the military has been accused of not taking action against the militant group. But Mr Munter`s statement spoke of the Pakistani government, a broader accusation and a very serious one.

His statements follow the American defence secretary`s threat that the US will take action against the Haqqani network itself if need be, and top US military commander Adm Mike Mullen asked army chief Gen Kayani for military action against the group in a meeting last week. Reports emerging from New York indicate that the Haqqani network was the main topic of discussion in the secretary of state`s three-and-a-half-hour meeting with Pakistan`s foreign minister on Sunday. Unlike certain instances in the past, then, the State Department and the Pentagon are speaking in a unified voice, and that is perhaps an indication of how crucial the issue has become for Washington. What remains unclear is the quality of the information officials have, including evidence that the militant group was behind last week`s attack. Public statements now need to be backed up by facts. But if it is confronted with information that supports claims of negligence or outright backing, the Pakistani state has some serious rethinking to do.

----------------------------------------


Steel Mills decline
20 Sept 2011

ON the verge of collapse, the Pakistan Steel Mills is looking for emergency funding to the tune of Rs12bn from the federal government, according to a report in this newspaper yesterday. If the Steel Mills were an otherwise viable entity with a professional management that had been buffeted by economic factors beyond its control, a one-time bailout may have made sense. But surely for an entity that has racked up Rs110bn in liabilities, is operating below 20 per cent of its capacity and has a senior management team populated by ad-hoc appointments, a Rs12bn rescue line would amount to the very worst example of throwing good money after bad. That reality is further underlined by the consensus among industry experts: the Steel Mills would need to treble its capacity to three million tonnes before it could take advantage of economies of scale and even at that capacity, the PSM would be overstaffed if the present employee resources of around 20,000 workers is maintained.

The unhappy reality is that while the PSM could possibly be rescued were it to be handed over to a professional management duly empowered, the present political leadership appears to have little to no regard for responsible economic management and policymaking. With an election cycle nearing, the collapse of an institution that has assumed an exaggerated importance in the national imagination would be a blow the present government is likely unwilling to suffer. Add to that the fact that the PSM has become home over the last three years to elements close to power circles and it would appear unlikely that a professional management will be installed any time. Furthermore, while spouting the necessary verbiage regarding restructuring public-sector enterprises, the present government is unlikely to countenance letting go off thousands of redundant state workers at a time that jobs are hard to come by and inflation is up.

And yet, the fiscal position is so poor that something will have to be done sooner than later to stop the haemorrhaging of public-sector enterprises. If the politicians are too weak and self-interested, perhaps their economic advisers need to take a bolder stance. Veterans like Hafeez Sheikh, the finance minister and Nadeemul Haque, the deputy chairman of the Planning Commission, know full well the disastrous pantomime they are participating in. Others, like the last two State Bank governors, Salim Raza and Shahid Kardar, used the ultimate form of protest — resigning from a job whose tenure was guaranteed — to try and shake some sense into the political class. Are the ones still standing but looking the other way willing to play on endlessly?
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21 SEPT 2011

Karachi terrorism

BARELY had Karachi begun to recover from the ethnic and political violence of July and August when Monday’s attack on the house of a senior Crime Investigation Department official, claimed by the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, reminded the city that it also remains vulnerable to Islamist militancy. Police officials say they had intelligence that a terrorist attack was planned for one of the city’s upmarket areas around this time and that they had stepped up security in Clifton and Defence, but information at that level is far too broad to be useful in such large metropolitan areas housing hundreds of thousands of people. The incident demonstrates how the threat posed by the TTP and other external terrorist groups is of an entirely different nature than that presented by the city’s indigenous ethnic and political gangs, and needs a tailored and much more robust response.

The first step is to resource and empower the police and civilian intelligence organisations to gather intelligence that is far more specific and technically advanced than what they are currently capable of acquiring. Without doing so, it will be impossible to police such a large city that is constantly expanding in an unplanned number. There is no record, for example, of the number of unregistered madressahs that exist in Karachi and provide easy safe havens for militants shuttling between Quetta and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the port city. Nor is there an organised effort aimed at infiltrating these groups under cover through their communities in Karachi, as has been done in cities in the West. As such, Karachi police could do with a separate intelligence-gathering department geared towards this threat. In an ideal world it would work with police departments in other areas of the country where these militants travel from, although the ongoing failure to establish a national counterterrorism authority does not inspire hope of coordination. Check-posts, barriers and police presence may also have to be increased on Karachi’s streets to help translate this intelligence into action on the ground. Again, however, it will be of limited use unless policemen know what they are looking for.

Monday’s attack was a reminder that Islamist militant groups still have a foothold in Karachi and can organise and carry out attacks in the city. It was here that 9/11 facilitator and Al Qaeda operative Ramzih Binalsibh was captured in a shootout in 2002, and nine years later the threat has only expanded to include a host of militant groups with a pre-sence in Karachi. It is a sprawling city, one that is easy to enter and exit at will. Policing it successfully will require a much more vigorous effort.

--------------------------------------------


Banning websites

ACTING in response to a petition calling for a permanent ban on the popular social networking website Facebook, the Lahore High Court on Monday asked the Ministry of Information Technology to block all websites “spreading religious hatred”. The petitioner sought the ban because the website was apparently hosting a competition of blasphemous caricatures. Facebook, YouTube and several other websites were temporarily blocked last year for similar reasons, causing consternation among many of Pakistan’s Internet users. Thankfully, the court said that Google and other search engines should not be blocked. While it is true that some sites may be indulging in objectionable activities and deliberately attacking religious sensitivities, we feel blocking websites is not the way to deal with the issue. It is neither ethical, in view of the tenets of freedom of information, nor effective. The best response would be to ignore offensive websites as bans of any sort only give controversial issues unnecessary publicity and set a precedent to justify future moves to curb the flow of information. Preventing access to entire websites, especially social networking ones, only prevents access to valuable communication tools. In fact, the courts would be advised not to entertain such petitions at all.

Meanwhile, is it even possible for the government to set up an authority that would monitor ‘objectionable activities’ on the Internet worldwide, as demanded by the petitioner? Besides being questionable, this could prove technically impossible. Before clamping down on offending websites, the relevant authorities should consider that citizens’ privacy and freedom of expression are at stake when the state begins to police the Internet. And once a precedent has been set, where does one draw the line? Offensive material on the Internet should not be used as an excuse for the government to control what information citizens can access.

--------------------------------------------


Voter verification

THIS is a good time to take stock of how well-prepared the state is to hold elections, regardless of whether polls take place in 2013 as scheduled or snap polls are held earlier. Verification of electoral rolls is currently under way across the country and there is a demand from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to extend the Sept 30 deadline for the enrolment of voters by three months. The KP assembly passed a unanimous resolution stating this on Monday, as many eligible voters in the province had yet to register. This would be a sen-sible move, as verification has also been stalled in the flood-hit areas of Sindh and an extension of the deadline may also be needed in some areas of Karachi where verification has been delayed for various reasons. According to a report in this paper, in parts of Clifton, Defence and several ‘volatile’ neighbourhoods across the city, less than 10 per cent of the electoral rolls have been verified as teams have been turned away from apartment complexes and bungalows by security guards.

Perhaps the government needs to publicise the verification process through a proper nationwide media campaign with advertisements explaining the process and advising citizens about what steps to take in order to register themselves and verify their identities. The hours when the teams will be visiting homes must be defined. As many people are away at work during the week, perhaps the weekend should be utilised for making the campaign a success. And as pointed out by the Sindh election commissioner, appropriate security must be provided to the verification teams conducting the campaign in violence-hit areas of Karachi as well as in other parts of the country where access is a problem. Ultimately, citizens also need to make the effort to get themselves registered instead of simply complaining and criticising, especially if the wobbly foundations of democracy in this country are to be supported. Exercising the right to adult franchise is an essential component of building and strengthening a democra-tic order. This is especially true in countries like Pakistan where the democratic experiment has often been derailed.
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Old Thursday, September 22, 2011
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22-09-2011

Rabbani`s assassination

THE assassination of former Afghan president and leader of the High Peace Council, Burhanuddin Rabbani, appears to have dealt a severe blow to the prospects of peace in Afghanistan. While talk about peace talks on various tracks has grabbed the headlines in recent months, the reality is that next to nothing is known about the content and pace of the engagements with Taliban emissaries and go-betweens. In fact, some commentators familiar with the region have suggested that a `peace process` has been stillborn as all sides are still waiting to see what the emerging strategies of the other sides are. And yet others point to the somewhat encouraging noises that have come from the Taliban camp which seem to suggest that a negotiated settlement in Afghanistan is not off the table altogether. Could it be, then, that there are rifts in the Afghan Taliban camp itself?

What is clear is that the assassination of Mr Rabbani has left President Karzai`s strategy for engaging the Taliban in tatters. Mr Rabbani, while seeking to engage Pakistan and other groups inside Afghanistan, was always controversial in the eyes of the Taliban because of his links with the Northern Alliance. The Northern Alliance, of course, would seek to have a nominee leading the internal peace process who is close to their camp for fear of their interests being harmed in a peace process with the Taliban. But for all the controversy attached to him, Mr Rabbani also had stature in Afghanistan and it isn`t clear if there is anyone else on the horizon who can replace him. In any case, with Taliban attacks and assassinations surging this year, can they be counted on to do anything other than press for victory?

For the Pakistani security establishment, the temptation may be to press home the `advantage` they have retained in the form of links to some Afghan Taliban groups, particularly the Haqqani network, now that it appears the Taliban`s always-unproven appetite for a political settlement has waned even further. But that is almost certain to lead to a deterioration of ties with the US in the short term, though it remains unclear if the US has the necessary tools to compel Pakistan to change course in its Afghan policy. For now, it appears the violence in Afghanistan will continue to creep upwards, accusations and recriminations between Pakistan, the US and the Afghan government will continue to flow and fear and apprehension in the region will continue to grow. Afghanistan does not have to descend into chaos; but are the stakeholders willing to do what it will take to prevent that from being the outcome?

-----------------------------------------------


Sectarian killings

EVEN though it was not the first attack on Shia pilgrims in Balochistan, the modus operandi of Tuesday`s cold-blooded murder of 26 bus passengers near Mastung showed a descent into new depths of savagery. The pilgrims, mostly from the Hazara community, were lined up by terrorists who checked their identity cards before mowing them down. An ambulance going to the aid of the victims in Mastung was fired at, killing three people. Lashkar-i-Jhangvi has brazenly claimed responsibility for the two heinous acts. One is appalled by not only the militants` fiendish mindset but also the authorities` failure to provide protection to buses carrying vulnerable pilgrims. What is also cause for regret is the tour operators` indifference to their clients` safety. While it is true that the terrorists are quite capable of meticulous planning and a careful choice of targets, the authorities should have had the common sense to anticipate Wednesday`s killings, given that this was the third such sectarian attack in Balochistan since July. Surely, if an entire community, vulnerable to such attacks, cannot be provided security, there are ways in which safety can be assured for smaller groups, such as pilgrims, likely to be targeted. The obvious measure would be to have well-armed security escorts in vehicles forming a cordon round buses carrying pilgrims. The success of this mode of security was demonstrated in the Hub area in July 2007 when police vans were able to beat back an attack on Chinese engineers and kill many terrorists. Similarly, the tour operators and the security authorities could work out a scheme to have armed guards within the buses.

The fight against Lashkar-i-Jhangvi is part of the country`s larger battle against the Taliban who have declared war on the state and people of Pakistan. The enemy is ruthless and indifferent to human suffering and innocent deaths, and targets school buses, hospitals and funerals without any qualms of conscience. While the government has to operate within the sphere of the law, these constraints should not deter the state in its resolve to stamp out terrorism in all its forms and give protection to the people.
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