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Agha Zuhaib Friday, March 15, 2013 03:05 PM

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (15th March 2013)
 
[B](15th March 2013)[/B]

[B][LEFT][SIZE="5"][CENTER]Self-destruction: Social worker killed[/CENTER][/SIZE][/LEFT][/B]

THE brutal slaying of Orangi Pilot Project director Perween Rahman in Karachi on Wednesday comes as a shock, despite the fact that as a nation we have become inured to violence. She was a brave, committed woman who worked for the uplift of the poor and marginalised. For three decades, Ms Rahman worked in a challenging environment in a part of Karachi that suffers from frequent breakdowns of law and order. She worked for the benefit of those the state was unable — or unwilling — to help. The OPP has developed sewage and sanitation systems for the vast settlement as well as undertaken health, education and economic uplift projects for the community on a self-help basis. The brainchild of the late Akhtar Hameed Khan, the OPP has won national and global acclaim.

Those close to Ms Rahman say she had been receiving death threats from the land mafia, while police claimed a Taliban ‘commander’ had been involved in her slaying. The OPP director had been documenting cases of land grabbing on Karachi’s fringes, and anti-encroachment activists have been targeted in the past. All angles must be probed and the police cannot simply wash their hands of the investigation by blaming the killing on religious extremists. In Karachi, crime, land grabbing and dirty politics complement each other while religious militancy adds further potency to this toxic mix. Hence it is difficult to pinpoint a motive in such cases.

Ms Rahman’s killing represents a disturbing trend where those who attempt to bring positive change to society are targeted. Last month Dr Ali Haider, a leading eye specialist of Lahore, was killed in a sectarian attack along with his son. The doctor also regularly provided free medical care to needy patients. Across Pakistan aid workers have been attacked, polio teams have been hunted down and teachers have been killed due to a variety of reasons, including religious and nationalist militancy.

What is equally disturbing is that women — and children — who were previously not targeted by militants are now considered fair game. The state and society have both failed to unequivocally condemn these deadly trends and work towards uprooting the forces responsible for spreading such violence. Meanwhile political parties are too busy politicking to raise their voices against the targeting of socially active individuals. Hence the question for us all to ponder is: what will become of a society that, for the most part, sits quietly as its messiahs are systematically wiped out?


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Too rosy: New investment policy[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE government has approved a new investment policy and a five-year strategy to attract foreign direct investment. The policy seeks to further liberalise the economy, improve the regime protecting new investments and remove regulatory impediments to investment. The government’s focus is on raising gross FDI inflows to more than $5bn in the next five years. That is an uphill task. The near- to medium-term investment outlook for Pakistan remains negative, not least because of growing energy shortages, security concerns, political instability, high credit costs, fiscal problems and frequent policy changes. It is because of the government’s failure to address these critical issues, especially the energy crunch, that private investment in the economy has dried up over the last five years. The total private investment to GDP dropped to 12.5 per cent in the last fiscal, from around 23 per cent in 2007. The net FDI flows also came down to just above $800m from the historic peak of $5.4bn.

Local investors are holding back on their investment plans because they do not have enough power or gas to operate their existing capacities. Nor do they have access to cheaper credit that encouraged the industry — textile, auto, food, etc — to invest billions of dollars in expansion and technological upgrading during the mid 2000s. Foreign investors do not find security conditions here conducive for bringing in their money. With the foreign official capital flows already in short supply due to the financial troubles of Europe and the US, Pakistan must attract higher amounts of foreign private investment, an important non-debt source of financing a country’s current account, to push growth as well as support its balance-of-payments position. Pakistan is still considered a more attractive country for investment in the region because of less regulatory impediments to doing business compared with China, and even India. Yet few investors want to come here. And they will not come here unless the preconditions — energy, consistent policies, political stability, security — are met.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Recovered or arrested?: Minors paraded before media[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

AS the security situation worsens, the law-enforcement agencies have come under tremendous pressure to not just bring matters under control but also to make arrests. The triumph displayed by the Balochistan police on Wednesday, therefore, was understandable. The pride with which 11 individuals, who, the police say, confessed that they had been involved in planting bombs and triggering blasts, were paraded before news crews and cameras was obvious. According to the Quetta police chief, the enforcers of the law received a tip-off about a militant outfit, the United Baloch Army. Resultantly, a raid was conducted and when the bullets stopped flying, it was found that the militants had escaped, leaving these individuals behind. The police arrested them, and obtained from them accounts of being used to plant and trigger explosives at various locations.

What’s missing from this stellar tale is what the police already know, but that has been given no consideration by either them or the media: these are children, aged between 10 and 17 years and come from poor backgrounds. They are “used by members of the outlawed organisation for their nefarious designs”. And, this being so, they deserved to be treated as children. In these circumstances, they should be seen as having been recovered by the police from the militants’ clutches. It seems these minors have been treated as cannon fodder by militants and law enforcers alike. Where one lured them towards a life of crime, the other clapped them in chains to stand in the media spotlight.

It is a measure of how state and society have themselves been brutalised in the face of brutality. Branded as murderers before a trial has been conducted, the hanging heads of these 11 children constitute a reminder of how callous a place Pakistan has become.

Agha Zuhaib Saturday, March 16, 2013 01:56 PM

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (16th March 2013)
 
[B](16th March 2013)[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A mixed bag: Assessing parliament[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

IT is a measure of both how far democratic politics in Pakistan has travelled and how much distance it has yet to cover that the historic completion of parliament’s five-year term has been greeted with both jubilation and anxiety. Jubilation because the against-the-odds full term has brought the country to the verge of one thing it has never had: a civilian-led electoral process in which both the opposition and the government have a shot at power. Anxiety because parliament’s full term has not really done much to address the flaws in the democratic process. Perhaps the immediate difficulty in assessing parliamentary performance over the past five years is that it is far too often conflated here with the government of the day. Parliament serves several distinct functions and it is against those benchmarks that its performance ought to be judged: providing a government; legislating; passing budgets; holding the government to account.

Paradoxically, for all the unhappiness with the federal government’s performance, parliament turned in a stellar performance when it came to its essential duty: selecting from among its numbers a stable government. Despite the PPP having just a little more than a third of seats in the National Assembly, the prime minister was elected unanimously in 2008, a second one was elected comfortably in 2012. The government itself was never close to being brought down by a vote of no-confidence. Messy and often unpalatable as it was, the reality is that without stability there can be no meaningful progress, and parliament delivered on this front. Next, the conventionally understood core function of parliament: legislating, including passing money bills. Here the performance was more mixed. The passage by this National Assembly of more than twice the number of bills than by the previous one, and three important constitutional amendments, are significant accomplishments. But the list of what was not done is far longer. On the security front, until a late spurt of poorly vetted legislation, the country’s counterterrorism and counter-insurgency framework was barely touched. On the economic front, the taxation system remained immune to reform. Public-sector enterprises were not restructured and privatisation remained dormant. Society’s drift towards extremism was watched passively.

Holding government, and parliament itself, to account was also a mixed performance. The Public Accounts Committee was handed over to the leader of the opposition, but little was done to make its recommendations automatically binding on the relevant ministries and departments. State policies, particularly national security, were debated in a quintessentially Pakistani sense — which perhaps counts as some progress — but tangible progress was elusive. Even on the one national security subject that has bipartisan support and space for civilians to manoeuvre, i.e. improving relations with India, parliament failed to push for meaningful breakthroughs. Accountability of politicians also stalled, leading to disruptive interventions by other institutions.

Going forward, what parliament needs to focus on is the strengthening of its own institution. With few professional staff, little research and scant resources, parliamentarians are essentially on their own when it comes to understanding the complex legislative and governance challenges the country faces. When the input is so ad hoc and unstructured, the output will be flawed. Spending more money on parliament may seem an affront to good sense in difficult economic times, but if done smartly it will be less of a case of splurging on already pampered parliamentarians and more about genuine institution building. And two individuals in particular need to rethink their choices if parliament is to gain the centrality to the democratic process it deserves. By opting to control the political process from outside parliament, President Zardari and Nawaz Sharif have given further credence to the old allegations of parliament being a rubber stamp. Both should embrace the logic of parliamentary democracy and take a seat at the right table.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]No common yardstick: Provinces’ record[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

LAW and order was the concern when new provincial governments took over five years ago. In assessing the performance of the four provincial set-ups at the end of their tenure it seems that it was law and order that, to a great extent, defined their workings. The nature of the threat and the administrative and political response to it differed from province to province. Consequently, finding one measure to judge them all is difficult. Some comparison is, of course, possible since many problems were common, such as the floods which broke provincial boundaries to devastate millions across Pakistan. At times all provincial governments seemed alike in their struggle to undertake development programmes in time. They were not prepared for devolution under the 18th Amendment, and betrayed a lack of vision: most critically, they couldn’t take effective charge of sectors such as health and education which now fell in their jurisdiction. Some schemes introduced by one province were comparable to those undertaken by another: the Ashiana Housing Scheme in Punjab reflected the same urge to cater for the less affluent as did Sindh’s Behan Benazir Basti. All four governments claimed to create new opportunities for the ‘marginalised’, by enacting laws and approving development schemes — all were blamed for favouritism as in the case of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa chief minister’s spending spree in Mardan and his Punjab counterpart’s lavishing favours on Lahore.

On its own, Punjab would be justified in flaunting the projects undertaken to benefit the youth — students’ endowment fund, laptop distribution, etc. In the same way, KP’s claim to efficiently dealing with the situation in Swat cannot be easily ignored — the KP government can be given credit for even partially restoring the official writ in certain districts. Meanwhile, Sindh has a lot to answer for the mess in Karachi. But the security situation in the two provinces cannot be compared with that in Balochistan or Punjab. In Punjab the government succeeded in managing the threats, while Balochistan stood apart, too troubled by its own realities of insurgency, sectarian violence and lack of a cohesive government to take up the offer of a better share in resources under the new National Finance Commission, the high point of these five years. The NFC saw the provinces as entities on their own; yet it signified their inter-dependence and a common future.

Agha Zuhaib Monday, March 18, 2013 02:21 PM

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (17th March 2013)
 
[B](17th March 2013)[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Halting steps -- Government`s performance[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

WAS it worth it? Will the democratic milestone that is now within reach make up for five years of inept and corrupt rule? It is both unfortunate that Pakistanis are asking this question and thrilling that they finally have the chance to ask it. The many ways in which this government has let us down are painfully obvious. But this is only the second time the country has seen an elected party complete five years in office though not without a change of prime minister and it is on the verge of its very first democratic transition. A confluence of factors made this possible; it was a moment in time when the army chief, the chief justice and the opposition leader pushed hard but chose not to push too far, or at least not at the same time. But it was also the result of some smart political manoeuvring by the ruling party.

The government`s other accomplishment has been pushing through legislation that, in some cases on paper and in others in reality, has strengthened that democratic achievement. The 18th Amendment returned some much-abused presidential powers to the prime minister. It strengthened the federation through devolution and met the longstanding demand to rename NWFP, and the National Finance Commission Award supported these moves by sharing more resources with the provinces. Parliament, including the opposition, was incorporated into the process of selecting the Election Commission of Pakistan, the caretaker prime minister and, to some extent, superior court judges. Though its implementation remains unproven, legislation such as extending the Political Parties Act to Fata, partially reforming the Frontier Crimes Regulation and criminalising acidthrowing, sexual harassment and corporal punishment of children took notice of important human rights issues.

But a nation cannot live on new laws and constitutional amendments, and a failing economy was one of this government`s most glaring failures. It may have inherited some poor decisions and been in power during a global economic crisis, but even thatdoesn`t excuse its stunning mismanagement.

From pervasive corruption and patronage-based politics to a disastrous fiscal situation and failure to get a grip on the power sector, this government has overseen declining investment, periods of rapidly spiralling prices and a tumbling rupee. All of which has translated into increasing poverty, falling standards of living and an infrastructure that has lagged behind Pakistan`s growing population. And the resistance to IMF reforms has only landed us at the lender`s doorstep again, now in an even weaker bargaining position.

The other glaring failure was, of course, the inability to stem militant violence and the spread of intolerance. It was under this government that sectarian violence took on new, more dangerous and more widespread forms; unlikely suspects fell victim to blasphemy accusations; Karachi was held hostage to commercial, ethnic and political disputes; militants expanded their targets to include teenage girls, polio vaccinators and social workers; and missing people`s bodies were dumped in Balochistan. After initial attempts at defiance the government succumbed to the army`s dominance of military and intelligence affairs, which meant it was left with no control over military strategy regarding the Pakistani Taliban and their affiliates. Nor did it manage to cobble together enough of a political consensus on the issue. Instead, it stuck its head in the sand and chose to do nothing at all.

The army continued to dominate foreign policy as well, which meant that the relationship with America and the normalisation of ties with India were bumpier than they needed to be.

So again, were these last few years, and the upcoming elections, worth it? There are reasons to believe this democratic transition will take place as expected, though hard to predict if it will set a lasting precedent. But if there is any hope the last five years can inspire, it is that Pakistan has finally taken a step forward in the long, hard process of building a democracy that will serve its people.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Thimphu spirit dead? -- India-Pakistan tensions[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

EXPRESSING her `deep disappointment` over New Delhi`s response to skirmishes along the Line of Control, the outgoing foreign minister, Hina Rabbani Khar, rightly called for a lessening of the mistrust that exists between India and Pakistan. Lately, the nonimplementation of some key confidence-building measures has blocked the process of normalisation.

New Delhi has stalled a more liberal visa regime and on Friday, Hockey India scrapped its series with Pakistan. In addition a resolution has been passed by the lower house of the Indian parliament, asking Pakistan`s parliament to desist from `interfering in India`s internal affairs`. The National Assembly had indeed passed a resolution calling for an end to atrocities against Kashmiris protesting Afzal Guru`s controversial hanging. But with India-held Kashmir recognised internationally as a disputed territory, this was not an illegitimate move.

The recent setback to the peace processbeganin January following clashes between the two armies along the LoC with voices in India accusing Pakistani troops of beheading an Indian soldier. This was followed by Mr Guru`s execution and the recent attack on an Indian paramilitary camp by militants,for which Pakistan, which condemned the incident, was held responsible. The net effect is that Pakistan and India are almost back to the post-Mumbai stage when the `composite dialogue` that had begun so hopefully in 2004 was frozen. The spirit of the 2010 Saarc summit in Thimphu now seems to be in the ICU.

The truth is that such CBMs are bound to fail if India and Pakistan are unable to solve even less contentious bilateral disputes. Sir Creek and Siachen are often mentioned as issues the two sides could resolve, especially because in the latter case it is the harsh polar weather that is the common enemy. Besides, Siachen is a huge drain on the two exchequers. A willingness to solve these disputes would not only create a propitious atmosphere for talks on the core issue of Kashmir, it would also sustain whatever CBMs have been agreed upon. Ms Khar`s farewell speech on Thursdayrenected akeenness to pursue normal ties with India, especially where she mentioned Islamabad had pursued trade with India even though such interaction was not welcomed domestically.

The prelude to a Kashmir solution, she said, demanded trust-building. Both India and Pakistan will have to keep this in mind.

Agha Zuhaib Monday, March 18, 2013 02:23 PM

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (18th March 2013)
 
[B](18th March 2013)[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Monitoring needed: Antiterrorism Act amendment[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

RUSHED through by the government during its last few days in power, a bill amending the Antiterrorism Act, 1997 has been passed without much substantive debate. The ATA has long been criticised for not rising up to the particular challenges terrorism now poses for Pakistan, and some of its gaps are well known, so on balance it is a good thing that at least some changes have been made. But even though they were clipped to some extent as the bill made its way through parliament, the increased powers now given to law-enforcement authorities will need to be monitored closely to make sure they aren’t abused.

The government will now, for example, be able to order detention of a person for 30 days even before a case has been registered, and this can be extended to 90 days with an antiterrorism court’s permission. Once a case has been registered suspects can be held in police remand for three months rather than one. The burden of proof will fall on anyone found with explosive material without legal justification, and constraints on foreign travel, bank loans and bearing arms have been specified for members of banned organisations who continue the organisation’s activities. Along with the Fair Trial Act, which will allow intercepted communication to be submitted as evidence, and a terrorism financing amendment to the ATA passed in February, these and other changes should provide law-enforcement authorities with much more room to successfully prosecute terrorists. But they are also highly susceptible to abuse, and it now falls to the judiciary to keep a close watch on their implementation.

Despite the changes, a fundamental problem with the ATA remains. The amendment does provide more specific definitions of terrorism. But it doesn’t quite do away with one of the main problems of the law — it covers just about any crime involving violence, being applicable, for example, to actions ranging from terrorist attacks on military installations to extortion, murders carried out because of personal disputes or firing used as intimidation to close down shops. The vast majority of cases brought before ATCs do not have to do with terrorism per se, and simply bog down these special courts. Which goes back to an even more fundamental problem: without a national counterterrorism strategy in place, one underpinned by a clear definition of the problem and the enemy, no amount of legislation or law enforcement will work.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Consent is key: UN on drone strikes[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE use of drones to target combatants in the north-west has for years generated strong controversy in Pakistan. Not only are drone attacks seen as violating the country’s territorial sovereignty, it has also been observed that in several ways they do more harm than good. There is room, therefore, to voice regret that in the United States, the debate over their legality and efficacy has only gained widespread attention after questions started being asked about the issue of American civilians being targeted by drones. Now, with UN Special Rapporteur Ben Emmerson concluding on Friday that drone strikes violate Pakistan’s sovereignty, there seems to be a strong argument for bringing the drone programme in Pakistan — as it is currently carried out — to a halt. Having been in the country to investigate the effect on civilians of drone strikes and other forms of targeted killings in the context of counterterrorism operations, he said that the drone war “involves the use of force on the territory of another state without its consent and therefore a violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty”.

The key element here is that of consent. In earlier years, there was the general perception that Pakistan was involved in the programme and that it was being conducted with the tacit, even if not active, consent of domestic authorities. Indeed, in 2010 the then prime minister, Yousuf Raza Gilani, had stated that the US had been allowed to use drones for reconnaissance during the Musharraf years. In recent times, though, Pakistani cooperation and consent no longer seems to be a feature of the programme.

Unless this is forthcoming — and unless the US seeks it — in the wake of Mr Emmerson’s findings, the strikes need to cease. Not only is there the matter of the deaths of non-combatant civilians, in the face of stony silence from domestic authorities, drone attacks fuel public anger. However, given that the technology has proved useful in several cases, especially in areas where the penetration of the military is unavoidably low, a more productive way forward might be coordination and cooperation.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Instructive lessons: MNAs’ performance[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE achievements and failures of the National Assembly that has just completed its tenure have been discussed in these columns. However, figures released on Friday by the non-governmental Free and Fair Election Network regarding the performance of MNAs offer some more insights that should help both parties and voters to make informed choices in the next elections. According to Fafen, 134 bills were passed during the five-year life of the NA, with 81 of these becoming acts. This is a significant improvement over the performance of the previous assembly, which only passed 51 bills. It is also welcome that an increased number of private members’ bills (18) was passed, some concerning important issues that had long been in legislative limbo. Female lawmakers also deserve kudos as they were the most active during question hour, asking over half of the 16,056 questions sent to the government.

Fafen also points out, though, that 23 lawmakers did not take part in any legislative business. These include both male and female MNAs from the opposition as well as the treasury benches. While awarding tickets for the elections, parties need to consider candidates’ performance within the house, as getting elected and not participating in the lawmaking process reinforces the image that politicians run for office only to enjoy the perks of power. Lack of quorum also remained an issue throughout the NA’s life, as both sides of the aisle rarely chose to point out this chronic problem. In addition, there was some disconnect between the political parties and their parliamentary wings, which needs to be addressed to facilitate smoother lawmaking. All these issues need to be considered by the parties’ secretariats as well as those hopeful of getting elected.

Agha Zuhaib Wednesday, March 20, 2013 06:58 PM

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (19th March 2013)
 
[B](19th March 2013)[/B]

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Pointless delay: Selecting interim set-ups[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]

STRICTLY speaking, they are operating within the bounds of the constitution. But as our politicians try to pick a caretaker prime minister and chief ministers, they are only behaving in a way that undermines the democratic milestone within reach.

Having held on for five years, they could have led the country into its first uninterrupted change of government in a way that inspired voters` confidence and enthusiasm. Instead, the chaos and politicking of the last few days make them look like immature opportunists with no faith in their own kind.

One thing is quite clear: the preponderance of judges and bureaucrats among the nominees for caretaker prime minister indicate our politicians don`t think each other capable of credibility and impartiality. But even the process of selecting from among non-political names has become heavily politicised. The government revealed its choices very late in the game. Since then, the opposition and the ruling party have been publicly rejecting each other`s candidates rather than efficiently sorting out the issue behind closed doors, thereby increasing uncertainty among a population already living in perpetually volatile circumstances. The parliamentary-committee stage could be even worse; it has the potential to raisenew controversies about which opposition parties get to be on the committee. Thankfully there does seem to be an acknowledgement that the matter is best resolved before it goes to the Election Commission of Pakistan, a result that would demonstrate the complete inability of politicians to deal with the responsibilities that have come with the strengthening of the democratic system.

With the exception of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, matters are even worse at the provincial level, with little apparent movement towards an interim set-up in Punjab and Sindh. The less said about Balochistan the better; as of this writing the way forward there was entirely unclear, with lack of clarity even about who the leader of the opposition is and whether the chief minister enjoyed a majority when the assembly was dissolved. Making this more frustrating is the fact that, under a newly empowered ECP, the caretaker chief executives will be little more than administrative heads in office for two months. And that the decisions about selecting them for the centre and for most of the provinces are essentially in the hands of two people, the president and the FML-N chief. Put these two realities together, and the inability to settle the issue is beginning to border on the ridiculous.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"][U]Out of reach: Automobile costs[/U][/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE rising prices of locally assembled cars and the automakers` decision to focus their efforts on well-off customers is cause for concern. A report in Dawn has shown that the prices of locally assembled cars have risen by 70 to 80 per cent in most categories over the last five years. In addition, most assemblers have chosen to phase out their offerings in the 1000cc orless category, and have instead expanded their range in larger engine sizes and SUVs. This is problematic especially when one considers that in the last financial year, the auto industry posted record high profits. One assembler for example, posted an annual increase of 60 per cent in its after-tax profit, a stellar performance considering the times.

Granted the autoindustry took a hit in the first half of the present year, largely on account of the increase in the age limit of used cars from three to five years, and thereduction of 25 per cent in custom duties on hybrid vehicles. But the fall in sales spurred by the rush of used cars into the market is likely to prove transitory now that the decision on used cars has been revoked. The auto sector is likely to return to a path of high profitability in the second half of the financial year. Since the sector`s profits are built on heavy protections provided by the government at the cost of consumers it is a matter of public interest to determine whether or not the assemblers are upholding their end of the bargain. Going by the evidence rising prices, growing focus on larger, elite vehicles it appears that far from seeing themselves as investors with a stake in the public interest, the auto assemblers are simply making hay while the sun shines. The next government will need to find a way to rectify this by advancing the stalled matter of an auto sector policy.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Manifest brutality: Death of Lyari gangster[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]

BEHIND the colourful names and daring exploits of the characters associated with the Lyari `gang war` there lies a dark reality which manifests itself through murder and mayhem. The grisly death of notorious gangster Arshad Pappu is perhaps a prime example of the sheer brutality with which criminals operate in Lyari one of Karachi`s most rundown neighbourhoods.

Pappu met an ignominious end on Sunday, with his body left on a junk heap. Reports indicate that the gangster`s body, along with that of his brother, was mutilated and burned. It is said Pappu meted out similar treatment to the body of a rival criminal`s father after kidnapping and killing him. The incident also indicates the helplessness of lawenforcement agencies when it comes to Lyari: police were prevented from recovering Pappu`s body, which was allegedly taken away by gangland rivals. This illustrates who really calls the shots inLyari. The death of Arshad Pappu was celebrated in parts of the neighbourhood with song, dance and distribution of sweetmeats.

By all accounts the gangster led a violent, crimefilled life and perhaps such an unsavoury end was the natural conclusion to such an existence. Yet the death and gruesome treatment of his body reflects the savagery criminals are capable of, and the state`s inability to crack down on the gangsters that have held Lyari hostage. The state`s actions in the area are reactionary: once in a while police and Rangers will storm into Lyari to conduct operations that produce few lasting results. Alleged political patronage of criminals further complicates matters. Until the state seriously addresses Lyari`s issues such as law and order, socioeconomic uplift and infrastructure development, criminals will continue to prey on the locality`s people and such atrocities will continue.

Agha Zuhaib Wednesday, March 20, 2013 07:03 PM

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (20th March 2013)
 
[B](20th March 2013)[/B]

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]The TTP threat: Election security[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]

HAVING divided the political class and once again confused society with talk of talks, the TTP has now “suspended” its offer of negotiations with the government. Ehsanullah Ehsan, the TTP spokesperson, has claimed that the government’s lack of seriousness about negotiations with the Taliban is behind the TTP’s move. More realistically, the TTP has achieved much of what it set out to do by mooting the idea of talks. In the two craven multi-party conferences that took place
in quick succession, the religious right and large segments of the political mainstream all but suggested that the state give up on the idea of Pakistan as a modern nation-state with a monopoly over legitimate violence and in which the citizenry enjoy freedoms and rights. Given that the TTP’s offer of talks coincided with a wave of militant violence, it never really appeared to be a meaningful offer.

What the focus should switch to now is how best to secure the upcoming elections from militant violence. Ehsanullah Ehsan’s warning to the public to stay away from electoral activities is particularly ominous because the TTP has already made it clear that it regards elections as un-Islamic and that it will target “secular” politicians during the campaign. The mere threat of violence by the TTP is enough to potentially skew elections in parts of the country because both the voter and a certain kind of candidate in areas such as Fata and parts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan, Punjab and Karachi may opt to stay at home, opening the door further to pro-Taliban political forces that will be able to campaign and vote more freely. If the TTP is to be stopped from indirectly shaping the composition of the elected assemblies, a comprehensive security plan must be drawn up — one that will require close cooperation between the Election Commission of Pakistan, the caretaker governments and security apparatus.

Securing the election from militant threats is neither beyond the realm of possibility nor something we can afford to overlook. True, elections by their very nature present a plethora of potential targets to those bent on violence and there is a trade-off between security and openness. But the stakes are too high to let a business-as-usual attitude prevail. The ECP, already burdened with a number of duties and crises, needs to put security near the top of the list of its priorities — and win the cooperation of the necessary institutions as quickly as possible.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]More scrutiny needed: Karachi island project[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]

BEHIND the amusing twists and turns of an alleged multibillion-dollar Bahria Town development in Karachi lie some not-so-amusing questions. Businessman Malik Riaz had already caused raised eyebrows when his claim of a $45bn investment from Abu Dhabi turned out to have more than a few holes in it. So it wasn’t easy not to be sceptical when another foreign investor, this time German by way of Miami, was trotted out to say that an initial $20bn would be poured into developing two large islands off Karachi, including building the world’s tallest building and largest shopping mall. Quite aside from the question of how such developments can be sustained in a city with massive law and order problems and no tourists, there is the more disturbing question of the 12,000 acres that Bahria Town is claiming it will be building on.

Transparency International Pakistan says the Port Qasim Authority did not follow proper procedure in the bidding process for the development contract, and the National Accountability Bureau has asked the PQA not to award the contract to Bahria Town without proving that public procurement rules were followed. The various biases of TIP and NAB aside, it is fairly obvious that rigorous — and transparent — scrutiny has to be carried out, and rival bids properly considered, before handing such a large tract of land to a company with as many lawsuits and suspicions against it as Bahria Town. A recent protest by fisherfolk has highlighted another aspect of the problem — what compensation will be provided to those who depend on these islands for their livelihoods? And as some Sindh lawmakers have pointed out, it is unclear how much say the provincial government has had in the entire affair. Given the impending change of government, the grandiosity of Bahria Town’s plans and the astronomical funds involved, there’s a good chance this project won’t materialise. But that doesn’t mean large amounts of land can be handed over to dubious investors without the consent of the people and government of the area.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Need for vigilance: Pre-election tinkering[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

WITH elections close, there will be attempts by some candidates to try and use the administrative machinery to their advantage. As two recent incidents indicate, perhaps some amongst the outgoing crop of elected officials are getting jittery and resorting to underhand means to achieve their goals. The Sindh Local Government Board secretary, Shaukat Jokhio, claimed on Monday that he was thrashed by Agha Siraj Durrani — the outgoing minister for Sindh local government — along with his men for refusing to sign certain papers regarding appointments. Mr Durrani dismissed the allegation as a “conspiracy” and both men have filed police cases against each other. Also on Monday the Supreme Court restrained the government from transferring the Capital Development Authority chairman; the CDA head says he was under pressure to grant “undue favours”.

Both incidents reflect two important issues: abuse of authority and tinkering with the administrative set-up either to have a favourable set of officials in place come election day, or to dole out jobs to supporters before relinquishing power thus retaining a measure of influence in government departments. Bulk transfers and postings are not allowed once the elections’ schedule is announced, and perhaps that is why we have witnessed a flurry of transfers and postings in the last few weeks. In Mr Durrani’s case, the authorities need to investigate and take action against him if found guilty. Overall, as elections draw close, all stakeholders — the interim government, the Election Commission and the courts — need to remain vigilant to ensure that no devious measures are employed by candidates to enable favourable results on election day, especially by using well-placed friends and supporters in the administration. A civilian transfer of power will be historic; it should be ensured it is as free and fair as possible.

Shoaib Basra Tuesday, March 26, 2013 11:53 AM

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (26th March 2013)
 
[B][I][CENTER][SIZE="4"][SIZE="6"]Unchecked threat North Waziristan attack [/SIZE][/SIZE][/CENTER][/I][/B]


THE suicide attack on a security check post in North Waziristan on Saturday that left nearly 20 dead may at first appear to be just another grim incident in a festering insurgency, but there is an emerging facet: the possible rise of new splinter groups. The bombing of the Peshawar judicial complex, the attack on the Jalozai IDP camp and now the attack in North Waziristan have not been claimed by the TTP, or even claimed at all. The Aafia Siddiqui Brigade`s claim of responsibility for the Peshawar judicial complex bombing is also shrouded in mystery: is the group real, and who are its protagonists? What this could indicate is that the toxic brew of militancy in North Waziristan is undergoing changes again, with alliances breaking and forming anew, and when that happens the outcome is usually even more lethal than what came before.

At this point the choice is between getting lost in the minutiae of sub-groups within the Taliban and why they are possibly in a state of flux again, and zooming out and asking what the state is doing about the overall problem: the fact that North Waziristan is the single greatest immediate threat to Pakistan`s internal security. The American demand to `do more` and go after the Haqqanis inNorth Waziristan has receded into the background.

The US Ambassador to Pakistan recently said in Peshawar that North Waziristan is a domestic security issue, not an international one as the US insisted for many years. If the ultimate fear was that going after the `bad Taliban` in North Waziristan would also suck the state into fighting the favoured Haqqanis because of American pressure, then that pressure is no more and yet North Waziristan`s sprawling militant complex remains unmolested.

With an election on the way and no government in place, the optics of a military operation in North Waziristan at this moment would certainly look bad.

Additionally, going after the Taliban in their greatest stronghold with elections to be held could lead to unmanageable blowback. Then again, the Taliban have made clear that they consider democracy un-Islamic and that several parties are in their cross hairs, meaning that violence can be expected anyway. Ultimately, there is no ideal time to deal with the greatest internal security threat the country has seen since the break-up of Pakistan.

More than the threat itself, then, the paralysis among those who are supposed to fight it is terrifyingly worrying.

Agha Zuhaib Wednesday, March 27, 2013 03:16 PM

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (27th March 2013)
 
[B](27th March 2013)[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Playing with fire: Urdu syllabus changes[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

POISED to transfer the reins of government from one elected party to another, there is no doubt Pakistan is at a historic juncture. But instead of this giving the political elite confidence, what we are seeing are increasingly craven electioneering tactics. Viewed through this prism, the Punjab government’s reaction to criticism of its changes to the province’s 10th class Urdu textbooks acquires a far more serious dimension. In the new edition of the textbooks published in February, the government had excluded several chapters of prose and poetry that discussed Islam. This is something that has been argued for by reformists for years, given that the curriculum already has an entirely separate, mandatory subject — Islamiat — on the topic. Why should similar material be included in textbooks that teach the art of writing and articulating concepts in Urdu, when far more diversity is available? State-set curricula have over the decades faced legitimate criticism for the manner in which the dominant religion and a jihadist ideology have seeped into them, feeding into the polarisation of society and the further shrinking of space for minority and progressive groups.

But instead of standing by the reformist move, the Punjab government did a pusillanimous about-face when the exclusions were pointed out on Sunday. Swayed, no doubt, by the temptation to not be seen as doing anything that might disturb mainstream sentiment, it announced that the old chapters would be restored. That Shahbaz Sharif was, in fall last year, a proponent of the changes on his official Twitter account only makes the latest move more unfortunate. Is Punjab’s political elite really as insecure as this? Yes, there’s an election to be won, but much more important in the larger context is that there is a country to rebuild, and this will not happen unless leaders learn to set Pakistan’s house in order in more ways than one.

Whatever the shape of the next government, winning will only be the beginning of the battle. The far more serious challenge will be to somehow claw the country back from the edge of the abyss into which it is currently staring and redirect it towards progressiveness, prosperity and security. This will involve making tough choices and going against right-wing sentiment where necessary. Yet there are few signs that the political elite have the courage and commitment to do so.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]‘I’ and JI: Imran’s rally, his allies[/SIZE][/CENTER]
[/B]

THOSE looking for a party to end the individuals’ hold on Pakistan politics must have been disappointed by Imran Khan’s address to a big rally in Lahore on March 23. And those who had seen in him the promise of an independent, refreshing (even progressive) thrust for change are not too pleased with his closeness with the Jamaat-i-Islami.

No, Imran Khan at the Minar last Saturday was no carbon copy of the cricket captain who spoke at Melbourne on March 25, 1992; it couldn’t have been so, given the change in scope. Then, while lifting the World Cup, he had allowed his person and his personal cause to hog the limelight, at the cost of his team. Now, as the leader of a party with a much bigger task ahead, there was still just too much of ‘I’ in his speech. This was a long introduction to Imran Khan to those who needed no introduction to his religious views and his honesty, to those who instead needed him to spell out his plans for the future; his party’s manifesto.

If it was the rain which prevented Imran Khan from divulging his political plan at the rally, at least some part of his poll strategy was revealed after his meeting the following day with the JI chief, Syed Munawar Hasan. Not everyone was pleased to know that, after its shows of strength, the PTI still has to talk seat adjustments with the JI.

Mr Khan has been close to the JI, but even with all the emphasis on religion in his discourse, the move to ally himself with the Jamaat is difficult to understand in political terms. Imran Khan’s distinction lies in him being free from past afflictions. A partnership with a party that has been pretty much part of the system, even if it is one that is ideologically compatible with PTI, could detract from this appeal. It could help the JI get some of its candidates elected but could also cost the PTI some potential voters.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Disastrous tour: Cricket at a crossroads[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE Pakistan cricket team’s disastrous tour to South Africa ended on Sunday with the visitors losing the one-day series 3-2, which followed their Test series whitewash at the hands of Graeme Smith and his men. The nearly two-month, nightmarish campaign by Misbah-ul-Haq and his men has brutally exposed their inadequacies in technique and resolve to counter a top-ranked team such as the Proteas. More importantly, the lopsided contests have raised serious questions about the quality of cricketing talent that is being produced at the domestic level and is subsequently selected to represent the country. To say that Misbah-ul-Haq and his men were ill-prepared to tackle the tough challenges posed by the South African team would be an understatement. In fact, the team’s poor show coupled with the chaos in the ranks was ample proof that both our players and the team management were taken completely off guard by the opposition’s strength. Not discounting the fact that about a dozen Pakistani players in the current team were touring South Africa for the first time, we are compelled to put the blame squarely on seniors such as Younis Khan, Mohammad Hafeez, Shoaib Malik, Kamran Akmal, Shahid Afridi, Umar Gul and skipper Misbah himself, who were certainly not alien to the conditions and should have led the way with their performance — but it never transpired.

By virtue of this flopped campaign, Pakistan cricket once again finds itself at a crossroads — and fast approaching the Champions Trophy in June. Even going back to the drawing board won’t really help. For Pakistan to become a force in world cricket, nothing short of an overhaul would suffice. The induction of new blood is key, which should be followed by a comprehensive plan to groom the talent on modern lines and on livelier tracks.

Agha Zuhaib Thursday, March 28, 2013 01:46 PM

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (28th March 2013)
 
[B](28th March 2013)[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Worrying revelations: Tackling militancy[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

RATHER than increasing confidence, the report on Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Fata presented to the Supreme Court on Tuesday on behalf of Inter-Services Intelligence and Military Intelligence gives cause for greater concern. In January, the attorney general had conceded that some 700 suspected terrorists were confined in internment centres established under the Action in Aid of Civil Power Regulations 2011, a time-bound and area-specific law that legalises the detention of suspected terrorists. In trying to defend such detentions, the report for the SC exposed worrying details that many had suspected but the agencies had not officially revealed before now: that there is a fear of increased terrorist activities in several border agencies because of a nexus between the Tehreek-i-Taliban Swat and the Afghan government, and that the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan is merging with violent sectarian outfits that operate in the country at large, with the implication being that if detained members of the latter were removed from internment centres they would slip away into other parts of the country, including urban centres, and carry out further violence.

This leaves a lot of questions to be answered. Why did it take a legal petition against the AACPR to bring these issues to light? This information ought to have been shared much earlier with parliament and the people, because the mergers being talked of have very serious repercussions. In particular, the information about the TTP-sectarian nexus and the ability of any freed militants to carry out attacks in major cities and other settled areas constitutes an official admission that the militancy issue is not confined to the tribal belt, which is more of a hub from where violence is being exported to the rest of the country.

If reality is as presented in Tuesday’s report, this necessitates a rethink in Pakistan’s approach to the militancy problem. The authorities argue that the AACPR helps keep the peace in the restive tribal agencies, given the well-known issues, such as the lack of witnesses, with prosecuting terrorism suspects captured in the area. But if the problem is not restricted to Fata, are we to see the scope of the law expanded to other parts of the country too? Now that this information is public, it needs to be recognised that detention of the kind permitted by the AACPR is a short-term response rather than a real solution to the problem. Pakistan delays the creation of a comprehensive strategy at its peril.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Promising news: BNP-M contesting elections[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

SARDAR Akhtar Mengal has taken a bold and welcome step by declaring that his party is re-entering electoral politics. In conversations with the newspaper, Baloch separatist and radical nationalist groups have warned that they have no trust in the upcoming elections, consider them a tool of oppression and will view him as having “compromised” with the security establishment if he participates in them. So the Balochistan National Party-Mengal leader has a tricky balance to strike now that he has declared that his party will do so. He will already have lost favour with hardcore nationalists by making this announcement — particularly after the strong stand he took against the state’s Balochistan policies during his visit to Pakistan in September last year — and the murder of Quetta’s district election commissioner earlier this month has proved that some groups will not hesitate to use violence to express their rejection of the polls. But Mr Mengal also claimed on Tuesday that his party is under threat from the establishment. His will be a perilous campaign, fraught with security risks and the need to sustain his nationalist credentials by focusing on the legitimate grievances of the Baloch while at the same time not going so far that he risks disruption to his campaign by those who would rather uphold the status quo.

Here the Election Commission of Pakistan has an important role to play in making sure that the BNP-M and other nationalist parties are able to freely campaign and contest. If enforced disappearances and the dumping of bodies continues during the run-up to the elections, that will only make it harder for Mr Mengal and other nationalists to safely and successfully prove their support among the Baloch people. But the last few years have seen little progress in the relationship between Baloch nationalists and the state; it is critical that these parties are able to join the provincial assembly this year and vocalise the concerns of the Baloch through a legitimate, parliamentary process.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Agencies’ high-handedness: Police lock-up raided[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

IN a highly distasteful episode, personnel reportedly belonging to Military Intelligence helped free a suspect in a land-grabbing case from a Sukkur police lock-up on Monday. Besides thrashing the police officials, they also roughed up media-men who arrived to cover the fracas, with some of the journalists receiving serious injuries. Though senior MI officials in Sukkur have apologised to pressmen, this is not enough as the incident is indicative of a bigger problem. Several similar incidents involving military personnel have been reported from all over Pakistan in the past. Unfortunately, at times those in uniform, especially men belonging to the ‘agencies’, act as if they consider themselves above and immune to the law. Aside from the brazenness and illegality of such actions, the high-handedness reflects a disdain for ‘bloody civilians’ — police and government officers alike — and the rule of law.

The army’s top brass needs to investigate the Sukkur incident. Those involved in assaulting journalists and police officers need to be disciplined. Also, if it is established that the men were trying to protect individuals involved in illegal activities such as land-grabbing, they must face the law. In the longer term the military needs to change its internal culture. As it is, anyone with any sort of influence in Pakistan makes a complete mockery of the law when it stands in their way. There is thus an urgent need to inculcate respect for the law and civilian institutions within the ranks, especially amongst personnel attached to intelligence agencies. Such ugly incidents serve only to reinforce the impression that members of the armed forces can ill-treat civilians with impunity. At the same time, by doing so they also demoralise civilian law enforcers.

Sabir Basheer Monday, April 01, 2013 12:53 AM

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Still some way to go: Implementing the charter[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

AS the PPP and PML-N prepare to go into a campaign in which one or the other is viewed as likely to emerge as the lead coalition partner in the next government, it is a good time to look back and see what the two parties — now almost surely to sit on opposite sides of the aisle in parliament — agreed to in 2006 in the Charter of Democracy. A product of a different era, when a military dictator stood astride Pakistan thinking he was a colossus and Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif were condemned to exile, the Charter of Democracy still has relevance today. Not so much for ditching the idea of a constitutional court, an idea floated in an era when the unconstitutional was sanctified as constitutional by a pliant judiciary, but for all that remains to be done.

Admittedly, from cleaning up the constitution a great deal to devolving power to the provinces and from establishing an independent election commission to handing over the leadership of the public accounts committees in the assemblies to the opposition, much has been achieved. Of the achievements still to materialise, however, the absence of a truth and reconciliation commission is a crucial lapse. As the Asghar Khan/Mehrangate case in the Supreme Court and the earlier attempt by the PPP to revisit the execution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto under judicial sanction have shown, many wounds have yet to heal, and many threats have yet to be confronted. The charter itself flags some of those continuing threats: “Terrorism and militancy are by-products of military dictatorship, negation of democracy, are strongly condemned, and will be vigorously confronted.” Far from confronting the threat, the PML-N in particular but also the PPP have either courted the extremist vote or cowered before the militant threat.

There is also another complex challenge: the document states, “The ISI, MI and other security agencies shall be accountable…”. Over the past five years, civil-military relations have not really been reset, there being a persistent sense that circumstances and choices by the army itself were by and large keeping the military out of overt and frequent interference in politics, while the major national security and foreign policy issues were still very much under army control. Righting the very lopsided civil-military imbalance is an essential priority for Pakistan’s democratic future and something the PPP and PML-N can surely find common ground on in the next parliament.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]An ineffective force: Helplessness of Karachi police[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


CONCERNS were raised during a Supreme Court hearing on Friday about ‘no-go’ areas inaccessible to law enforcement agencies in Karachi. Such a situation has prevailed for some time, with areas such as Lyari largely controlled by criminal gangs off limits to the police. Elsewhere, whenever ethnic tensions boil over, certain neighbourhoods become inaccessible to members of ‘rival’ communities. Yet another matter of concern is that religious militants are steadily gaining ground in the outskirts of the metropolis where they have set up parallel justice systems. So fears that the police are shut out of chunks of the city are not unfounded. That lawlessness is a part of life in this teeming metropolis was illustrated by the killing of a school principal in Baldia yesterday — a day after police officials told the apex court the force lacked the will to tackle crime and terrorism in Karachi. Hence there can be no disagreement with the Supreme Court’s observation that all no-go areas must be abolished. How this is to be achieved is a much trickier question.

True, the solution lies in empowering the police to take action against criminals, but so far this has proved elusive. It is no secret that criminal elements enjoy political patronage in the city. In fact whenever operations are launched or suspected killers, affiliated with certain parties, rounded up it is not unusual to find the police confronted with political pressure to back off. The police are indeed corrupt and inefficient. But can they realistically be expected to deliver when their initiatives are thwarted by political elements?

The police are in a position to deliver better than even the paramilitary Rangers as their knowledge of Karachi’s communities and localities is extensive. But for this to happen, political will is necessary to counter crime and terrorism as it is to depoliticise and empower the force. A neutral, apolitical and professional police force, mandated with the task of upholding the law under all circumstances, is a prerequisite to rectifying Karachi’s descent into chaos.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Ostrich behaviour: Disallowing films & video games[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

IT seems that Pakistan has in the world of fiction and fictionalised narratives joined the ranks of countries such as the former Soviet Union as the ‘bad guy’. Increasing amounts of material prepared in primarily the Western world present the country as a place of violence, home to lethal extremist groups and espousing dangerous ideologies. Unfortunately, this is not too far from the truth; the country’s circumstances and positioning in the conflict in the region are such, that it provides ample material for those imagining chaos and crime. As a result, particularly in the world of fiction and gaming, there have been a number of cultural products in the recent past that offer up a view of Pakistan that is unpalatable to those wanting to see the country cast in a positive light in the world’s imagination.

Yet the state’s response to this situation is ludicrous. Smarting under the blows to its ego, it has begun to disallow such material. Earlier, it was the video games Call of Duty: Black Ops II and Medal of Honour: Warfighter. Recently, the film Zero Dark Thirty — a fictionalised account of the hunt for Osama bin Laden — failed to pass the censors’ scrutiny and was disallowed from being screened in local cinemas. Now, the latest instalment of the Hollywood GI Joe films, Retaliation appears to be following the same route, with officials from the Central Board of Film Censors saying that there’s no chance it will be allowed through. Who is the state trying to fool by burying its head in the sand in this manner? Will such measures help, particularly given the size of the pirated DVD market? If the country wants its image improved, what it needs to do is get its house in order.


03:21 PM (GMT +5)

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