PRIME Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani has asserted his government will overcome energy shortages in the country in the next six months. How he is going to accomplish this, he has not explained. A convocation ceremony in Lahore which brought him into the company of black gowns was perhaps not the occasion to delve into the minor details of his plan to address the lack of energy that has stifled economic activity. His claim only reminded many of his first speech to the current National Assembly in 2008. Besides ordering the release of the judges of the superior courts, Mr Gilani had at that time promised to tackle the problem of energy shortages on a war footing. Four years down the road, we are producing fewer megawatts of electricity than we were before his speech to parliament. We are also forced to ration the growing demand for gas — even when people are paying a lot more than they did and are using less electricity and gas in their homes, shops and factories. At the convocation, Prime Minister Gilani claimed more than 3,300MW had been added to the system during the four years of his term but failed to mention that all these projects were approved before he had assumed office. The fact is the government has
dithered on implementing the
much-needed power-sector
reforms. As a result, it has
created a big problem of inter-
corporate circular debt that is pulling down the entire power
sector as well as impeding
optimal utilisation of the
installed generation capacity.
No matter what the
government does, the circular debt refuses to go away. Last
summer, a sum of Rs120bn
was injected to liquidate the
power-sector debt. This
brought only temporary relief
to the people. The debt has soared again since and
brought down generation to
almost 40 per cent
of the total installed
dependable capacity. The Economic Coordination
Committee has now decided
to inject fresh liquidity of
Rs160bn through a debt swap
deal with commercial banks to
improve fuel supplies to the power producers. This will
again prove to be a temporary
solution, and further burden
the consumers who will be
required to pay interest on the
new loan. This would be a dangerous solution for the
prime minister and his
government if the effects of
such a scheme on the people
fail to prod the policymakers
into action. The solution lies in changing the current lopsided
energy mix by shifting
generation to cheaper fuels
like coal and gas
to reduce generation costs.
That will require revamping the entire power sector.

January 23, 2012


REPORTS of an attempted coup in Bangladesh by serving and retired military officials in connivance with a banned Islamist group, Hizbut Tahrir, having been foiled by Bangladeshi authorities over the weekend is a reminder of the potentially catastrophic nexus between radical Islam and the armed forces in Pakistan too.

The details about the plot to overthrow the government of Sheikh Hasina Wajed are still very sketchy but it has many plausible elements: disgruntled religious conservatives in and around the military; a banned Islamist group; and the demand for the creation of a radical Islamic state.

Here in Pakistan, there is a fairly long history of plots to overthrow the military and civilian leaderships by serving and retired officers involved with radical Islamist groups. From the cabal led by Maj Gen Zahirul Islam and Brig Mustansir Billa and linked to Harkatul Mujahideen that wanted to overthrow the PPP government in the mid-1990s to the attacks on Gen Musharraf in the early 2000s, the very top of the state apparatus has been targeted by radicalised members of the armed forces and banned militant groups before. More recently, in the attack on the PNS Mehran base in Karachi, there are credible reports that inside information helped the militants plan and execute the attacks. The problems appear to cut across the three services, with reports indicating that the navy, the air force and the army have all been infected to some extent, often at the lower levels, by radical ideology.

Adding to the danger is the posturing by the state itself against the outside world. With rampant anti- Americanism in society at large, encouraged by the security establishment as a buffer against American demands, and next to nothing done to de-
radicalise swathes of the population that were radicalised for over two decades starting in the early 1980s, the Pakistani state has arguably helped foment the danger that could one day overwhelm it. Is it really that difficult to imagine a pro-radical Islamist worldview emerging from the hodgepodge of right-wing political outfits interacting with the rank and file, before and after their induction in the armed forces? Corrective steps can be taken, but for that to happen there first has to be a frank acknowledgment of the threat that lurks within. Pakistan cannot afford to hide from the risks.

De-radicalisation centres

GIVEN the scale of religious radicalisation in the modern Pakistani landscape, it is clear that the state cannot rely solely on military strategy to turn the tide. It is, therefore, a step in the right direction that two de-radicalisation centres are being set up in Bajaur Agency and Tank, adjacent to areas where militancy has in recent years become a steadily growing issue. During a meeting in Peshawar a few days ago, the Federal Development Working Party approved a grant for these centres, where efforts will be made to de-radicalise detainees arrested in conflict zones through interventions such as psychological counselling, vocational training and skills’ development. Such initiatives are under way in other countries, too. Although welcome, their success can be measured only in years if not decades.

In the Pakistani context, a few points of concern must also be raised. First, what definition will be used to delineate between those who should and should not be considered ‘radicalised’? If, as reported, these centres are to benefit persons arrested in conflict zones, every effort must be made to ensure that there is sufficient evidence that an individual has been involved in unlawful or extremist activities. The danger of such centres becoming informal detention centres cannot be ruled out. Secondly, the Pakistan Army and the Frontier Corps are to jointly run these de-radicalisation centres. In the interests of organisational efficiency and transparency, it is crucial that the civilian arm of government be at the forefront of all such initiatives. With the security forces also involved in aggressive action against militants, a clear distinction needs to be drawn between the responsibilities of the civilian and military arms of the state in terms of efforts against militancy and radicalisation. Beyond this, the state needs to make renewed efforts to understand the causes behind radicalisation. Indeed, such de-radicalisation centres may play an important role in identifying the factors involved. Most importantly, every dimension of mental, physical and emotional rehabilitation must be covered, from psycho-logical counselling to skills’ development, so that those who turn away from radicalisation can be reabsorbed into society and find employment and stability.

__________________
Regards,
CHAIRMAN MAO

Internet protest
Jan 23rd 2012

AMERICAN lawmakers on Friday backtracked on two anti-piracy bills — the Stop Online Piracy Act and the Protect Intellectual Property Act — after the proposed legislation caused a global outcry. Popular websites such as Wikipedia, Google and Twitter took up the gauntlet against the bills that cyber-activists claimed would amount to censoring the Internet, while Hollywood, the US recording industry and controversial media tycoon Rupert Murdoch supported the legislation. Proponents of the bills said they were meant to fight online piracy and protect US intellectual property, while critics argued that the language of the bills was vague and would stifle free expression, for example by holding websites responsible for links posted by users. The public reaction to the bills was tremendous, with reports indicating that millions of people recorded their protest. Countless websites joined the movement. It appeared to be an ideological and economic battle between the traditional forces of old media and the tech-savvy supporters of new media.

We in Pakistan have gone through similar experiences, for example when access to certain websites was blocked due to content deemed ‘blasphemous’. The protest against the proposed American laws indicates that the Internet is still young and the rules of engagement for the wide-open realms of cyberspace are still developing. While there indeed exists a need to protect intellectual property from online pirates — a considerable task — this should not be used as an excuse for governments to police the web and block sites they don’t like. It remains a great challenge for governments the world over to balance the need for protecting intellectual property rights without playing Big Brother. And as the recent protests have shown, global ‘netizens’ will not take kindly to any move perceived to be a fig leaf for Internet censorship.

__________________
Real richness is that you are so expensive that no one can buy your character.

January 24, 2012

The Arab sceneFrom the Newspaper

HUMAN Rights Watch’s criticism of western policies towards the Arab world makes eminent sense, seen in the light of Ali Abdullah Saleh’s final departure from Yemen and the victory of Islamist parties in the Egyptian elections. Mr Saleh left for the US on Sunday after apologising to his people for “any shortcomings” — a gross understatement, for he leaves behind him a nation in tatters after a civil war which killed nearly 2,000 people. It was during his rule that Al Qaeda managed to consolidate itself and bring more territories under its influence. In Tunisia, post-Ben Ali elections last October led to the victory of an Islamist party, Ennahda, a phenomenon also witnessed in neighbouring Morocco. In Egypt, however, the victory of the Islamist parties has been sweeping after results finally became available on Sunday. The Muslim Brotherhood, taking part in the polls as the Freedom and Justice Party, won 48 per cent of the seats, while (Salafist) Al Nur grabbed 25 per cent of parliamentary seats in the first post-Mubarak elections. Together, they captured two-thirds of the assembly’s seats.

We do not know what results the Libyan elections, as yet uncertain, will produce, and how Syria will go if and when President Bashar al-Assad falls. But there is no doubt that the absence of all avenues of dissent throughout the Arab world for decades helped not the liberal parties but the Islamist ones, which because of better organisation and motivated cadres managed to increase their influence with the people. The 676-page HRW report attributes highly negative motives to western democracies’ Arab policies. Briefly, it says western policies were guided by a fear of political Islam, and this made them rely on secular dictators to ensure regional stability, secure uninterrupted oil supplies, maintain peace with Israel, stifle migration to the West and crush Islamist parties. The report considers this policy counterproductive, and asks the West to accept the change which the Arab Spring has wrought, adopt pro-people policies and “abandon the autocrats and embrace rights”.

The victorious Islamist parties, too, must heed this advice. Now that the people have voted for them, it is time they themselves respected human rights and refrained from persecuting dissenters in the name of ‘ideology’. What led to the collapse of Arab dictatorships was their weak foundation, which rested on force. The Islamist parties must respect the rights of all people, including the minorities and those who differ with them. Otherwise, dictatorship in the name of religion will produce conditions no different than what prevailed before the Arab Spring.

Stock market investments

THE finance minister accepted on Saturday the Security and Exchange Commission of Pakistan’s request that investors should be exempted from disclosing the sources of funds invested in stocks between April 2012 and June 2014. The SECP had argued that the disclosure requirements that came with the imposition of capital gains tax in 2010 were discouraging investors, especially since investments had not previously been documented, and the amnesty now granted — along with other moves, such as temporarily freezing the CGT rate and eliminating withholding tax — is an effort to redirect money into the stock market. Other developments over the last three years had also dampened investment, including the stock market crash of 2008, political and economic uncertainty and, arguably, the scrapping of the badla system. Average trading volume had fallen to almost a tenth of its peak. So to the extent that this latest move will inject into the economy funds that were lying idle and attract foreign investment, it is welcome. Investment has fallen to abysmally low levels — about 13 per cent of GDP — and the economy needs a shot in the arm. Already trading volumes were four times higher on Monday based on news of the changes. There is the valid concern that some investors might take advantage of this to turn funds that were illegally generated, or on which taxes have not been paid, into ‘clean’ money. But a move that will help to document that income is a step in the right direction and should result in higher tax revenue.

This is not, however, a long-term solution. The changes will attract speculators along with long-term investors. And steps like these have been taken on several occasions in the past, not just through the securities market but also through foreign currency accounts and remittances. While these moves can serve as a way to jumpstart investment and document income, they are not a way to create a fundamentally stronger economy. That requires the much-discussed structural reforms that would make both domestic and foreign investors view Pakistan as a promising place to put their money to work.

Mystery deaths

THE government’s response to the loss of several lives because of what many doctors say was the adverse reaction of certain life-saving drugs given to heart patients by the Punjab Institute of Cardiology has been deeply flawed. Other than forming one committee after another to ‘look into’ the matter, the provincial administration has done little to prevent further deaths from the mystery disease, which was initially thought to be related to dengue. It took Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif, who holds the portfolio of the provincial health minister, more than three weeks to order the sealing of a part of the pharmaceutical company that provided the suspect drugs — Cardiovestin (simvastatin), Alfagril (clopidogrel), Concort (amlodipine), and Soloprin (aspirin) — to the PIC after the reaction was noticed by doctors. Nothing has so far been done to get a laboratory analysis of the batch of drugs suspected of having done the damage. Nor has any effort been made to procure alternative medicines for free distribution amongst poor PIC patients.

At least 26 people have died so far, and at risk are 2,000 PIC patients from across the province who have already used a combination of the possibly spurious or adulterated drugs. Under the law, these drugs should have been tested in a laboratory for the proportion of ingredients constituting them. Yet another 8,000 people, who have been advised against using these drugs ever since the adverse reaction of the drugs was noticed, are struggling because they are not getting free alternative medicines.
Apparently, they have been left to fend for themselves by the government. The government must realise the gravity of the situation and take appropriate measures to help those who are in dire need of alternative medication. This is what should have been done the day the PIC stopped distributing the drugs.

__________________
Regards,
CHAIRMAN MAO

January 25, 2012


THE high drama over memogate has given way to low farce. Yesterday, the high-powered judicial commission formed to assist the Supreme Court ascertain the ‘origin, credibility and purpose’ of the memo tried several times to convince a reluctant Mansoor Ijaz to travel to Pakistan and appear before the commission. But all the commission managed to do was postpone its next hearing till Feb 9 and give another chance — the last chance, apparently — to Mr Ijaz to make up his mind whether or not he will travel to Pakistan. The only saving grace in yesterday’s events was the decision by the judicial commission to not travel outside Pakistan to record Mr Ijaz’s statement. Had the commission decided otherwise, the whiff of circus around what should be sober legal proceedings would have become overwhelming.

However, let’s concentrate on the person of Mr Ijaz for now. Here is a man whose desperation for being in the media limelight is rivalled perhaps only by his knack for making embarrassing decisions (Exhibit A being the bawdy music video in which Mr Ijaz made a cringe-worthy cameo appearance). He is not a Pakistani citizen; openly acknowledges his ignorance about Pakistan — anyone who does not understand a reference to 1971, as Mr Ijaz claims he did not regarding one of his conversations with Husain Haqqani, is an unlikely candidate to try and reshape this country’s future — and appears to have little interest in Pakistan beyond using it is as a prop in his megalomaniacal schemes. How Mr Ijaz was cast as the central character in a plot to undermine Pakistan’s national security and sovereignty is something that ought to be to the eternal shame of all those involved in creating the hysteria over the memo affair.

In a more rational and sensible world, Mr Ijaz’s theatrics and whims yesterday, as communicated by his lawyer to the commission and the breathless media waiting outside, ought to have drawn the heaviest of censure and his role in pitting institutions of the state against one another should have been propelled towards the dustbin of history by now. It seems an eternity ago that Husain Haqqani was sacrificed by the political government and still nothing has been established beyond that a memo was delivered to Adm Mike Mullen from Mansoor Ijaz setting out a fanciful list of concessions that no civilian government in Pakistan’s history, or foreseeable future, would have had the ability to deliver on. It’s time to let Mr Ijaz return to whatever else catches his fancy elsewhere in the world. He should not be allowed to hold this country hostage to his dangerous shenanigans anymore.


THE Pakistan military has issued its reaction to the American analysis of the Nov 26 Nato strike in which 24 Pakistani soldiers were killed. The technical details and sequence of events it contains are interesting enough, but their implications were already well-known: the military believes its men were intentionally targeted and does not accept the American assertion that US soldiers came under fire first. What is more striking about this reply is its tone, which goes far beyond frustration at a difficult relationship. Pakistan’s perspective in it is that of a so-called ally that no longer believes the other side is a friendly one. With a tone that can only be described as one of outrage, the response states that the US hides information about operations and must have known about the location of the Pakistani posts, directly accuses the Americans of being dishonest about the sequence of events and indirectly implies that the US meant to target Pakistani soldiers. An introduction that recalls previous incidents of cross-border fire indicates that frustration has been building over the issue for some time, and that the November incident was seen as the last straw. The Pentagon’s response the same day did not help, coming as early as it did and categorically rejecting the claim that the attack was unprovoked.

In sum, one does not come away with the impression that these two militaries are fighting on the same side. An apology from the US might have helped, but the situation has now degenerated into a he-said, she-said scenario. And the real problem it highlights, beyond communication failures and chain-of-command issues, is just how deeply suspicious the two sides are of each other, at least at the military level. The US report acknowledges that because of mistrust Pakistan was not informed of the American operation as per standard operating procedure, and Pakistan clearly believes the American report is an exercise in duplicity. If these exchanges are any indication, it seems that it is now up to the political leaderships to try to get the relationship back on track.


STREET crime is easily Karachi’s biggest problem that the police have failed to address. No part of the metropolis is safe from gun-toting criminals who terrorise citizens at will, while a large number of Karachi residents have had the unfortunate experience of coming face-to-face with armed criminals. Figures contained in a report recently released by the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority back this assertion. The report says over 200,000 people have had their cellphones snatched or stolen in Karachi over the past five years. The number of cellphones snatched in the city accounts for over 35 per cent of such crimes committed countrywide. However, as the Citizen-Police Liaison Committee chief has pointed out, the number of reported crimes is most probably lower than the actual number of incidents as most people have lost faith in the police and feel it is useless to report such crimes.

Karachi’s markets are thriving with shops dealing in second-hand cellphones. Neither the buyers nor the sellers seem to have any qualms in dealing with what is in all likelihood stolen property. For starters, the police needs to crack down on the racket of dealing in stolen cellphones. While patrolling every street is practically impossible, the law enforcers can at least keep an eye on the supply chain of second-hand phones. Also, though the PTA claims that blocking the International Mobile Equipment Identity number of each phone — which is supposed to lock the phone and render it useless — has been a success, the CPLC says criminals have found ways to easily unblock phones. It is essential that criminals don’t have access to technology that unblocks cellphones while the authorities should publicise the importance of keeping one’s IMEI number handy. Perhaps it should be inscribed on the receipt at the time of purchase.

__________________
Regards,
CHAIRMAN MAO

The battle must go on

By Zubeida Mustafa

SUCH are the paradoxes in Pakistan`s politics, that at a time our politicians are locked in a grim power struggle in Islamabad, the same gentlemen joined hands to pass unanimously the women`s commission bill last Thursday.

Whether this show of unity on a matter concerning women should be interpreted as an act of chivalry or a demonstration of `woman power`, it will be widely welcomed. One must, however, admit that it was the clout of the women`s caucus and the determination of the speaker also a woman to get the treasury and opposition benches to forge a consensus that ultimately carried the day. The bill is expected to have a smooth sailing in the Senate.

This certainly has been an uphill struggle. When the commission was set up in July 2000, it was widely felt that its mandate was too weak to allow it to function as an effective body.

This view was confirmed in July 2001 when Aurat Foundation and Shirkat Gah organised an international conference where representatives from abroad briefed the participants about the powers wielded by similar bodies in their countries.

It became increasingly clear that the announcement made with great fanfare by Gen Musharraf was no more than a gimmick. The National Commission on the Status of Women (NSCW)lacked the capacity to bring about the emancipation of women and the elimination of discrimination against them.

Hence it was demanded that the powers and independence of the women`s commission should be enhanced to optimise its performance. The participants of the Islamabad conference also called for greater transparency and accountability in the commission`s selection and working.

It took more than a decade and a lot of hard work and advocacy to get the government to consider a change in the status quo. The new body with the simple nomenclature of the National Commission for Women will certainly have more teeth in some respects as compared to its predecessor. It will be autonomous with the power to raise its own finances. Its composition will be more representative. Thus a bipartisan parliamentary committee will give a list of nominees from which the prime minister will select the members.

The prime minister will appoint the chairperson with the agreement of the leader of the opposition. This would hopeful-ly ensure that the working of the commission is not hamstrung by inter-party conflict. Autonomy should allow the commission to bypass the red tape of bureaucracy and proceed to take up issues it feels are urgent.

The bill adopted by the National Assembly is significant in another way. The commission has been empowered to take up complaints of violations of women`s rights and even hold an enquiry into the matter if it is not being attended to. It can alsoinspect jails to check on female prisoners. In effect it will have the powers of a civil court. The ordinance of 2000 did not grant this power to the NCSW which could only monitor such violations and individual grievances, and then undertake initiatives for better management of justice and social services through the concerned forums.

In respect of the commission`s power of reviewing and monitoring the laws, policies and programmes of the government in the light of their implications for gender equality, empowerment of women, political participation and representation, the new law upholds the provision of the previous ordinance. It can also recommend repeal, amendment or new legislation as its predecessor could do. As before, it is authorised to sponsor research and maintain a database on gender issues as well as recommend the signing or ratification of international instruments.

The catch in all these provisions is that the commission can only make recommendations. It has no power to enforce its own views. When Justice Majida Razvi was the chairperson of the NCSW she had the Hudood Ordinances reviewed and the commission very strongly recommended their repeal. Her appeal fell on deaf ears. It was only later that the injustice inflicted on women by the Hudood Ordinances was neutralised by adopting the Women`s Protection Law of 2006. Will an autonomous commission have more powers of implementation? Most unlikely.

India`s National Commission for Women has been described as a strong body and yet one of its former members, Syeda Hameed, writes in her book They Hang, `The stories I tell are, of course, stories of women abused and violated by men wielding brute power. But they are also about the National Commission for Women, the nation`s apex body for women vested with the power to summon the highest functionaries of the land and seek redress yet it remains ineffective for the most part ... Perhaps it was ignorable or ignorance combined with indifference, but the truth of the matter is that the commission`s reports and jurisdiction are not binding on anyone, and its jurisdiction stops at its front door.

Our commission can expect no better treatment from the male-dominated administration. But there is still hope. If the chairperson is an active and experienced person as the incumbent (Anis Haroon) is, she can use her office to draw public attention to the issue that needs to be addressed.

Working in close liaison with women parliamentarians the National Commission for Women can make an impact on the laws. In other words the battle has to go on. But every victory helps create greater awareness and should be used in the campaign to mobilise women at the grass-roots. That is where lies the strength of the women`s movement wherever it may be. m Zubeida Mustafa | Official website of Zubeida Mustafa

__________________
A successful person is one who can lay a firm foundation with the bricks that other throw at him. (David Brinkley)

January 26, 2012


AMIDST all the judicial controversies that the country seems to have become ensnared in recently, at least one worthy cause has found its way before the Supreme Court. A four-member bench headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry held its latest hearing on Tuesday on a petition by the Tehrik-i-Insaf to allow overseas Pakistanis voting rights in general elections. With an estimated eight million Pakistanis living abroad and Nadra confirming to the court that it has issued 4.4 million identity cards to overseas Pakistanis, the number of people deprived of their right to vote is significant.

So far the proceedings suggest that the main hurdle to giving overseas Pakistanis the right to vote is procedural and logistical. Certain laws may need to be amended and there is the issue of putting in place an infrastructure to allow overseas Pakistanis to vote. With the Ministry of Foreign Affairs already intimating that it has no objection to overseas Pakistanis being granted the right to vote, the legal hurdle should be minimal. The crucial issue, then, appears to be the voting infrastructure and its cost: the Election Commission of Pakistan Joint Secretary Sher Afgan told the SC that a postal ballot facility would cost the ECP $200 per ballot as opposed to Rs10 for a ballot cast within Pakistan. The ECP should be asked to give a detailed breakdown of this cost estimate. An overseas ballot at nearly Rs20,000 when there are potentially millions of such ballots to be cast does not appear to be taking any advantage of economies of scale.

At issue here is a fundamental right of a group of people who do much to keep the Pakistani economy afloat. In countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE and the UK, hundreds of thousands of Pakistanis work hard to earn a living and support their immediate and extended families left behind in Pakistan. The Pakistanis living abroad are every bit as patriotic as their compatriots living inside Pakistan. If they want to exercise the right to vote, they should have the ability to do so. Surely an economical way of casting votes from abroad can be found. The fact is, the world over there is a push to grant overseas nationals the right to vote. In neighbouring India, the government granted Non-Resident Indians the right to vote earlier this month. True, issues such as resolving in which constituency expats are allowed to vote and what rights dual nationals hold will require some thinking through. But the right to vote should not be denied simply because officialdom cannot find easy solutions.


IN positive news about Khyber Pakhtunkhwa trying to move beyond the troubles of the last decade, the Sarhad Chamber of Commerce and Industry launched ‘vision documents’ for growing industry and tourism on Tuesday. For a province where life in general and these sectors in particular have been badly damaged by the deterioration in security, a move like this provides some confidence that civil society is beginning to think boldly about a different future for Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. In tourism, especially, the province’s natural riches and its past successes mean there is much room for revival. The documents set out priorities for the development of the two sectors over the next several years, such as training and lending for industry and infrastructure, law and order, and branding for tourism. In doing so, they supplement the idea of revival with targets and areas of focus. They demonstrate, too, how civil society and civilian government can play a role now that army operations have been completed in some parts of the province. While the continued presence of the military in troubled areas such as Malakand might be important to give confidence to investors and tourists, life in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa will not truly improve unless the private sector and the administration step in.

Much, however, remains to be done. The programme for industry in particular is both constrained and optimistic, limiting the vision to 2015, requiring significant funds and aiming to take industrial growth in the province from the low single digits into the double digits over the next four years. Its successful implementation will also depend heavily on the level of political ownership; the provincial government has its own industrial policy, and unless this is consolidated with the SCCI’s vision, the latter is unlikely to be executed. For this it might be helpful to use as a model the tourism sector, in which the provincial government has recently taken initiative in promoting Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in a way that fits in with the Chamber’s plans. Developing goals was an important first step, but their realisation will depend on the level of commitment going forward.


STAMPEDES, tragically, can take place in all manner of circumstances. It could be a religious festival or a musical concert where those attending the festivities sense fear, real or perceived, and try to make a dash for the exits with disastrous consequences. An act of terrorism or even unbridled enthusiasm could also trigger similar results. The fact of the matter is that people can be crushed or suffocated to death in stampedes anywhere. One such incident took place recently in Lahore, where three young women, all of them students, lost their lives in Lahore at a concert at the Alhamra Cultural Complex.

The organisers may be faulted for a disaster that could possibly have been averted through measures aimed at preventing such fatalities. But what did the Punjab Assembly do in response? On Tuesday, the assembly approved a resolution moved by a member of the PML-Q which called for a complete ban on ‘objectionable’ concerts in all public and private educational institutions in Punjab. There are several points to be considered here, and they are not to be taken lightly. One, who gets to define, and on what grounds, the precise meaning of the term ‘objectionable’? Why shouldn’t students, or anyone else for that matter, be allowed to enjoy a concert in a country that offers few avenues for entertainment? Then there is a larger question. Many believe that the move in the provincial assembly has its origins in an ultra-conservative mindset that is simply using the stampede as an excuse to further an ideology of persons of a certain bent. It could also be argued that other parties in the assembly possibly backed the resolution because they did not wish to be seen as condoning ‘objectionable’ behaviour. Banning the right to entertainment makes no sense and we hope better counsel will prevail when it comes to lawmaking.

__________________
Regards,
CHAIRMAN MAO

January 27, 2012


THE prime minister took another U-turn on Wednesday. Mr Gilani stated publicly that the army and ISI chiefs were in fact not guilty of bypassing required civilian channels when filing their replies to the Supreme Court in the memo case. The prime minister’s own sacking of the defence secretary for failing to correctly process the military’s responses, and the attorney general’s statement that the army and ISI chiefs had observed proper procedure, had already cast some doubt on Mr Gilani’s charge, which he has now had to retract himself. This is no minor matter given that his significant accusation, and its context and timing, raised political tensions to new heights and turned into a public spectacle, disagreements that should have been thrashed out behind closed doors. It also gave the military an opportunity to issue an unacceptably aggressive rebuttal threatening “grievous consequences” for the country. If it is in fact true, as the prime minister said on Wednesday, that there was lack of clarity about responsibility in the matter such a charge should never have been made, at least not in public.

This risky instance was a shame, because many of the government’s other moves were a refreshing departure from the way democratic administrations have handled pressure in the past. Either succumbing to the dominance of military establishments or lashing out in desperation by trying to sack the army chief, they had failed to successfully navigate the tricky terrain of intra-state relationships in Pakistan. Admittedly the current military leadership seems reluctant to go as far as some of its predecessors did and the judiciary is constrained by having positioned itself as a champion of democracy. But the government spoke boldly as seen in the prime minister’s Jan 13 speech in parliament and the ruling coalition’s National Assembly resolution in support of democracy. Ultimately it survived this crisis, if only for the time being.

The positive note in all this, including Mr Gilani’s latest backtracking, is that tensions between the major players seem to have subsided, at least for the moment. It is unlikely that the snubs, accusations and moves against each other will be forgotten any time soon. But back-channel peacemaking has clearly yielded some breathing room, as the army chief’s recent meetings with the president and the prime minister demonstrate.

Mr Gilani’s remarks on Wednesday should help to sustain this peace. But if crises like these occur in the future, the government would do itself a favour by keeping in mind how one careless statement can further weaken democratic institutions.

Lawyers’ killings

THOUGH the prospect of violence is never distant in Karachi, over the last year it seems that lawyers are being targeted in calculated hits. In the latest incident, three lawyers were gunned down on Wednesday in the city’s busy Pakistan Chowk area. This appears to have been a sectarian attack as senior lawyer Badar Munir Jafri, along with his son and nephew, were all members of the Shia Lawyers’ Forum. On Tuesday the legal adviser of the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat was murdered in the city and there are suggestions Wednesday’s attack may have been a revenge killing. Given the dismal performance of our law-enforcement agencies, reports that three policemen in a vehicle nearby did nothing to confront the attackers are hardly surprising. It is this attitude that has contributed to criminals having no fear of the police.

Around 20 lawyers were killed in Sindh last year — 15 in Karachi — while in this month alone seven lawyers have been gunned down. Many, though not all, of the lawyers killed were defending suspects with links to sectarian and political groups. In the past Karachi has witnessed the targeted killings of doctors, businessmen and professionals belonging to the Shia community. But here we must ask whether lawyers are being eliminated to make the legal fraternity think twice before taking up the brief of suspects accused in sectarian cases. This series of events does not bode well for sectarian harmony in Karachi. If this disturbing trend is not checked now, it may spark much larger communal strife. There is no reason why law-enforcement agencies cannot crack down on the sectarian outfits believed to be behind the violence. Police claims that a ‘third party’ is responsible for the killings do not cut much ice and amount to denying the actual problem — that of armed sectarian militias. Police authorities have reportedly sought to work out a ‘decisive strategy’ to stop the killings. The most decisive moves in this regard would be to dismantle sectarian groups, put suspects on trial and punish those found guilty. But does the state have the political will to take these bold steps?


CONFUSION and the potential abuse of rights are an almost unavoidable consequence of conflict. This fact is evident in the example of Abdul Ghaffar Khan, who moved the court to regain a large chunk of agricultural land he claimed to own in Barikot tehsil in Swat. Mr Ghaffar said that in the wake of Operation Rah-i-Raast launched against the Taliban in 2009, he and his family fled the area along with scores of other internally displaced persons. Upon return, however, Mr Ghaffar found that his acreage was under the control of the military authorities. The latter believed that he was a militant and denied Mr Ghaffar’s family access to the landholding. On Monday though the Supreme Court — which had earlier ordered the defence secretary to furnish evidence indicating whether the petitioner was really a terrorist — ordered that the land be returned to Mr Ghaffar.
According to Mr Ghaffar, it was actually one of his relatives through marriage who was wanted by the security forces for anti-state activities.

It is encouraging that the legal mechanism invoked by Mr Ghaffar to reclaim what was rightfully his was successful in its implementation. It is to be hoped that he faces no further delays in regaining full control of his property. However, this case should be taken as a reminder that similar difficulties are being faced across the areas where military operations have been launched, or where residents have had to leave because of threats posed by militants. It is well-documented that thousands of people fled the various areas around the conflict zones, leaving behind their homes and businesses for extended periods. As normality is brought back to these areas, every effort must be made to ensure that the returning residents’ rights are not infringed upon in any way, whether deliberately or because of confusion.

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Regards,
CHAIRMAN MAO

EVEN as concerns about Iran`s nuclear programme have led to tougher sanctions by the United States and the European Union, Pakistan seems determined to continue with the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline. For this country there are two separate issues at hand. One is the question of Iran building nuclear weapons. As a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, Iran must not be enriching uranium to levels required for weapons and should remain under inspection. As such, one hopes Tehran is dec-laring the full scope of its nuclear activities to the International Atomic Energy Agency and is only, as it claims, using nuclear material for energy and other peaceful purposes. Also, from the perspective of geopolitical priorities, the presence of another nuclear-armed neighbour is not in Pakistan`s interests, regardless of the current nature of the relationship with Iran.

At the same time, Pakistan`s energy emergency has now become a matter of both prosperity and security. The country needs to pursue any practical and affordable sources of energy it can acquire, especially those that can begin delivering sooner than others. Along with LNG imports, gas from Iran is one such option and execution could be completed in two years if started in earnest today. The Tapi pipeline is beset with challenges, not the least of which is the security situation in Afghanistan. Given Pakistan`s limited options, it is hard to argue that the Iran project should not be pursued, despite America`s discouragement and its contention that there are quicker ways that Pakistan could explore to resolve its energy problem.

According to the Foreign Office, the pipeline would not violate United Nations sanctions. And regulations are still being finalised to implement the latest US sanctions which will make it harder for foreign financial institutions that transact with certain Iranian banks to conduct business in America. If sanctions are indeed applied, an exception should be granted for the pipeline on the grounds that Pakistan`s gas and power needs pose urgent economic, political and security risks. Nor should Coalition Support Funds or funding from international lending agencies be held back as a form of pressure. Iran can be asked for assurances that proceeds from the pipeline will in no way contribute to the development of nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, Pakistan will still have to do the tough work of improving efficiency in power and gas delivery, creating a sustainable pricing structure, developing indigenous resources and taking other steps to set its own house in order. The Iran-Pakistan pipeline should be pursued but it will not be a silver bullet.


THE outrage sparked in certain circles by the contents of a recent morning show refuses to die down, and for good reason. What was attempted to be showcased as an attempt at `investigative journalism` was a nauseating instance of harassment and invasion of privacy. How else can we refer to a camera crew chasing couples who have broken no law? Yet the fact that this particular programme gave rise to vocal opposition must not lead us to believe that it is the only instance of such excess. In recent years, the Pakistani media has increasingly tilted towards programming that claims to be highlighting social issues and injustices but actually constitutes an invasion of privacy and a breach of constitutional freedoms. The airwaves are peppered with similar shows under various guises, sometimes conducted not by journalists but professional actors.

Most unpalatable perhaps is the parallel that can be drawn to `anti-vice` squads in say Saudi Arabia or under the Taliban in Afghanistan. In Pakistan`s instance though the media constitutes a non-state actor that does not have the law on its side where morality is concerned. Pakistanis have the right to conduct their private lives as they choose so long as no law is broken. When the state engaged in such harassment even under the cover of the law, as during the Zia regime, society fought back. The same must be done when non-state actors take on the role. As for the media industry, this should be a wake-up call. First, such programming exposes it to accusations of straying from standards of professionalism and journalistic ethics. This will only strengthen demands of intervention and regulation, which could result in the tightening of controls on free speech. Secondly, in attempting `moral policing` the media legitimises and encourages those groups or individuals who may take it upon themselves to become the guardians of public morality, sometimes through coercive tactics. When moral policing becomes common on our screens and thus embedded in public consciousness, violent vigilante action is just a step away. Is the media industry prepared to stoke a fire that will prove uncontrollable?


ACADEMIC activities at Sindh University`s Jamshoro campus have remained paralysed ever since the murder of Prof Basheer Ahmed Channar, director of student affairs, on Jan 2. The varsity`s teachers have led the protest drive, and among other demands they have called for the removal of the vice chancellor and the formation of a judicial commission to look into the slain teacher`s murder. Several murders have occurred on campus in the recent past but Prof Channar`s killing was perhaps the first time a teacher was targeted. Along with the Sindh University Teachers Association, civil society has also criticised the varsity`s administration. It has been noted that the late professor had rusticated several students, which could be among the reasons why he was targe- ted. Teachers have also criticised the Rangers, as violence has continued at the university despite the deployment of the paramilitary force.

From the time the professor was killed until now the state has appeared uninterested in resolving the crisis even though thousands of students are suffering. The authorities need to wake up from their slumber and address the concerns of the university`s teachers, staff and students. Prof Channar`s murder needs to be investigated and the culprits brought to book while the restoration of law and order on campus should be the first priority. Looking at the larger picture, capable and qualified administrators must be placed in charge of the nation`s public universities. They must be empowered to root out hooliganism and criminal elements from campuses and put the focus back on study. Decades of armed violence in Pakistan`s institutions of higher learning have had a decimating effect on education. Also, while Sindh University`s teachers have every right to protest, they should choose alternative methods to voice their dissent as the suspension of academic activities is hurting students the most.

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Regards,
CHAIRMAN MAO

Date: 29th Jan 2012

Notices to ISI, MI

TWO notices coming in rapid succession appear to be the first serious attempt to put an end to the extra-judicial prerogatives Pakistan’s secret agencies have enjoyed for decades to run a clandestine empire the prime minister called “a state within a state”. The judiciary’s jurisdiction has now rightfully expanded to include institutions and elements till now considered beyond the reach of law. This message comes loud and clear from the Supreme Court’s decision to issue notices to the ISI and the Military Intelligence in this regard. On Friday, the apex court directed the ISI and the Military Intelligence to submit reports to the SC on a petition that sought action on the law and order situation in the country’s largest province. The petitioner, a former president of the Balochistan High Court Bar Association, had sought the court’s help because, he said, the federal and provincial governments had failed to protect life and liberty in Balochistan. He referred especially to the widespread disappearances and mysterious killings. Taking note of the gravity of the situation, Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry said it was not the time to sit idle “with our fingers crossed”, and asked the ISI and MI to give their view on the petition.

Two days earlier, the SC had summoned ISI chief Lt-Gen Ahmad Shuja Pasha, the MI director general, the judge advocate general and the army commanding officer concerned to respond to the petition of a woman who said that one of her sons, a suspect in the October 2009 attack on GHQ, had died in mysterious circumstances, and his body thrown on the road near a Peshawar hospital. Petitioner Ruhaifa said three of her sons were among the eight taken in custody by the intelligence agencies, that there was no due process, and her son, Abdul Saboor, was among the four who were found murdered.

Since the days of Ziaul Haq, the intelligence agencies, especially the ISI, have arrogated to themselves political and ‘legal’ privileges which are in violation of the constitution and the penal code. They were emboldened in their brazenness because the compliant among the judges failed to uphold the law. Among the many examples of this encouragement by default of the invisible empire is Mehrangate, which involves the unauthorised disbursement of money by the ISI to its favourites to subvert the 1990 election. The judiciary must continue its pursuit of justice for all to prove to the people of Pakistan that ‘accountability’ is not a shibboleth used to persecute political dissent and that the guilty cannot escape justice because they are in uniform.
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Mining safety

THE two mining accidents that have occurred in the first month of the year should be taken as a warning. On Jan 25, in the Mach coalfield in Balochistan, 15 workers of a locally owned mine were trapped about 1,500 feet deep when the mine suddenly collapsed. While it was possible to rescue almost all the men fairly promptly, those in a phosphate mine in Tranawi (Abbottabad), which collapsed the same day, were not so lucky. After two-day efforts — which precluded the use of heavy machinery — hampered by the inaccessible terrain, the bodies of 11 workers were recovered on Friday. Similar accidents in the country’s mines are reported with distressing frequency.

The state of the mining sector has long been cause for grave concern, putting at stake the lives of men — an estimated 60,000 in Balochistan alone — belonging to the poorest of communities. While laws and safety regulations are present on the books, most experts agree that they are in dire need of being updated to modern standards. In any case, most regulations have been flouted for so long that they have been rendered immaterial in terms of protecting the lives of miners who usually work with the most minimal of training, equipment and safety gear. But the problem is much greater than that, as the Abbottabad mine collapse underscores. Government officials have confirmed that the mine was being run illegally. Unauthorised excavation yields profits substantial enough to make vested-interest parties collude to keep the ball rolling, and the illegal industry has been recognised as enough of a problem for the police to make arrests. More active efforts are needed to put a stop to or better regulate activities that put miners’ lives at risk. Safety and other regulations need to be revisited, and implemented far more stringently. A case in point is the Sorrange (Balochistan) mine, where 43 coalminers died in March: it turned out that it had been ordered closed on account of the dangerous accumulation of gases, but these orders were flouted. Unless the sector is better regulated, accidents and disasters will continue to occur.
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Snow Leopards

SNOW leopards are both revered and feared. Revered because they are a vanishing species that could become extinct in our part of the world if adequate conservation measures are not put into place in due time. They are feared, at the same time, since they are animals of prey which can kill livestock and even people who come into close contact. The same applies to what is loosely referred to as the ‘common leopard’ which exists in larger numbers than the snow leopard but is prone to being hunted down when it strays into human communities. Both points of view have to be considered. On the one hand, there are conservationists who seek the protection of leopards and the required help to save them from being killed. Then there are the people who live alongside these big cats and feel threatened by their presence in more ways than one, particularly in terms of the safety of their livestock.

The recent sighting, or re-emergence if you will, of a snow leopard in the forests of Chitral is a heartening development. It could possibly mean that the species is on a rebound and is returning to its traditional hunting grounds. But a major question still needs to be asked. Is human activity, and the subsequent loss of natural habitat, driving snow leopards further up the mountains? And consider this too. When they venture down into the valleys where humans live, do they do so out of curiosity or simply hunger that could be attributed to the fact that the habitat of leopards, the snow variety or otherwise, is diminishing by the year? When human intervention causes a loss in biodiversity, then it is also up to humans to repair the loss and make sure that both animal and man can live side by side.

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Real richness is that you are so expensive that no one can buy your character.