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  #1511  
Old Saturday, July 09, 2016
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Default 9th july 2016

Moment to contemplate


AS the Muslim world celebrates Eidul Fitr, many in spots around the globe have been deprived of the joys of the festival, due mainly to war and terrorism. In fact, it appears as if most of the Muslim world is in perpetual crisis. Vicious civil wars rage in Syria and Yemen, with significant external involvement, while militants struck the ‘usual’ targets (Iraq, Afghanistan) as well as newer locations (Madina, Istanbul, Dhaka) in the run-up to Eid. Violent militant gangs acting in the name of Islam — IS, Al Qaeda, TTP etc — have shed much innocent blood, as the silent majority in Muslim lands struggles to formulate a coherent response to this hijacking of their faith. Moreover, militants have struck targets in nonMuslim locales — Paris, Brussels, Orlando — feeding Islamophobia that leads to hate crimes against peaceful Muslims. Indeed, today the social fabric of the Muslim world appears in tatters, with societies fragmented.


There are complex issues that fuel militancy and extremism in Muslim lands. For one, there are genuine grievances regarding the mistreatment of Muslims; the disputes of Palestine and Kashmir have festered for decades without resolution, while Muslims in countries like Myanmar face appalling levels of discrimination. But internally, Muslim ruling elites have failed their polities. In far too many Muslim states, strongmen lord it over the people; ruling families and cliques live in luxury as the masses toil in an atmosphere of physical and economic insecurity. It is the lack of social, political and economic justice in the Muslim world that pushes some amongst the disenchanted into the arms of extremism, with those estioning democracy and promoting atavistic systems, such as IS’s so-called caliphate, appearing to have all the answers. The reality of what the militants peddle is, of course, much darker, but far too many are giving ear to their appeals. Moreover, geopolitical tussles within the Muslim world are major sources of instability. So where does the process of renewal start? Perhaps the key lies with Muslim rulers; instead of preserving the status quo, they must promote participatory governance, and the Muslim state must be one which delivers social, economic and political justice without prejudice to all that live within its borders. Unless Muslim elites come to these realisations, the militant tide, and the chaos it brings, will be impossible to confront. Though it is time for celebration, Muslim states and societies need to consider how best to confront the monster of militancy.


Internet governance


THE government has moved one step closer to sealing the deal on legalising the blocking or removal of online content with the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Bill, 2015 — a step that is largely symbolic, as the blocking of the internet by the PTA has been an ongoing process, despite the regulatory body’s lack of clear rules to do so. During a recent subcommittee meeting of the Senate Standing Committee on Information Technology, senators and stakeholders discussed Section 34 of the bill, which deals with new powers being granted to the PTA to regulate online content. It is unfortunate that the discussion drifted from this most critical aspect of the PECB, as mass online censorship — from banning Baloch separatist websites to blocking YouTube — has been one of the most misguided contributions of the government to internet governance.


Thousands of experts have written about the distributed nature of the internet that makes censorship a futile, costly effort. Even the PTA, in a response to the Supreme Court last year over petitions seeking a ban on objectionable websites, stated it was helpless in blocking all websites, and that such a process would lead to “deterioration in internet quality in terms of speed and availability”. When even the regulator has submitted reports stating it is playing a game of whack-amole when it comes to internet censorship, why is it being further empowered to continue such a pointless job and prevent free speech and access to information, contravening the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights of which Pakistan is a signatory?


Such an approach suggests we are actively moving towards a regressive approach to internet regulation such as that taken by China and Saudi Arabia, where citizens are left coming up with new and inventive means to bypass state censorship. ‹ Both China and Saudi Arabia have taken technological and institutional steps to censor the internet that go beyond law and now extend to societal norms, business practices and other areas. Similarly in Pakistan, we may see censorship extend beyond the government’s desire to control information to negatively impact society — eg increased instances of online blasphemy accusations used — as seen in the real world — not only to censor information on the internet, but also to target minority groups and ordinary citizens. This is not a hypothetical situation but one grounded in the fact that multiple cases of blasphemy charges based on internet content have already occurred in the last two years. The PECB has no answer to the impact of the internet censorship it will bring into law. It is unfortunate that a lack of internet penetration and thereby an understanding of the internet among the general population and leaders leave the country vulnerable to new policies that once passed will be hard to reverse and damaging to the very people who approved them.


Ice factory deaths


TO work in a factory in Pakistan, as do millions of its citizens, is to play Russian roulette with your life. Earlier this week, at least six of them lost the gamble, the latest in a long line of victims of industrial accidents in this country. This time the fatalities resulted from a gas explosion at an ice factory in Karachi which was so powerful that it caused the multi-storey structure to collapse. The bodies of the dead were retrieved from the rubble with the help of an excavator, and a police official quoted doctors at the hospital where the deceased were taken as saying that they had died from ammonia inhalation. Residents of the area had to be temporarily relocated because of the gas leak. The predictable tableau that follows such events played out: the chief minister ‘took notice’, expressed sorrow and sought a report from the relevant departments.


More than likely, that report — if it ever sees the light of day — will gather dust in some government office. Judging by earlier industrial accidents, no changes will be effected in the Dickensian work conditions under which exploited millions eke out a living. One wonders what it will take for the government to address this issue. After all, aside from the Factories Act 1934 as well as other legislation pertaining to worker safety on its statute books, Pakistan has also ratified 36 ILO provisions. Lack of awareness among workers of their rights, as well as the fact that more than 70pc of them are in the informal sector also makes it easier for factory owners to overlook provisions for their safety and violate building codes and equipment standards. The shambolic state of the labour inspection system — shockingly inadequate and riddled with corruption — allows managements to get away with criminal negligence. There have been far too many deaths on this count, and the state must do its duty by those who produce the goods and services that contribute to the economy.

Published in Dawn, July 9th, 2016

http://www.dawn.com/newspaper/editorial
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  #1512  
Old Sunday, July 10, 2016
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Default July 10, 2016

Education money


WITH 24 million out-of-school children, the provision of quality education is a Herculean task for provincial governments. That said, last month, Finance Minister Ishaq Dar reiterated the PML-N’s pledge of allotting 4pc of GDP to education by 2018. More money will not reform the sector unless there is proper planning. Furthermore, increasing education spending to 4pc is next to impossible to achieve for the PML-N without adding another whopping Rs485bn to up the allocation, according to Alif Ailaan. The current annual allocation of Rs790bn represents 2.83pc of GDP. It would make more sense at this time not to allow development budgets to lapse — most allocations have increased threefold since 2010, such as in KP and Balochistan. In reality, lofty pledges keep the education conversation on the international community’s radar, thus appeasing foreign donors. As an education activist observed: “The government must decide whether education is a commitment it really means, or one it puts in its speeches and manifestos to avoid embarrassment when in international capitals. This is as doable as the Orange Metro Line, or the acquisition of F-16s.”

Therefore, the solution lies in planned utilisation and oversight within the budgetary time frame. Consider Sindh’s dismal indicators despite its high spending on education. For instance, it has the largest overall decrease in learning scores among the provinces — scores attributed to poor quality teaching and low enrolment and retention rates — despite its Rs176bn budget. The province spends at least 12 times as much on teachers’ salaries as it did in 2010. With 50pc of girls out of primary school and 61pc of all girls in this province unable to even attend school, the government must act — even if it means removing bribe-seeking officials patronised by politicians. After decades of donor assistance, 40pc of teachers in Sindh remain ‘ghost’ employees; evident that more money fuels more corruption. Provinces must not overspend on salaries at the expense of needs such as maintaining schools and providing stipends to girls to retain larger numbers. On another note, without an annual national level data collection regime of learning assessments, it is challenging to monitor education outcomes — the last federal assessment was in 2014. This leaves the task to non-governmental advocacy groups, recommending reforms to increase girls’ education, enrolment and retention rates. For equitable education, political interest is necessary — more money without evaluating where it is needed to address gaps won’t solve the crisis.

Bahrain unrest


THE small Gulf kingdom of Bahrain is once again simmering due to sectarian polarisation and political deadlock. Though the situation has been far from normal ever since a pro-democracy movement was crushed by the state in 2011 with Saudi help, recent events have put the ruling Al Khalifa on a collision course with the popular opposition. Tensions increased after the state revoked the citizenship of Ayatollah Shaikh Isa Qassim, Bahrain’s top Shia cleric, in June. This has led to street protests in the island kingdom, which has a Shia majority. According to the UN, 250 Bahrainis have been stripped of their citizenship for “alleged disloyalty to the kingdom”, a euphemism for political opposition. The Al Khalifa have also cracked down on Al Wefaq, the main opposition group, while prominent government critics such as Shaikh Ali Salman and Nabeel Rajab, have faced arrest and imprisonment.

The rulers have accused Iran of stoking tensions in Bahrain. While senior figures within the Iranian establishment have reacted sharply to the revocation of Ayatollah Qassim’s nationality, the fact is that Bahrain’s opposition movement is indigenous and non-sectarian, demanding civil rights and participatory government. It is also true that after the 2011 protests, the ruling family has shown very little tolerance for dissent, whether it comes from Shia or Sunni citizens. But as the opposition is mostly Shia and the royal family Sunni, the political deadlock is given an ugly sectarian colour. Unfortunately, intolerance of dissent and iron-fisted rule are hallmarks of most Arab regimes, particularly the sheikhdoms of the Gulf. Bahrain seems to be following the Saudi example, as the Al Saud have kept a tight lid on their own Shia opposition in the Eastern Province. Instead of using force and intimidation, moderate elements within the Bahraini royal family, such as the crown prince, should reach out to the opposition and introduce political reforms. Should they fail to do this and intensify their crackdown, the possibility of further instability on the island is very likely.

Taking forward Edhi’s mission


ABDUL Sattar Edhi is no more. There is sorrow at his passing and sadness at the pain his 92-year-old body may have suffered in his final weeks. Greater, however, is the feeling of pride that he was from among us, if not quite one of us in the way he lived his life. Edhi: icon, humanitarian, Pakistani – ours. To the end, he put simplicity first and others always before himself. His organs were to be donated, but age and frailty meant only the cornea could be transplanted. Perhaps that final act will draw attention to the desperate shortage of healthy organs being donated for transplant in the country – an issue that only comes to the fore tangentially through grim tales about the kidney transplant racket. If only a few of the many who are mourning Edhi’s passing were to emulate his example, many more could live longer lives or have use of faculties they otherwise would not. It would also be a tremendous boon to the other iconic institution where Edhi was hospitalised: the SIUT, which heroically continues in circumstances of adversity.

The greatest tribute that could be given to one of Pakistan’s most famous sons would, of course, be to ensure that Edhi’s humanitarian network continues its tremendous work. Edhi’s family and associates have already indicated that they will endeavour to carry on with the man’s mission, but the impact his passing could have should not be underestimated. Charitable donations – likely to spike in the days ahead – may drift downwards eventually. The Edhi model has been replicated by others and the organisation will surely struggle to emulate the impact he had on donors, large and small. Perhaps the state, as represented by the highest of officials who attended Edhi’s funeral prayers yesterday, could play a role – but with the immediate caveat that it find a way to mobilise funds transparently for the Edhi network without interfering in its management and day-to-day affairs. The Edhi network, after all, came into being because of acute state failure to look after the dispossessed, the rejected and the scorned. His mission should not become hostage to the very failures that created the need for it in the first place.

Reflect also on the values that Edhi embodied. His worldview was ecumenical and increasingly antithetical to the country he grew old in. Not for Edhi was the religion, caste, ethnicity or citizenship of those he served. All were equal and all equally welcome. If Edhi’s values were superimposed on the Pakistani state, Pakistan would indisputably be closer to the vision of its founding father, Mohammad Ali Jinnah. A state that discriminates is a country that attacks itself. Edhi was a man who showed a country what is possible when humanity is put first. Truly, no other has come close since.
Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn, July 10th, 2016
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  #1513  
Old Sunday, July 17, 2016
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An abortive coup


TURKEY may have entered a turbulent and uncertain phase in its history, but until the events of this weekend there had appeared to be at least one certainty: the military had been returned to the barracks and the threat of a coup permanently eroded. The chaotic events of Friday evening, however, suggest that there are sizeable elements inside Turkey’s military that still do not accept the constitutional authority of a legitimately elected government and that continue to believe it is their duty to protect the state from the people’s elected representatives. If that threatened to create further instability in a country and region already convulsed by wars, terrorist violence and frightening sectarian rivalries, the response of the Turkish people, the full spectrum of its political class and the civilian apparatus of the state has been nothing short of historic. It was remarkable to witness a nation and polity divided come together immediately in defence of its democratic process — the need to defend the representative system being of more fundamental importance than any partisan view of a particular government.

The Turkish people and their political leaders have acted in a manner inspirational for many countries struggling with their own anti-democratic forces, but is President Recep Tayyip Erdogan willing to show the necessary humility and flexibility to protect the democracy that he is chief custodian of? A purge within the military may be inevitable and necessary, but there is more than a whiff of political machinations in the Turkish president’s accusations against former ally and moderate cleric, Fethullah Gulen. Mr Erdogan has a reputation for seeing enemies everywhere and his authoritarian approach to ruling seems to only exacerbate his problems. Clearly, the people of Turkey want Mr Erdogan as their leader; surely there’s no reason for him to constantly alienate and antagonise his colleagues and create unnecessary problems for the country. Moreover, the Turkish president often uses the very democratic process that has conferred on him popular legitimacy for undemocratic ends. In fact, Mr Erdogan’s net contribution to democratic institution-building frequently appears to be in the negative.

Here in Pakistan, the failed coup in Turkey has some important lessons for the military leadership. With some sections of the public, media and the political class criticising the elected government, its governance record and some of its policy choices, there may be a temptation to justify decreasing the political and governance space of the incumbent PML-N — or even to contemplate the unthinkable and return Pakistan to the dark days of military rule. But such short-term thinking is precisely what contributes to long-term governance malaise. Pakistan is a constitutional democracy for a reason: it is the only path towards finding sustainable and lasting improvements in the quality of governance. First principles must never be compromised in the quest for ill-conceived fixes.

Qandeel’s murder


THE shocking ‘honour’ killing of popular social media celebrity, Qandeel Baloch, must be condemned in the strongest possible terms.

In her brief moment in the spotlight, she breezily pushed the boundaries of what in Pakistan is considered ‘acceptable’ behaviour by women, and her death highlights the perils that such a path entails.

Outspoken and fearless, she chose to live life on her own terms — as a woman whose antics unnerved her many moralistic critics, most of whom were both enthralled and repelled by her.

That in itself was an act of courage. In fact, in a sense it was the very exaggerated nature of her persona — that many saw as controversial and that she flaunted in her risqué videos — which got the message across: women have a right to be themselves even if they offend conventional sensibilities.

And the state’s response must unequivocally demonstrate that they do not deserve to be murdered for it. For this reason too, her murder must be immediately investigated and the perpetrators — allegedly her brothers — apprehended and punished.

It is regrettable though that the state has a weak record when it comes to prosecutions because quite often the murderers of women go scot-free.

They are forgiven and even supported by regressive patriarchies after killing ‘disobedient’ female family members increasing the impunity factor — this is reason enough for removing punishment waivers and compoundability provisions from the law.

And although filmmakers, activists and legislators have lobbied for revised laws, there has been zero headway.

Why the lethargy?

When will parliament be jolted out of its stupor to pass the anti-honour killing bill?

Now that Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is back, he must deliver on his pledge to amend the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2004, by removing the clauses that make such murder a private offence instead of a crime against state and society.

Furthermore, when a citizen asks for protection it must be provided by the state. In this case, the interior ministry was gravely at fault to have ignored the young celebrity’s request for security.

The death of Qandeel Baloch conveys an insidious message: that women will be kept back at all cost; murdered, if they dare nurture ambitions to break the glass ceiling.

Her murder, therefore, must serve as an impetus for legislators to renew demands for legislation to protect women who are threatened under false notions of ‘honour’.

Azad Kashmir polls


THE national parties of the country have taken their usual electoral shenanigans to Azad Kashmir ahead of the polls there later this month. In fact, it is an action replay of the normal Pakistani tendency to push people’s issues to one side in order to allow opportunistic politics to take centre stage. There has been violence including deaths and injuries. There have been firebrand speeches, often delivered and reacted to away from Kashmir in some perennially interested quarters in Islamabad, Lahore and elsewhere. Those who report from Kashmir describe as ‘thinking people’ the group that is aghast at the antics on display during the poll campaign. This thinking lot, it seems, does not include politicians.

There is definitely a trophy at stake and there are many claimants. The tone has been primarily set by old rivals PPP and PML-N. The former thinks it has a traditional and emotional link with Azad Kashmir which should help it retain power in Muzaffarabad. But instead of highlighting an achievement or two of its latest term in Kashmir, the PPP has been turning to anti-India slogans to woo voters. These chants ring hollow when the party’s latest commander, Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari, does not follow up on them, and does not suggest measures that could bring peace to India-held Kashmir. Short of that, the anti-Modi refrain appears little more than an emotional ploy to secure a poll victory. On the other hand, the PML-N, too, has not been overly interested in showcasing any Kashmir-specific initiatives since it came to power at the centre in 2013. At best, it promises the expansion of its familiar, road-centric model to Azad Kashmir; its poll campaign speakers have so far betrayed little interest in taking up the bigger, more crucial issue of real autonomy. There are other important players such as the PTI and Muslim Conference; unfortunately, while they may be contributing to some basic ideal of pluralism, they are not participating in a meaningful debate about Kashmir’s issues and their resolution.

Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn, July 17th, 2016
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  #1514  
Old Sunday, July 24, 2016
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PM’s task


AFTER weeks — months, really — of speculation, it was a reassuring signal: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif chairing a meeting of the National Security Committee, with the country’s military leadership and senior cabinet officials in attendance. A trip to Muzaffarabad to address a post-election rally also suggested that Mr Sharif is regaining the stamina necessary for the demanding job of leading this country. An elected prime minister attending to his duties of governance and policymaking is the right kind of disinfectant for the noxious rumours and thinly veiled assaults on the democratic process that have been unleashed in recent times. Clearly, the PML-N has contributed to the recent climate of political uncertainty through its unwillingness to share timely and clear information with the public and its over-willingness to attack political rivals. Perhaps now Mr Sharif will be able to impose some discipline on his party and reinvigorate his cabinet to focus on the task of governance.

Unquestionably, this country needs democratic leadership in all spheres, domestic and foreign. The PML-N has electoral legitimacy, but has struggled to impose its political and wider democratic legitimacy. Political legitimacy will receive a boost once the PML-N finds a way to create a nationally endorsed judicial commission to investigate the revelations in the Panama Papers. It is not simply a question of the political opposition demonstrating the will and capacity to sustain its anti-government protests. The Panama Papers raised some important concerns about the finances of the first family and until those are addressed fully and transparently before an authentically independent and powerful commission, it is the Sharif family itself that must bear primary responsibility for the simmering political crisis. Certainly, there is also an onus on the opposition politicians to seek a fair outcome, but few, if any, of the opposition demands thus far have been fundamentally undemocratic or unjust. Mr Sharif must find a way to break the impasse soon.

Wider political legitimacy will come from the government recovering the space it has surrendered to other institutions in its first three years. That process can only begin if the government is willing to reactivate and re-energise the various constitutional and administrative forums that have become dormant under the PML-N. A National Security Committee after a prolonged absence of the prime minister from the country can send the right signal, but it will mean little in the medium term unless two other questions are also answered. Does the PML-N intend to hold regular NSC meetings? Will it approach such meetings in a structured manner and contribute meaningfully to both the agenda for such meetings and the substance of the discussions? Be it the CCI or the NSC, Mr Sharif must embrace institutional forms of decision-making. If not, the trends established in the first three years of this administration will continue over its last two.

Bloodshed in Europe


A SPATE of attacks over the past few days has left Europe reeling. Starting with the Bastille Day rampage in Nice in which a French resident of Tunisian extraction drove a 19-tonne truck into a crowd killing more than 80 people, to a knife attack in Germany that left several injured on board a train, to the Munich shooting on Friday in which at least nine people died, the nightmare has been unending. Pending further investigations, it appears that in at least two of the cases there were no accomplices. The train attack was carried out by a teenaged Afghan migrant who had apparently no links to the dreaded IS that often claims, or is accused of inspiring, such attacks. Again, in the latest attack on Friday, the perpetrator, a German-Iranian teenager, has not been linked to IS, though he might have been inspired by Norwegian mass killer Anders Breivik. The suspect was reportedly receiving psychiatric care. The attacks present a new security dilemma for Europe: how to prevent lone-wolf attacks.

In today’s insecure, terror-afflicted world, it is difficult to come up with a calibrated response to such attacks. What is clear is that in many of them the perpetrators suffered from mental and personality disorders; militancy was perhaps the conduit for their pent-up rage. For example, the Nice attacker, whose links to terrorist groups have yet to be established, was not religious and had behavioural problems. Similarly, some of those involved in the earlier Brussels attacks — though these were apparently coordinated — were petty criminals and didn’t fit the usual jihadist profile. Deeper studies — involving European governments, academics and law-enforcement specialists — are needed to uncover why these individuals ‘snap’. Is it merely the escape or ‘redemption’ from a life of ‘sin’ that IS offers, or is it their existence on the margins of European society that causes them to carry out unconscionable acts of violence? Perhaps it is a mix. Whether these people were radicalised by militant Islamist ideology, or pushed over the edge due to psychological problems stemming from their backgrounds — Europeans of Islamic heritage or migrants from Muslim countries — all Muslims in Europe will be tarred with the same brush. These acts will fuel Islamophobia and anti-migrant sentiments. Europe must strike a balance between solid counterterrorism efforts, and ensuring that entire communities are not ostracised, and that those fleeing war and persecution are still able to find refuge.

‘Closure’ of schools


PAKISTAN is in a tough spot. More specifically, a complication has resulted from the country’s close relationship with the Turkish government which has just survived a coup attempt, and is now bent upon rooting out all elements it considers hostile to President Erdogan. It is a measure of the speed at which the purge is being carried out that just over a week after the failed takeover bid, Turkey expects the Nawaz Sharif government to close institutions it says are being run by Fethullah Gülen in Pakistan. Mr Erdogan has named Mr Gülen, a former ally who now lives in the US, as the prime suspect behind the coup attempt. Organisations associated with him are said to have stakes in some businesses here, but more prominent are a dialogue forum and a chain of schools. The demand for their closure raises the spectre of all the investment made in these schools over time coming to naught and creating serious problems for the large number of students enrolled.

The chain has denied links with Mr Gülen, while others familiar with its workings have indicated that no attempt is being made at these schools of basic learning to impose any extreme views or to promote the image of a single individual. Keeping this in mind, it would be unfortunate if these schools suffered on account of any rushed action. It will no doubt be very difficult for the Pakistan government to say ‘no’ to a call by such a close friend in such an angry mood at this moment. But hopefully, the authorities here would want to and be able to plead the case of the students enrolled in these institutes. An abrupt closure is not the answer, and it is too early and utterly unnecessary at this stage to discuss options such as a fresh banner or new ownership for the school chain. Instead, Pakistan may want to try and set its Turkish friends’ minds at rest by conducting a close scrutiny of what takes place at these schools.

Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn, July 24th, 2016
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Old Sunday, July 31, 2016
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Saved from death


DIPLOMACY notched up a partial victory this week as Zulfiqar Ali, a Pakistani citizen sentenced to death by firing squad in Indonesia, was included among the 10 individuals whose executions have been suspended by Indonesia. A trial that was marred by evidentiary and due process flaws, according to human rights activists, should never have been the basis for his long-term incarceration, let alone grounds for his execution. This paper opposes the death penalty in all its forms and, given the grim record of executions here in Pakistan over the past 18 months, it is an altogether welcome development that Ali’s case appears to have sparked a national conversation on the potential unfairness of judicial systems. Indeed, that conversation should be extended to the problem of draconian punishments against alleged drug offenders inside Pakistan and abroad. Saudi Arabia, for example, has a terrible and insistent policy on alleged drug smugglers that has seen several Pakistani citizens executed over the years. The full-throated and wholehearted defence of Ali — morally correct and laudable — should be extended to all Pakistani citizens facing the tyranny of flawed justice in all countries.

Indeed, one of the travesties of the Pakistan criminal system is the range of crimes for which the death penalty can be handed down. While the long fight to have capital punishment abolished in all its forms here continues, attention over the medium term also needs to be paid to the scope of the penalty. Kidnapping and drug trafficking are just two of the crimes that can result in a death sentence even if no one was killed while the crime was being committed. Can it really be said that the death penalty deters drug smuggling or drug-related crimes in Pakistan? Is the criminal justice system really punishing major drug offenders, or are those caught and punished by the state individuals at the bottom of the socio-economic ladder and without access to adequate legal representation? Ali has rightly become a cause célèbre, but there are many Zulfikar Alis languishing in Pakistani prisons and on death row. At the very least, there ought to be a review of the scope of the applicability of the death penalty here.

There is also the issue of due process: the right to a fair trial and reasonable standards of justice applied right from the investigation phase all the way through to appeals and clemency requests. The 21st Amendment has virtually obliterated due process for terrorism suspects tried in military courts and the appeals process in the Supreme Court thus far has brought to light disturbing testimony of victims’ families and their lawyers. Fundamental rights are non-negotiable as ought to be due process, especially when the death sentence is a possibility. Zulfiqar Ali must be saved and so should many other Pakistanis in prisons abroad and at home.

Communalism in Sindh


FOR some time now, the pluralistic Sufi ethos of Sindh has been under threat from the forces of bigotry. The recent disturbances in the district of Ghotki appear to be part of this ugly trend. On Wednesday, two teenagers belonging to the Hindu community were shot while at a tea shop in the district; one of the victims, Sheetan Kumar, died on the spot. Tensions in the area had been high as earlier reports had emerged about the alleged desecration of the Quran. Local police officials say the suspect involved in the alleged desecration, and who had apparently embraced Islam, was mentally unstable. As is the case whenever matters of such a sensitive nature occur, the reported desecration and the murder sparked communal tension in Ghotki, with protest demonstrations and closures of markets.

When cases of this nature transpire, it is essential that the state and community members immediately act to calm the situation and not let extremists exploit sentiments. Otherwise, tragic consequences can ensue, as in this incident with the senseless murder of the teenager. The case needs to be pursed and the killers of Sheetan Kumar must be brought to justice. But in the longer term, there is a pressing need to address the overall issue of extremism in Sindh. While some groups did hold demonstrations to condemn the communal violence, which should be appreciated, more sustained efforts are required in this regard. The Hindu community in Sindh has been targeted before, with temples and other buildings belonging to the faith group being desecrated and attacked. The forcible conversion of Hindu women is another issue that has fuelled communal divisions. Amongst the factors that have led to this situation over the years is the fact that militant and sectarian groups have made inroads in many of Sindh’s districts. This, along with the growth of madressahs — with some seminaries affiliated with hard-line groups — has contributed to the changed social and religious ethos of Sindh. It is important that members of the community — intellectuals, ulema, elders — reinforce the traditionally tolerant nature of society in Sindh. However, the state can perhaps make the most difference in stemming the extremist tide in two major ways. First, it must punish those involved in the murder, harassment and intimidation of minority citizens. Second, the authorities must clamp down on the activities of banned groups across the province before they do even more damage to Sindh’s fabric.

Merkel’s admirable stance


RARELY has a politician adhered so unwaveringly to principles when his or her political survival itself is possibly at stake. But Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, has proven herself to be of stronger mettle than most. On Thursday at a news conference in Berlin, she robustly defended her open-door refugee policy that has seen Germany take in more than one million asylum-seekers in 2015, mostly from war-ravaged Syria. Even as she described the recent attacks in her country and across Europe as “shocking, depressing and terrifying”, she insisted that Germany’s stance must continue to be based on humanity and compassion and that those committing acts of terrorism wanted to create divisions in society based on differences in culture and religions.

Ms Merkel’s steadfastness is commendable, as is her long view of the situation — particularly given the circumstances in which she has expressed them. Europe has been rocked by a series of terrorist incidents in the last few months. In Germany itself, the last two weeks have been particularly harrowing with four attacks in different parts of the country; the perpetrators in at least three, according to German police, were either asylum seekers or refugees inspired by Islamist ideology. Since then, the xenophobic, racist impulses that have long been on the boil — and which gained further traction when waves of desperate asylum seekers began to arrive on European shores in 2015 — have found more takers. The revulsion and fear among the public has also given ammunition to Ms Merkel’s political opposition as well as some of her own party colleagues to denounce her policies. Nevertheless, Ms Merkel has stood her ground. Earlier, she countered the massive anti-migrant protests that erupted in the wake of her welcoming attitude to refugees, with her determined ‘wir schaffen das’ (we can manage it) mantra, even while acknowledging the challenges that the influx posed. She continues to demonstrate that a true leader is guided by principles that are not held hostage to political expediency or narrow populist sentiment.

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Published in Dawn, July 31st, 2016
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PML-N’s overreaction


IT may be arrogance or it could be a sign of panic, but the PML-N’s early response to Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri taking to the streets of the country is unnecessary overreaction. The filing of a reference for the disqualification of Imran Khan with Speaker of the National Assembly Ayaz Sadiq is a nakedly political ploy that has little to do with the law or parliamentary practice. While the post-Panama Papers revelations about the PTI chief’s past financial practices and property ownership have raised legal questions, the proper forums for deciding those issues are the judiciary and the ECP. Moreover, the PML-N move against Mr Khan in the National Assembly could trigger allegations of conflict of interest against the speaker, given Mr Sadiq’s recent partisan attitude towards the PTI in the Assembly and the bypoll he was forced to contest last year following the PTI’s successful challenge of the 2013 general election result. Unfortunately then, the PML-N’s apparent decision to fight politics with politics could cause unnecessary collateral damage to the apex democratic institution.

Far more sensible an approach involved the meetings that Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif held with the leaders of allied political parties, the PkMAP, National Party and JUI-F. Perhaps it was to seek reassurances or to strategise, but the cumulative democratic lesson of the last eight years has been that when parliamentary forces consult each other and act in concert, it has the effect of defusing political crises and stabilising the democratic process. The fact is that the PML-N has a majority in the National Assembly, a dominant majority in the Punjab Assembly and is one half of a power-sharing agreement in Balochistan. Those are legitimately earned, democratic strengths, while there is little clarity about the scale of public support for the PTI and Tahirul Qadri and their agenda of street protests. Moreover, the ToR committee continues to exist and the PML-N can still find a way to break the impasse there, allowing a judicial commission to be formed and the inquiry into the Panama Papers to begin.

Yet, the PML-N has acquired a well-deserved reputation for overreacting to challenges from the PTI and Tahirul Qadri, and the building political confrontation could trigger an ugly response from the PML-N if the party abandons common sense. The events of June 2014 in Lahore — in plain words, the massacre in Model Town — still cast a pall over the PML-N, and the party’s long march to Islamabad for the restoration of then chief justice Iftikhar Chaudhry was a confrontation that only outside mediation resolved. The PML-N is defending what it believes is its rightful political ground and the party is protecting its leader, but perhaps the party should remember that its foremost duty is as the elected government of the country.

Power bottleneck


NO sooner had the government committed itself once more to its promise of eliminating load-shedding by the end of its term than we have a new report from the power sector regulator detailing the many bottlenecks that plague the country’s transmission system. Most importantly, the regulator has pointed out that the existing transmission system cannot even carry current loads, let alone cater to the requirements of the future. In the past, high officials of the water and power ministry conceded that the transmission system was unable to handle loads beyond 15,000MW. Now Nepra tells us in its annual report that the transmission system can barely cope with present demand, and whatever upgradation work is being carried out will not address the real bottlenecks. Many power plants, we are told, are operating well below capacity because there is insufficient capacity to evacuate the power they generate. In addition, many grid stations and transformers are operating at 80pc of capacity, well beyond their safety limit. And in the midst of all this, the government is claiming that it will take power generation capacity to 31,000MW by the time its term ends.

The question naturally arises: if the system is barely able to cope with the evacuation, transmission and distribution of power under today’s loads, how does the government intend to handle all the additional generation capacity it is contracting? Some transmission lines are indeed being laid, particularly those where Chinese projects are involved, with the most notable example being the work under way to connect Jamshoro grid station with Lahore via two lines. But the details given in Nepra’s report go far beyond the main spine of the country’s transmission system. In order to handle the kind of loads that the government is planning to put on the system by 2018, even if we assume they come online as planned, it will mean that the entire network should be undergoing massive upgradation. Instead, the report tells us of plants that have been inaugurated with much fanfare only to become idle because power lines to carry their output have yet to be laid. It tells us about grid stations overloaded and EHV lines near full capacity. As has been repeatedly emphasised by many already, without underlying reforms of the power sector institutions and technical upgradation of transmission and distribution, mere megawatts will not be enough to tackle the power shortages in any meaningful way.

Culling pye dogs


STRAY dogs have been at the receiving end of the civic authorities’ zeal in Karachi since Thursday. At least 700 of them have so far been killed in two areas of District South alone using poison pellets in chicken meat, and the total number throughout the city’s six districts could run into thousands. The carcasses — which made for some gruesome viewing — were collected by the municipal authority concerned and removed to a landfill. The scale of the problem posed by the stray dog population in Karachi can be gauged from the fact that last year Jinnah Hospital treated 6,500 dog bite cases, while the number thus far this year has reached 3,700.

There is a considerable amount of outrage from some quarters about the cruel manner of the cull, which resulted in an agonising death for the animals. That is as it should be, because suffering — whether undergone by man or beast — must be a matter of concern and more humane options explored. However, those for whom private cars are the primary mode of transport would find it difficult to appreciate the dangers that packs of stray dogs pose on a daily basis to pedestrians as well as children playing in the streets, a far from uncommon sight in the metropolis. That said, in the delicately balanced order of the natural world, it is worth looking at the issue from a more holistic point of view. Research has shown that pye dog populations in an area tend to replenish themselves as other dogs move in to fill the ecological space created by the culled animals. Also, a larger amount of available resources enhances survival rates for both puppies and fully grown dogs. But therein lies a clue: deprive stray dogs of the resources that nurture them. The lack of an organised garbage disposal system in the city exacts a multifaceted environmental cost. Addressing that issue would have a far-reaching impact on reducing the pye dog population as well.

Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn, August 7th, 2016
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Thoughts on August 14


WITH one year more to go before Pakistan completes 70 years of its existence, it is time we focused on a merciless self-examination to find out why and where we stand today in this hour of social anarchism and political duality. Could all this have been different if only we had avoided one mistake? Or is the abysmal state today the result of not one but a series of fundamental mistakes we made repeatedly — as if propelled by an uncanny force beyond our control — to all but destroy the values that the father of the nation stood for? Astonishing as it sounds, the loss of half the country and the humiliating surrender at Dhaka failed to shock us into making a clean break with the past and start afresh with a new resolve. Instead, where there should have been poise and restraint, history records recklessness, mob violence, repeated violations of the sanctity of the Constitution, and a flagrant abuse of state funds for personal and partisan gains. All this was topped by two military interventions (after 1971). Even when the civilian leadership returned to power after elections tainted by polling fraud, the spectre of ‘controlled democracy’ — an idea first mooted by Iskander Mirza in the pre-martial law days — haunted the polity. It still does.

The repercussions of military rule are there for us to see: the nation’s political growth has been stunted, its social fabric torn apart, and Pakistan’s image abroad tarnished. Acts of terror, like the one in Quetta last Monday and the carnage at the Army Public School in Peshawar in December 2014, are the visible form of the malignancy that has the country in its grip; the deeper and clandestine form of it is to be seen in religious extremism that has stymied liberal forces. More mortifying is society’s indifference to acts of mass murder, besides the perversion — often with the help of the establishment — of such noble Islamic concepts as philanthropy and jihad. The mishandling of the US-led anti-Soviet ‘jihad’ created a breed of militants who since then have been on their own, often beyond the control of their patrons, and are now at war with Pakistan — a state that nurtured them and made them victors in Afghanistan.

But even though we stumble and fumble and seem unable to find our way in the pre-dawn opacity, we should be sagacious enough not to show haste and, instead, detect the streaks of light piercing the all-enveloping gloom. The year 2013 saw the completion of a full five-year term by an elected government and a constitutional transfer of power. This march — howsoever arduous — towards democratic evolution must be maintained, and no follies and foibles by the elected should be considered reason enough for the non-elected to re-enact a play censured by history. This should not mean carte blanche for the civilian leadership to demean itself in the people’s eyes by glorying in the perks and privileges of power. Also deserving of denunciation is the evil use of law to persecute the opposition — a nostrum both civilian and military governments had recourse to. Quite often, the opposition invited and later regretted military rule, because it must know the generals have their own agenda.

The goal for all, and not merely the reviled politicians, should be to uphold Jinnah’s teachings, especially those he spelled out repeatedly during the less than 13 months he had after independence. The gist of those pronouncements make clear Jinnah wanted a Pakistan which would be a welfare state; which would not be a theocracy; where lawmaking would be the sole prerogative of the people’s elected representatives; and where all citizens, irrespective of religion and gender, would be equal before the majesty of the law. This idyll cannot be reached in a lifetime, but certainly we have a fair chance of giving the future generations a better Pakistan, if we begin the journey with sincerity — even 69 years late.

Army chief’s criticism


THE well-meaning critique — or perhaps full-throated criticism — is a familiar one. In the past, too, army chief Gen Raheel Sharif has expressed his frustration and disappointment at the pace of implementation of the National Action Plan. After a particularly grotesque and appalling terrorist strike, the public pressure on the military and political leaderships to pinpoint failures and do something new can be intense. Moreover, the flurry of high-level meetings inevitably produces assessments that diverge and plans of action that do not always quite dovetail. Yet, it remains an uncomfortable sight when an army chief publicly criticises an elected government, as Gen Sharif has done once again this week. What is particularly troubling is that the criticism came after a top-level military-only huddle at GHQ — could not the military leadership’s concerns have been conveyed during the intensive civil-military meetings in the days prior? While the reality of the civil-military relationship is known to all and sundry, the brazen undermining of the constitutional chain of command is surely counterproductive for whatever counterterrorism goals the military is trying to achieve.

Apparent as it is that the state’s implementation of NAP has been patchy at best and that the fight against militancy needs more sustained support from the federal and provincial governments, there are also some questions about the selective nature of the military’s interventions. As reported in this newspaper, the military’s concerns largely centre on projects and tools that the military has itself determined essential to fight terrorism: the extension of the Protection of Pakistan Act, the Rangers’ powers in Sindh and Punjab, new Frontier Corps wings in KP and Balochistan, etc. While concern has also been expressed about the lack of civilian capacity building in law enforcement and madressah reforms, it has previously been the case that when the political government acts to grant the military its core demands, the overall public criticism of the government’s performance by the military also recedes. That selective approach helps perpetuate a dynamic whereby rather than cooperative solutions, the military and the civilian government see themselves as separately responsible for the areas they consider of most importance to themselves. But NAP cannot succeed on an ad hoc, piecemeal basis. Nor can it fundamentally work if different institutions are working according to their own priorities.

Yet, unwelcome and unwise as the military’s public criticisms of the government are, the government must recognise that its counterterrorism efforts are desultory at best. Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan exemplifies the muddled approach of the government with his contradictory statements: he has both praised civil and military institutions for their efforts in the fight against militancy and also claimed that there needs to be far more focus on NAP. Perhaps the interior minister is being pulled in opposite directions — between a self-perceived need to automatically heap praise on the military and fight for the funds and full-fledged activation of NAP that he has long championed. But therein also lies the problem of a government that cannot be honest with itself about its own performance and that still seems caught in two minds about the centrality of NAP. Perhaps Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif can provide the necessary leadership — if the military can demonstrate that it is willing to work with him in private and be supportive of his government in public. Like the APS Peshawar attack, the Quetta bombing this week is an inflection point. The enemy is not only tenacious, but amorphous — it will only ever be defeated if the full might of the state and society, acting with clarity of purpose, are martialled against it. The country needs to come together and its institutions to work together.

Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn, August 14th, 2016
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Regional power grid


THE recent agreement with Turkmenistan and Russia to become partners in the plan to import electricity via a long transmission line from Central Asia to Pakistan is vindication of the vision that lies behind the project. Known as the CASA 1000 project, it originally involved the import of hydroelectric power via a transmission line from Tajikistan to Pakistan in the summer months. But then, Russia and Turkmenistan expressed an interest in becoming partners as well, and since these countries have substantial surpluses of thermal power, it became feasible to keep the line energised during the winter months too. Now officials in the power sector from around Central Asia are preparing for a meeting of a group known as the Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation that Pakistan is hosting in October and during which the participation of other countries in CASA can be discussed.

The vision is a grand one. A large regional power grid can connect multiple countries across Central and South Asia, with a market-based mechanism to feed power into the grid and draw from it depending on need. Massive grids of this sort were envisioned many decades ago but only now are they starting to come to our part of the world. CASA has broken the ground, and with growing interest from countries such as Russia and Turkmenistan, it is clear that the transmission line has opened a door to the vast energy surpluses of Central Asia. In time, it can grow to include numerous countries, and perhaps eventually even Iran and India with Pakistan and Afghanistan reaping substantial benefits as participants as well as from transit fees.

But there is one big problem that stands in the way of realising this vision: geopolitics. Security remains the biggest question mark hanging over the project since a substantial part of the transmission line will have to travel through Afghanistan. India and Pakistan are in the midst of an escalating spat as the crackdown in Kashmir grows more brutal by the day. And dealings with Iran continue to face substantial obstacles in spite of the withdrawal of sanctions. Pakistan can play a role in controlling some of the geopolitical issues that hang over the vision of a regional power grid, but ultimately the fate of that vision will be decided by the amorphous forces of history larger than any single government. The project should move ahead step by step therefore. Making CASA operational is a reasonable proposition. The government should do everything in its power to make headway in the CASA project during the forthcoming CAREC gathering. The security questions hanging over the project should not be underestimated, but neither should the potential benefits. Rarely have cooperation and confrontation yielded so stark a trade-off. Given the possibilities that a regional power grid opens up, its pursuit should not be allowed to fall out of focus.

Congo fever


WITH Eidul Azha three weeks away, the influx of sacrificial animals, especially towards the urban centres, has begun. In Karachi alone, thousands of beasts have already arrived, while many more are on their way as the festival draws closer. It is imperative that authorities remain on their toes as with the presence of such large numbers of livestock close to the population centres, the risk of diseases such as Crimean-Congo haemorrhagic fever is reasonably high. So far three people have died in Karachi over the last three weeks due to CCHF; the latest victim was a trader from Bahawalpur. In fact, CCHF has been a matter of concern for some time, especially in the past two years. Ten victims have succumbed to it. As per the global health body WHO, cattle, sheep and goats can serve as hosts for the virus. The latter is transmitted when individuals come into contact with the blood and tissues of infected animals; human-to-human transmission is also possible. The fatality rate can be as high as 40pc.

With so many cases over the past few weeks, the provincial and municipal authorities must remain alert. All sacrificial animals entering markets should be screened. As WHO recommends, chemicals should be sprayed to kill the ticks that carry the virus, while beasts found to be infected must be quarantined. Also, those who deal with livestock should wear protective clothing and use repellent on their skin and clothes. In fact, the authorities should carry out a public information campaign via the media until Eid to communicate preventive measures to livestock traders and those who work at cattle markets. There have also been calls for the enhancement of biosafety measures at hospitals while some experts say that to control the spread of CCHF, the focus of preventive efforts should be on the villages where livestock originates. There should also be inter-provincial coordination, as livestock traders often cross provincial borders on the way to market. And as a number of cases have originated in the Bahawalpur area, Punjab government officials need to pay special attention to this region. The administration in Sindh has announced several steps to combat CCHF; we hope the momentum is kept up until Eid so that further deaths are prevented. Moreover, livestock markets should be limited to designated areas; municipal authorities must remove illegal cattle pens that spring up inside cities and towns in the run-up to Eidul Azha.

Prank calls to Nacta


IF at times it appears that the state is not demonstrating enough seriousness in the fight against terrorism and militancy, there is also ample evidence that, notwithstanding this country’s battle-scarred landscape, the citizenry itself has the same mindset. Consider the 1717 helpline set up by the National Counter Terrorism Authority shortly after the December 2014 attack on the Army Public School in Peshawar. The government had appealed to citizens to remain vigilant and report any suspicious person or activity for which purpose this helpline was established. But a month later, Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan complained that around 500 to 600 complaints made on the number had turned out to be hoax calls, and that only 15 to 20 genuine ones had been received. Since then, matters have only worsened. In Islamabad on Thursday, at a Nacta meeting, data provided showed that out of 8,305 calls received by the helpline in just the first 20 days of July, only 41 had turned out to be legitimate and actionable. This is no less than shocking.

Such a vast number of hoax calls is a serious abuse of the terrorism authority’s time and resources. The only action taken against the pranksters has been the identification of 75 of the most frequent callers, who had made more than 50 calls each, and whose SIMs were shut down after taking the matter up with the telecommunication authorities. This hardly goes far enough. So many people crying wolf would not only be demoralising in the extreme for the personnel whose job it is to counter the gravest of offences, it also increases the chances of genuine calls going unanswered. While citizens must rein in their worst impulses and be penalised where necessary, law-enforcement authorities must maintain the resolve to treat each call as communicating a potentially real and active threat, regardless of what the statistics say about the nature of the majority of calls. The guard must not be let down.

Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn, August 21st, 2016
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Water emergency


FOR many years now, alarm bells had been ringing that water scarcity in the country was reaching a point where catastrophic consequences were imminent. It appears that the moment we were being warned about has more or less arrived. A new study by the Food and Agriculture Organisation looks at the impact that growing water scarcity in Sindh, as a result of the two-year drought from 2013 to 2015, has had on the province; it has given out truly disturbing numbers to substantiate its observations. More than 1.1 million people “fell below emergency-level thresholds” for survival as a result of this scarcity, and almost 75pc of people living in rain-fed areas “lacked the resources to cover basic survival and livelihood protection needs”. Not only that, the report finds “large reductions in yields and abandonment of cultivation altogether in the most drought-affected zones”, as well as widespread destruction of livestock — in some cases over 50pc of the herd died as a direct consequence of the drought.

These are staggering numbers. It seems we are no longer headed for an ecological calamity, but have entered one. If the levels of water stress continue to increase, matters will worsen and the consequences could be even more disastrous. Droughts are a part of nature, and in our part of the world, they have a cyclical quality to them. But in this case, the variation in rainfall that lay behind the drought appears to be linked to changing climatic patterns. Even though the study does not specifically flesh out the climate-change link, the report’s authors do acknowledge that there is one — a realisation that once again underscores the alarm that the impact of climate change on Pakistan does not lie in the distant future but is happening right now, and goes far beyond monsoon flooding.

The study itself was done on the request of the Provincial Disaster Management Authority of Sindh, which indicates that the authorities are aware of the impact of the drought and searching for ways to mitigate its effects. Now that the findings are before us, they must be taken up by the new chief minister, who should not only request an immediate briefing, but also demand an action plan going forward. The fact that such a study has been done at the behest of a department of a provincial government shows there is some political responsiveness to the important ecological ravages of climate change. The higher authorities now need to step up their efforts on an urgent basis and put together a coordinated response to mitigate the impact of the drought, as well as develop systems to build greater resilience. None of this is academic or wishing for the impossible. Given the will in the right quarters, we can surely mitigate the impact of climate change on livelihoods and ecology.

India’s hysteria


IT may only be a magazine cover, but it is emblematic of a new, nasty and unfortunate trend in India: vilifying Pakistan, attacking its leaders and even questioning this country’s very existence. Clearly, the Indian magazine India Today was aiming for a controversial statement in putting Gen Raheel Sharif on its cover with a faux imprint of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s hand across the general’s face. But some of that provocativeness was undone by the accompanying cover story, which concludes: “By raising Balochistan, Modi has succeeded in blunting Pakistan’s offensive on Kashmir and also addressed the public demand for a strong answer. But it has limited tactical utility … Modi has shown that he is capable of thinking out of the box. But he has to be careful not to be boxed in by his actions.” A modicum of sense, then, even in the midst of nonsense. Yet, the coarsening and hardening of anti-Pakistan rhetoric in India is an unmistakable trend. It seems India once again has a Pakistan problem of its own making and its own imagination. From government ministers alluding to Pakistan as hell to artists coming under pressure, and even facing legal trouble, for speaking sensibly about this country, India is seemingly gripped by an anti-Pakistan rage.

Contrast that with what has become the mainstream sentiment about India in Pakistan. While the violence in India-held Kashmir and the Modi government’s belligerence has elicited over-the-top reactions from some sections here, gone are the days when India was the unshakeable centre of political discourse in Pakistan. All major political parties want peace with India — even with a right-wing BJP government if it is willing to act sensibly and rationally — while few major segments of the population can be mobilised politically purely on anti-India rhetoric. The military too has evolved into recognising that the domestic security threat is bigger and more urgent a challenge than competition with India. To be sure, if India instigates, sections of state and society here are more than willing to respond. And there remains undeniably a terrorism problem that plagues the Pakistan-India relationship. Yet, what is on display in India and the seeming eagerness with which hateful anti-Pakistan rhetoric is both being spread by the mainstream media there and lapped up by large sections of the public is unprecedented for periods not involving hot, military conflict. Far too many in India are seemingly uncomfortable with the very idea of Pakistan.

Chaman closure


THE Pak-Afghan border crossing at Chaman, Balochistan, has been closed by Pakistani authorities since Afghan protesters burnt this country’s flag and reportedly vandalised the Friendship Gate at the crossing on Aug 18. Two separate demonstrations were held on the day in the vicinity, one on the Pakistani side to protest against Indian Prime Minister Modi’s inflammatory remarks targeting Pakistan, the other across the border, where a gathering to celebrate Afghanistan’s independence took on a decidedly anti-Pakistan tone. As is the case when hyper-nationalistic sentiments are whipped up, the Afghan demonstrators reportedly ended up attacking the border gate and burning the Pakistan flag. In reaction to this, the local authorities have kept the crossing shut; vehicles and people have been unable to cross the border for the last 11 days, with Islamabad insisting that Kabul apologise for the provocation.

While the flag-burning stunt is indeed deplorable, the fact is that common people on both sides of the border are suffering due to the closure. It is estimated that between 10,000 and 15,000 traders cross over daily, while trucks laden with perishable produce are waiting in queues, with their cargo bound to spoil in the summer heat. Moreover, vehicles carrying supplies for Nato forces in Afghanistan have also been held up. While Islamabad is well within its rights to protest the desecration of the national flag, it should take steps immediately to reopen the crossing and let common people cross the border. The incident should not be lumped together with the larger Pak-Afghan relationship, which, at this point in time, is anything but cordial. Earlier on, the Torkham crossing was also closed for a brief period. In fact, if Pakistan showed magnanimity over the issue and reopened the Chaman crossing, it would send a positive signal to Kabul. Those elements — such as militants — that are standing in the way of better Pak-Afghan relations should be the ones prevented from crossing the border, not ordinary citizens of both countries.

Source:
Editorials
Published in Dawn, August 28th, 2016
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US-India ties


In Delhi, the India-US Strategic and Commercial Dialogue; in Washington, the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement, one of four so-called foundational pacts the US signs with defence partners.

Taken together, this is yet another step towards a closer US-India strategic, defence and commercial relationship, a process kick-started a decade ago under a Congress-led coalition and now accelerating under a BJP government.

In the US, meanwhile, there is rare bipartisan consensus on deepening ties with India — hence, US Secretary of State John Kerry’s fulsome praise for India and the absence of any substantive comments on India-held Kashmir in New Delhi.

Meanwhile, a trilateral US-India-Afghanistan talks process is also to be restarted. Inside Pakistan, the developments are sure to be keenly followed in security circles, though perhaps India’s internal political opposition to deepening military ties with the US and concerns about unduly antagonising China are likely to be discounted.

Do the Indo-US moves really amount to a challenge for Pakistan’s security situation, however?

While it is to be regretted that not only has the US ignored the violence in IHK and India has aggressively tried to blame Pakistan for allegedly seeking to stoke trouble inside IHK, there is another reality that must be addressed.

On the terrorism front, it is true that Pakistan has suffered violence from the now Afghan-based anti-Pakistan militants and it does appear that India is willing to intrude deeper into Balochistan’s troubles. Yet, it is also true that Pakistan’s fight against militancy has not extended to anti-Afghan and anti-India militant groups operating from its soil.

That duality, whether implicit or officially unacknowledged, is problematic because these groups predate and post a bigger challenge to regional stability than anything the anti-Pakistan militants have been able to threaten.

The immense suffering of Pakistanis is equal to — in some cases even greater than — what neighbouring populations have endured, but the commonality is that all have suffered.

The foremost duty of the Pakistani state is to secure the homeland and the people of this country — but the security threat cannot be fought in isolation.

Consider that the Mumbai trials and Pathankot probe have effectively stalled and while there may be narrow, legalistic explanations for why that is the case, it appears to be a lack of will on the part of the state.

Troubling too is the space being accorded to pro-Kashmir, anti-India militants groups and their leadership here. When in many cases those leaders are either banned or indirectly linked to militancy, why are they being allowed to address public rallies and engage in political discourse?

Pakistani authorities rightly bristle at any attempt to sideline this country internationally. But security is neither one-dimensional nor country-specific. Terrorism is a common threat to the region and little will change if a piecemeal, ad hoc approach continues to prevail.

Jailed Karachi mayor


THE Pakistani political scenario is known for its frequently strange occurrences. One can add one more episode to the list: on Tuesday, Waseem Akhtar, the mayor of Pakistan’s biggest city, was let out of jail briefly in order to take the oath of office. Earlier, Mr Akhtar had been elected Karachi mayor from jail — a first in our chequered political history. He has been in custody since July and faces a number of cases — all bailable according to him. These include involvement in the May 12, 2007 violence in Karachi. At the time of the ugly events, Waseem Akhtar held the portfolio of home adviser to the Sindh chief minister. These and other charges the mayor faces are serious and must be probed impartially. If he is found guilty, Mr Akhtar must face the penalty under the law and would obviously have to leave the mayor’s office. However, as the highest elected official of Karachi, it is unacceptable that Mr Akhtar runs the metropolis’s affairs from inside prison, especially if the charges are bailable. Besides, it appears a tad strange for the mayor to be locked up for his alleged role in the May 12 mayhem while retired Gen Musharraf — who ruled the country unchallenged at the time — enjoys his liberty. Until the charges against Waseem Akhtar are proved, he should be allowed his freedom.

However, even if the Karachi mayor were to be released, it would be fair to ask if Mr Akhtar would have the necessary powers to administer the city. As the provincial government has kept many civic powers, such as solid waste management, we can safely say that the elected heads of municipal bodies in Sindh will not have full authority over their respective jurisdictions. This situation needs to be reversed as municipal bodies must have more than just ceremonial powers to carry out their tasks. Sindh Chief Minister Murad Ali Shah has brought vigour to the erstwhile moribund provincial government in many ways. He must realise that empowered and active local governments are essential for the prosperity and progress of Sindh, which is why he ought to make it a priority to transfer all civic duties to the elected municipal bodies. It will take a long time to address all the issues that have cropped up in the long absence of elected local bodies. But with responsive local leaders and a supportive provincial government, the rot can hopefully be reversed.

Tobacco advertisements


THE proceedings at a meeting of the Senate Standing Committee on National Health Services in Islamabad on Tuesday could well be described as a theatre of the absurd. On the agenda was a discussion on The Prohibition of Smoking and Protection of Non-Smokers Health (Amendment) Bill 2016, which calls for a ban on tobacco advertisements. The proposed legislation, tabled by PML-Q Senator Mushahid Hussain, seeks to prevent retailers from putting up advertisements for cigarettes inside their outlets that can tempt the youth. If passed into law, it would also ban tobacco companies from sponsoring health camps, tree plantation campaigns, and sporting and other events. In other words, the participants at the meeting had a more or less straightforward task at hand. However, most of those present outdid themselves in defying logic and science to oppose the bill.

The worldwide trend against smoking began in the West decades ago with the emergence of incontrovertible data showing the link between smoking and various diseases. Studies have found that up to 50pc of smokers die of a smoking-related illness, and smoking decreases lifespan by up to 10 years. As it does in Pakistan today, the powerful tobacco industry in Western countries used a range of tactics, which included issuing outright denials, manipulating facts, co-opting lobby groups to influence policy, etc — all to avoid government regulation of its products and protect its colossal financial interests. That battle has now moved to the shores of developing countries. However, given the benefit of hindsight, it is outrageous that we are revisiting old, discredited arguments, and that our public representatives can see fit to tout the tobacco industry’s ‘contribution’ to our economy while ignoring the enormous cost it exacts on public health and productivity. Instead of pandering to powerful corporate interests, the government must strictly enforce the ban on public spaces in the country and follow through on its decision to enhance pictorial warnings on cigarette packs. Every attempt by tobacco companies at marketing themselves must be firmly resisted.

Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn, September 1st, 2016
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