Another Pakistan day

March 23rd, 2012

The Pakistan day comes around each year. For most of us, it means little more than a holiday — a day off work, a time to spend with family and friends and perhaps, arrange a spring picnic. The boom of a gun salute, ringing out at dawn will remind many that it is March 23; the day the Pakistan Resolution was presented. Except today, much of the significance of that document has ebbed. As a kind of entertainment, many may watch on TV the national awards handed out on August 14, while the real meaning of the occasion has in essence been lost. The emotion that marked the 1947 creation of our state has gradually dissipated and few today, beyond the rhetoric, really share what that momentous occasion meant. Many of the reasons why the excitement has faded are clear. Little change has occurred from one year to the next. Many people are simply locked in a constant struggle to survive and put food before their children. For them, there is naturally very little to celebrate.

Given this state of affairs, the time has come for us to think harder about what March 23 is about. It is marked as a historic occasion because it set the base for a new land, a land of hope, a land with a future. The Resolution passed on that day marked much of what that land would be about. Today, given how far we have strayed from that vision, we must try and re-evaluate where we stand and why. Rather than the mere show and pomp of the occasion, perhaps we need to think about how we can resurrect a nation that needs rejuvenation and use March 23 as a time to organise a range of discussions on this. Furthermore, Pakistan needs to have a national day which every citizen can genuinely celebrate. One immediate example of an issue, that is of a national nature but over which there is considerable confusion, that comes to mind is the war on terror. Is it our war, or is it not our war? Our the Taliban our friends or our enemies, should embrace them or should we fight them? These and many other important questions need honest answers because they will help determine the path which the nation will take in the coming years.

On a collision course?

March 23rd, 2012

In the contempt case initiated by the Supreme Court against Yousuf Raza Gilani, the prime minister’s legal representative Aitzaz Ahsan has come up with several reasons for why the case should be dismissed. For one, argues Aitzaz, the president’s immunity under the constitution is iron-clad and so the prime minister cannot ask Swiss authorities to open cases against him. Then there is the fact that under the law it is the law minister who has to advise the prime minister to write the letter to the Swiss and since he has not done so there is little that the prime minister can do in such a situation. Furthmore, Mr Ahsan’s argument, that the bench of the Supreme Court which initiated contempt proceedings against Gilani should not be the one hearing the case because of a possible conflict of interest, is also a reasonably fair one.

Even though it is not explicitly mandated by law, having a different bench hear the case would protect the Supreme Court from charges of bias and being politically motivated. The argument centres on the supremacy of parliament and the right of review of the Supreme Court. In an ideal world, both institutions — the executive and the judiciary — would work within their constitutionally-defined spheres but alas, we do not live in such a world. That said, it would have been far better and what is happening now could, perhaps, have been avoided if the prime minister had responded to the Supreme Court with these arguments back when he was first asked to write the letter. This pointless delay seems to indicate that the ruling party is, perhaps, banking on the prime minister becoming some kind of martyr and using that to good effect in the forthcoming elections by presenting itself not as the incumbent party, but one that has always been targeted by the establishment. As a political move there can be no denying its power but the PPP, along with the Supreme Court, has ensured that our politics will be extremely divisive when the need of the day is for democratic forces to cooperate and thwart threats to increased democratisation.

Stirrings of something positive

March 23rd, 2012

For an economy wracked by two devastating floods in a row, militancy, a debilitating energy crisis and an unresponsive government, any murmurs of good news are a welcome sign. The State Bank of Pakistan’s second quarterly report — one of the few regular reviews of the economy’s health — provided just that this week, when it stated that there were the beginnings on an economic recovery taking place, led by the agriculture, retail and financial services sectors. If this trend continues over time — and there is reason to suspect that it might — then that is indeed good news for the economy. Two of the three sectors identified are some of the biggest employers in the country, with agriculture accounting for about 45 per cent of the labour force and retail about another 10 per cent. Between the two of these, they account for a little over 40 per cent of the country’s gross domestic product. Growth in these sectors, despite all of the obstacles they face, suggests that there is a fundamental strength in the economy that is beginning to pick up steam. Unfortunately, it has to wrestle with a government that seems to consider its economic management responsibilities as an afterthought.

While the experiment of a government-managed economy failed catastrophically in Pakistan — as it did in other parts of the world — the government does nonetheless have a significant constructive role to play in nurturing economic growth. Principally this is to be done by providing an environment conducive for investment that includes fair rules and functional infrastructure. This is the very least that the country’s citizens should expect of their governments. This is something that the State Bank’s report notes almost every single time they review the state of the economy: that anything positive happening occurs despite the government, not because of it. And more often than not, it is poorly-designed policies that are holding the economy back and reducing its ability to deal with the many external shocks that are likely to hit it over the next few months. We deserve better and we should demand better.

A sweet victory

March 24th, 2012

The phrase ‘cricket was the real winner’ is usually deployed by those who want to mask the anger they feel after their team suffers a painful loss. Since Pakistan ultimately ended up beating Bangladesh by two runs to win the Asia Cup, it is not a case of sour grapes that leads us to claim that the true victor after the tournament was the sport itself. For perennial whipping boys Bangladesh, to come within one boundary hit of beating the mighty trifecta of Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan in the space of one week is a matter of great joy for all cricket fans. Never again will Bangladesh be condescendingly referred to as minnows; never again will Bangladesh have to prove that they belong among the cricketing elite.

It is rare that the losing finalists get all the attention after a tournament but that is no less than what Bangladesh deserves. The attitude that pervaded the team is best summed up by the joyous hitting of the man-of-the-tournament, Shakibal Hasan. Equally exhilarating was the batting of opener Tamim Iqbal, who had actually been dropped before the Asia Cup for reasons that seemed more political than cricketing. And for those worried about the health of the game, the passion exhibited by Bangladeshi fans showed that cricket has a future beyond the three or four countries which dominate the game. Losing the final must have been difficult but winning the hearts of the cricketing world should come as some consolation.

As for Pakistan, it might seem overly pessimistic to criticise a team that just won a major ODI competition, but its performance throughout the tournament was less than encouraging. The middle order was prone to collapse with Umar Akmal being the most egregious example of wasted talent, while the fast bowlers were expensive and frequently ineffectual. The fielding was — as it always is with Pakistan — below par, while captain Misbahul Haq made some unorthodox and baffling choices on the field. That we were unable to exact a measure of revenge for the Mohali loss to India was also disheartening, especially since we didn’t get a rematch against the Indian team in the final. Ultimately, though, in yet another sign that Pakistan has perhaps substituted flair with grit, it is a good sign that this Pakistani team was able to win the Asia Cup without firing on all cylinders.

Worsening times

March 24th, 2012

While we hear of legislation aimed at protecting women making its way through parliament, on the ground laws against violence, harassment and other offences which are supposed to protect women seem to have very little impact. This, of course, is disturbing and suggests that laws alone do little to spare women from the horrors they suffer so often. Instead, the secret may lie in efforts aimed at altering mindsets and granting women the greater security and empowerment they so badly need.

The State of Human Rights Report for 2011, launched by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan in Islamabad, makes this abundantly clear. The report records the ‘honour killing’ of at least 943 women. Other cases could, of course, have gone unreported. The report also notes that nearly 600 women were killed after being accused of having ‘illicit’ relations. More than 200 others were murdered for choosing to marry of their own free will and many suffered rape or gang rape before they were killed. Another 701 women committed suicide. The numbers for both honour killings and suicide continues to climb steadily each year and this indicates that mere words and fervent promises will not suffice to protect women.

This is something the now-autonomous National Commission on the Status of Women needs to think about, so that it can come up with concrete proposals. The figures we see now are simply shameful. Other issues highlighted in the report do not make for very pleasant reading either. We learn more from the report about the dangers for journalists, for minority groups and the fact that some 33 per cent of children remain out of school. Many are engaged in hard labour. It is hard to see how we can progress given these facts. However, the report points out the problem; it is the task of leaders to solve them. The sooner they get about this business, the better off our women will be. Hopefully, the HRCP report for next year will reflect some improved figures.

Deadly weather

March 24th, 2012

Nature is a force man has little power against. But even so, modern technology allows at least for early warnings to be given, which is a big blessing as lives can be saved by evacuating people. This indeed happened recently in the Qurqulti Village of the Ghizer Valley —located about 150 kilometres from Gilgit — as heavy downpours triggered avalanches and landsides, sweeping away at least ten houses and covering others with thick layers of mud. However, despite warnings, at least nine people lost their lives. Villagers concede that they were cautioned, but said that they had little idea of where to go, with no help given with evacuations. The heavy downpours began early this week with 33 millimetres of rain recorded.

Gilgit was not the only area to experience the wrath of nature. In Chitral district in Khyber- Pakhtunkhwa, five women from the same family were killed in another avalanche in a remote village. The area has been lashed by heavy rains for some days. Furthermore, a key link bridge has been washed away. In Gilgit, too, several roads have vanished under mud, cutting off entire villages. The lack of communication certainly aggravates the woes of people trapped in far off areas. In recent years, we have faced too many catastrophes; too many natural disasters. We need to work out a scheme to manage such calamities better. The issues we have seen have been the same over and over again. There is a frequent reluctance on the part of people to leave homes, partially because inadequate arrangements are made to offer them shelter and partially because they so often choose not to leave their homes and lands behind. However, this situation needs to improve. The lives of people must occupy first place on the list of priorities, and where necessary, local elders or others with influence persuaded to convince them to move. We must, in the face of nature’s fury do more to save human life at all costs.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Can foreign policy work this way?

March 25th, 2012

The American reaction to the report of Pakistan’s parliamentary committee on foreign policy continues to be exaggeratedly normal — that of deference to the sovereignty of Pakistan, who is entitled to shape its foreign policy the way it likes. Washington says it will wait till the process of the review is complete in Islamabad. It is already focusing on the more pragmatic aspects of the ‘guidelines’: it would resume talks about the possible reopening of the Nato and US supply routes to Afghanistan. Chances are that if Pakistan negotiates the reopening with more pragmatism and less offended honour, the Americans will be inclined to apologise for the Salala mishap too. Foreign policy is conducted through diplomacy, not through legislation; and diplomacy is the art of the possible with exclusive focus on such tangible objectives as the national interest. Some ‘culpable’ pragmatism is shown by the parliamentary committee in its conditionalities for the resumption of the Nato supply route, which should have been left to the intimacy of dialogue of the diplomats of the two sides. Since the government wanted to duck the consequences of its actions in the realm of foreign policy — which is not in its hands — it got parliament to spell out the unsavoury details that it knew would be attacked by a public aroused against the US. The ‘flexibility’ manifested by the parliamentary committee in these conditionalities came from a GHQ briefing which now must get a taste of what happens if the nitty-gritty of foreign policy is thrown open to the man in the street.

Angry reaction is already in evidence. Respectable opinion-makers condemn the ‘worldliness’ of material demands when national honour was at stake. It is being said that Nato supplies simply could not be the subject of discussion in line with the public sentiment that Nato gets guns through the route to kill our brethren in a war which is not ‘our war’. The GHQ had seemed less pragmatic than the PPP government in the conduct of foreign policy with America, but it now seems it has been trumped by what the more angry elements feel about it. The GHQ had a taste of it when it took a tough stand on the Raymond Davis case and then used it, not to end the relationship with the US but to recondition it. Unfortunately, the forthcoming parliamentary discussion will rob the guideline of whatever little flexibility it still retained.

References to international law abound in the ‘guideline’ — on both the Salala affair and the drones — but that is what the parliamentarians on the committee were told to say. Opinion differs on it and both sides make reference to international law. Since the breakdown of the League of Nations and the acceptance of the ‘optional clause’ in the charter of the International Court of Justice, nations have learned to keep foreign policy flexible. The best foreign policy is the most flexible one, especially for the not-so-powerful states that cannot force their will on other states; but the world has seen that even a superpower may be embarrassed by a ‘fixed’ foreign policy, thereby curtailing its room for manoeuvre. An apt remark on what has happened goes along these lines: In our effort to overcome certain imbalances that have arisen due to tension between state organs, we may end up in a deeper crisis. The real crisis was not our relations with the US but the PPP government’s relations with the GHQ, whose mind is not very clear about whether the relations with the US should be ‘transactional’ — a word much used by those who write on behalf of the army — or ‘honour-bound’.

What kind of satisfaction does Pakistan want? If the masses are consulted, they want the US to be revenged upon for what has happened at Abbottabad and Salala and earlier at the hands of Raymond Davis, who was humiliatingly let of on ‘diyat’. In short, in line with the way the Defence of Pakistan Council wants to conduct itself with regard to Nato supplies, they want war with the US as it leaves Afghanistan, so that the textbooks record that we defeated the US the way we defeated the Soviet Union.

Stemming the rot

March 25th, 2012

The Balochistan policy of the government ostensibly involves making the people of the province feel like they have a stake and sense of ownership in the country. Separatist sentiment, it is felt, can only be dampened by making the Baloch people feel that they are treated no differently than other Pakistanis. The government and military may want to rethink the execution of what they claim is their desired policy. On March 23 — a day loaded with symbolic value — patriotic Baloch were denied the opportunity to wish their family and friends as cell phone services were suspended throughout the province. Apart from it being yet another denial of the rights of the Baloch, this one-day suspension of services will only reinforce the widespread belief that there is one rule for the Baloch and another for the rest of the country.

As it is, there is less cell phone coverage density in Balochistan than in any other province; now we want Baloch in those few areas that are connected to the rest of the country through cell phones, to also feel alienated. This is not the most sensible approach. The PTA chairman’s explanation that this was done “to implement the national security policy” along with an official statement from the Governor House in Balochistan that this was an effort to thwart militant activities, is barely convincing. Forget the many political proposals that are on the table; what the people of Balochistan need right now is their dignity. They need the state to stop treating every Baloch as a suspect in his homeland.

Of course, the way things are going at present, would suggest that neither the government nor the establishment seem to have learnt any lessons from history, especially 1971. The sense of alienation and resentment is, quite understandably, rising with every passing day, especially as the body count of abducted Baloch men, who are then killed and dumped on the roadsides in the province, piles up. It is still not too late to try and set things right. But for that the solution has to be seen as not a military one but one that has to be done via politics and through heeding the demands of the people of the province.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Violence on the street

March 26th, 2012

Predicting if violence — that has been limited to an isolated section of Karachi — may be seen spread to other parts of the city is a most obvious conclusion. Violence has become such a part of everyday life in Karachi that one can never be sure if a slight spike may soon lead to the political parties battling it out in the streets. The omens, however, are not good. For most of this past week, clashes between protestors and the police in Lyari turned deadly in nature. So far, the violence has only been limited to certain sections of Lyari. But there is no guarantee that this will remain the case.

As much as the political parties love to blame each other for sparking each new round of violence, this is a game they ought to stop playing. At this point, the three main parties in the city — the MQM, the ANP and the PPP — all have their areas of influence and they have all demonstrated their ability to defend their interests in their respective areas through the use of violence. Furthermore, the trait to disavow any responsibility, characteristic of these parties and the ease of blaming their opponents, does not make any one party less culpable than the other. Thus today, Lyari may be a PPP area and they may feel they are being singled out by the MQM. But tomorrow, the exact opposite may well happen in some other part of the country’s largest city.

Since the fault lies with the political parties, the solution, too, must come from them. Deweaponisation, despite being necessary, is a non-starter because none of the parties will give up their guns until the others have done so. For talks between the parties to come to an uneasy truce will serve only as a temporary respite from the violence. Lasting peace can be achieved only when the political parties feel that violence is counterproductive to their interests. As the Lyari violence has shown, we are still a long way from that realisation.

Remembering flood victims

March 26th, 2012

Most people in the country may have forgotten about the flood victims of Sindh, in spite of repeated reports from humanitarian agencies. A recently released report of the International Organisation for Migration warns us that in several districts of Sindh thousands of people are still unable to reach their home because villages and roads are still under water. It would come as a relief to the people of the Badin district then — one of the areas worst hit by the 2011 flood — to know that not everyone has cast them away into distant memory.

The visit by Hollywood actor and director Sean Penn and an eight-member US diplomatic mission may not have sent people rushing up to the star for autographs. Few in the remote villages that he visited would have ever seen the films he has made. But, nevertheless, the visit must come as some kind of solace to people who suffer a great deal. Penn and other members of the delegation, which included the US consul-general to Karachi, inquired about the health and educational facilities available to the flood victims. Many of the victims explained that a key concern was livelihood and the question of how to restore badly damaged lands. The US mission, meanwhile, spoke of the assistance already given to the flood victims of Sindh with 1.2 million people provided food and another 1.6 million with water. But the mere spouting out of figures and also a possible US effort to win over friends in a country where it has many enemies does little to reassure the victims.

What is important about the visit by the American actor, and those accompanying him, is the evidence that the international community has not totally forgotten the flood victims. This should be a lesson for our own government which needs to do much more to ensure life return to normal for all those displaced by the floods and that they have access to the basic needs of life. This has not happened so far and amends need to be quickly made.

The PTI and Punjab

March 26th, 2012

The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf has begun to move into the heartland areas of Punjab where its threat is perhaps most strongly felt by the PML-N, which has held dominance over these regions for many years now. The rally led by Imran Khan in the industrial town of Sialkot on March 23 appears again to have been attended by a large number of youth. Young people in the country quite desperately want change; this much is obvious. Many see Imran and his party as the only force which can in fact bring about this change.

But thinking more rationally and with greater maturity, is this really the case? Imran said little that was new at the rally, lashing out in usual fashion at the corruption of the PPP and at the PML-N. He argued that distributing laptop computers to young people would not win them over and that what the country needed most of all was better governance and a greater willingness to act in favour of the people. The party’s chief is, of course, quite correct in this. But the problem is that he does not explain how he plans to deliver on this vision and what strategies he will employ to bring under check the huge difficulties we face. This implies that what he says is really little more than the rhetoric we hear so often from others. While the rally in Sialkot, like others before it, was a success, the PTI will need to present some definite agenda for the electorate if it is to pose a true challenge to the parties which have dominated the admittedly-sombre political landscape in the country. We do not yet know if the people turning out at the party’s rallies will transform into actual votes in the final run-up to the elections.

The old ghost of the ISI also emerged with the PTI leaders making it a point to deny any involvement by the agency. But, of course, words are not always believed. The ISI tag seems to be stuck with the PTI, and while it clearly challenges the PML-N in the home province of Nawaz Sharif, it is yet to be seen how people will finally interpret what the party stands for. That said, one thing seems clear for now — despite detractors and critics, it seems to be gaining ground, especially among younger Pakistanis.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

The Iran pipeline

March 27th, 2012

President Asif Ali Zardari’s state visit to Dushanbe, to meet with the heads of state of Tajikistan, Afghanistan and Iran may be one of the most consequential of his presidency. With Pakistan’s energy crisis becoming ever more grave, the need for power has never been more acute. It was heartening, then, that the president insisted that Pakistan would go ahead with both the Iran gas pipeline and the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline. As welcome as these words are, there is every chance that they will collide with the immovable forces of superpower politics and the threat of militancy. Of the two proposed pipeline projects, the Iran gas pipeline is by far the more viable option. It is more affordable than the TAPI pipeline and also faces less threat of being blown up by extremists. The TAPI pipeline would run through Herat and Kandahar in Afghanistan and Quetta in Pakistan, which makes the chances of sabotage more of a certainty than a possibility.

The Iran pipeline, on the other hand, faces the equally deadly American veto. The US, through Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, has already floated the threat of sanctions should Pakistan go through with the proposal. The US has also been making use of back channels to put funding for the project into peril. A Chinese bank withdrew its promise of money for the pipeline after quiet US intervention. Now, if the two countries want to continue with the pipeline, they will have to come up with the funding themselves. So given how essential the pipeline is for Pakistan’s future, it is time we call America’s bluff and ensure the project is completed.

Presently, Pakistan is facing a gas shortage of one billion cubic feet per day and, short of massive price increases that would more than double the cost of gas to consumers, the only way to meet the demand is through these pipelines. Once the gas pipelines are functional, the TAPI pipeline is estimated to allow Pakistan the import of 10 billion cubic metres of gas every year, while the Iran pipeline would facilitate the import of one billion cubic feet per day. The Americans might threaten to shut off the aid spigot, but this is one occasion where we need to keep our long-term interests in mind, even if they lead to a clash with Washington.

Ghosts of horror

March 27th, 2012

Ghosts long forgotten from our past have risen up reminding us of deeds so horrible that they are difficult to imagine. More than a decade ago, we first heard the story of Fakhra Younus, the wife of former parliamentarian, Bilal Mustafa Khar, who was accused of hurling acid on her. She was left terribly scarred and with a face which would never look fully human again. For some months, Fakhra remained in the headlines. Then slowly, she faded away from the news and from our thoughts.

But Fakhra, of course, had to live with herself and with what had happened. For the past several years, she had been living in Rome and receiving medical and psychological treatment arranged for her with the help of Tehmina Durrani, the stepmother of Bilal Khar. But it seems as though the agony of a life with a permanently scarred face, which even multiple reconstructive surgeries could not cure, finally took their toll on the young women. Fakhra committed suicide on March 17, apparently haunted by a past which she would not shake off. It is also reported that she had been facing a number of financial difficulties.

But, perhaps, the real reason for her agony was the fact that the person she accused of the crime and who many are convinced was indeed behind it went unpunished. Bilal Khar has denied that he carried out the terrible act which destroyed her life; he has said another person by the same name may have been responsible. This obviously sounds illogical, to put it mildly. Fakhra has now been buried. The question is whether her case will be too. Legal experts say the acid attack case against Khar cannot be reopened because too much time has elapsed since her acquittal. But he could be tried for driving Fakhra to suicide. How and what happens will say a great deal about the kind of society we live in and whether it is even possible for justice to be meted out equally, without bias, given the social and political status held by the Khars.

A bribe?

March 27th, 2012

By necessity and design, the relationship between the media and the government should be an antagonistic one. The role of the media is to act as a watchdog for those in power and any collusion between the two forces can taint the purity of journalism. The 300-million-rupee payout from the government to the All Pakistan Newspaper Society (APNS), although cloaked in the rhetoric of good intentions, falls squarely in the latter category. The government and the leadership of the APNS claims that this money will help struggling newspapers pay salaries to its workers and bail out advertising agencies. While that may well be the case, it can also create the perception that the government is trying to buy media support. After all, if an industry is beholden to the government for its continued prosperity it is hardly likely to target its benefactor.

Then there is an added wrinkle as it appears that the government failed to follow its own process before handing out this cheque. Last year, When APNS members presented bills that were meant to be outstanding, the accountant general of revenue Pakistan was unable to verify the authenticity of the bills. For the government to now hand over the money anyway, reeks of impropriety. Once again, since it is the media that is always demanding accountability of the government, the media itself needs to be beyond reproach for all its own dealings.

Even further, there is no guarantee that the money will filter down to those who are in dire need of it: the struggling journalists who are unable to make ends meet as they toil in an industry that has been hit by declining revenues. It should have been incumbent on the APNS to provide details of how this money would be utilised before they agreed to accept it. Now that it is a fait accompli there is no way of holding the APNS accountable for the Rs 300 million. With even the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists calling the government’s gift illegal, it will be up to the journalists to hold their bosses accountable for this bailout.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Descent into anarchy

March 28th, 2012

There is a common perception that Karachi is an ungovernable city, a proposition that can be hard to argue against when the entire metropolis grinds to a halt and a sense of anarchy pervades the air. The aftermath of the murder of an MQM worker — with the responsibility placed by the MQM on gangs in Lyari — played out with wearying familiarity. Once again, the country’s nerve centre was forced to shut down as the cycle of retaliatory violence started. At times like this, it is tempting to wash our hands off the city, proclaim it anarchic and fall prey to the feeling that its troubles can never be solved. That, however, ignores the fact that the problems in Karachi are solvable.

The battle that is currently playing out in Karachi is essentially one of demography. The Mohajir majority, who find their most reliable patrons in the MQM, live in fear of the growing number of Pakhtuns in the city, as represented by the ANP. The PPP has its pockets of influence, particularly among the Baloch. All three parties are vying for greater power in the city, but many think that they — or some elements in their ranks — seem to be seeking this more through non-electoral means. As this fight for power continues, these periodic bursts of violence have become more common. That is reason for worry, not despair. All three factions are capable of governance and, in fact, have proven that in the past.

Deweaponisation has been proposed as a solution but it would be quixotic to think that the political parties will just abide by a ban on guns. A more lasting solution will perhaps, take years as the political parties come to the realisation that each other’s spheres of influence have to be respected and eliminating the parties themselves is not a viable option. The interim will be ugly, but the best shot at peace in Karachi lies in the hope that those who wish to rule the city eschew violence for governance. The parties can start by purging their rank and file of the black sheep involved in such acts and by working out their differences through dialogue and a binding code of conduct.

Power and the powerless

March 28th, 2012

The power riots that have rocked Punjab’s cities over the past few days have grown more fearsome as tempers rise and people become more desperate. Loadshedding has suddenly increased and is now upto 10 to 14 hours a day and this comes just as the summer approaches. But even more so than physical discomfort, it is the prospect of losing work that is scaring people. Times are already hard, the notion that they may worsen is obviously unbearable.

As the protests on the streets continue, two people were killed during a riot on the GT Road in Lahore, when guards at a private petrol pump opened fire on a rampaging mob. In Lahore, Gujranwala, Faisalabad and elsewhere, cars have been burned and WAPDA offices attacked. People clearly feel that they do not have a choice and must act. The power shortfall has reached 6,500 MW, while the old crisis of circular debt has also raised its ugly its head — with Lesco claiming it is owed huge amounts by the Punjab government. The Independent Power Producers’ dues are also said to be outstanding. The promises of reduced loadshedding have, of course, proved entirely futile. Right now the people feel they have no choice but to revolt against a set-up that has failed them again and again.

Unsurprisingly, the issue is becoming a politicised one. It has been raised in the ongoing joint session of parliament by opposition leader Chaudhry Nisar Ali, who also noted that neither the prime minister nor the president were in the country to look into the crisis. No one really believes the Interior Minister Rehman Malik when he says the issue will be solved in 24 hours, especially since he did not say exactly how this will happen. The PML-N has warned of a long march if the matter is not dealt with in 48 hours. With all this happening, one can only wonder the extent to which our economy is suffering and how the threat of increased joblessness hovers menacingly around people who live in a constant state of fear to make ends meet.

Civilian use of nuclear energy

March 28th, 2012

Ever since the revelation that Abdul Qadeer Khan had been operating a nuclear black market, Pakistan has had to constantly defend its right to be a nuclear power in a way that India — which went nuclear at the same time as us, or Israel, which never officially admitted to its nuclear capability — never had to. The international community continues to worry that Pakistan’s nuclear weapons may fall into the hands of terrorists, a fear that ignores the many changes we made to our nuclear protocols and safety in the last few years. Thus, while Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani’s call for us to be given civil nuclear technology at a nuclear-security summit in Seoul will most likely be rebuffed, perhaps, the time is right to admit Pakistan to the club of responsible nuclear powers.

The benefits of a civil nuclear technology deal to Pakistan are clear. Perhaps, the most important benefit is that it will allow us to harness nuclear energy in service of our energy woes. The rest of the world, particularly the US, might have some reservations but those could be easily addressed. If Pakistan is so keen on a nuclear deal, the US could propose some conditions that allow them to keep a greater watch on our nuclear activities.

For us, the aim is to be treated on parity with India as a nuclear power and find a solution to the power crisis. If we were able to produce nuclear energy, this could also prove beneficial to the US, which because of its enmity with Iran has been trying to throw a spanner in the Iran gas pipeline. Thus, we are within our rights to demand civilian nuclear technology. The greatest fear — that our nuclear weapons may fall into the hands of the Taliban — have always been inflated, since the military itself has been repeatedly attacked by militants and would have no desire to hand over to them a weapon that would make them untouchable.

Having demonstrated our nuclear safety and security, it is time for the world to acknowledge us as a legitimate nuclear power.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Our stalled foreign policy

March 29th, 2012

While our parliament was getting ready to debate the text of the foreign policy draft in a joint session, US President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani were at a conference in South Korea trying to sort out a troubled anti-terror alliance which almost ruptured over 10 months of mistrust and recriminations.

President Obama admitted that, “There have been times — I think we should be candid — over the last several months where those relations have had periods of strains”. Then he delivered the crucial conditionality of any future discussion between them two: “But I welcome the fact that the parliament of Pakistan is reviewing, after some extensive study, the nature of this relationship. I think it’s important to get it right. I think it’s important for us to have candid dialogue, to work through these issues”.

Prime Minister Gilani was careful, replacing ‘terrorism’ with a word that the Pakistan Army prefers as explanation of what is happening in Pakistan: “We are committed to fighting against extremism. We want stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan”. An Islamabad-based think tank has recently issued a study of extremism in Pakistan as if to buttress the position increasingly adopted here in respect of what the international community insists on calling terrorism.

It is clear that by committing foreign policy to the custodianship of parliament, the PPP-led government has postponed any discussion of bilateral issues with the US. The draft text of the ‘guidelines’ that parliament would have the government follow are a mixture of abstraction and realpolitik — ‘principle’ and ‘flexibility’ — that will make any negotiation difficult. But unfortunately, problems have arisen among the parties represented in parliament on these guidelines.

The opposition led by JUI’s Maulana Fazlur Rehman and the second largest party in parliament, the PML-N, now want the draft guidelines changed. They say they want to debate the sincerity of the government in following what parliament will endorse and they have reservations about the clear indication in the draft of reopening of the Nato supply route to Afghanistan under certain conditions. It is clear that debate over foreign policy will unfold slowly as background music to efforts being made on the roads of Punjab to topple the erring government.

There is an element of fear in what is being proposed by the political parties before they engage in the debate. The Taliban have warned that any talk of reopening the Nato supply route will attract their retaliatory attacks on the politicians. Al Qaeda’s Aiman al Zawahiri has also added his voice to this warning, saying the rulers in Islamabad are slaves of America and should be toppled. Jamaat-i-Islami chief Syed Munawar Hasan, who is a leading light of the rejectionist alliance of religious parties and organisations included in Defence of Pakistan Council says he will not hesitate to spill blood if the route is reopened.

The effect of this environment of fear has triggered a proposal from a section of parliament that the debate be held also with parties not in parliament. This, of course, means those who stayed out of the 2008 elections as well as those who are organisationally present as nonstate actors of Pakistan. Needless to say, this ‘expanded’ debate will eliminate the centrepiece of any negotiation with the US of such sensitive issues as drones and a possible nuclear deal in the energy sector.

We all know what happens to unrealistic foreign policy pronouncements by parliament. They were made in the past but the government was unable to act on them. In fact, what we had in consequence was a rift over foreign policy now being adjudicated in the Supreme Court in the shape of ‘memogate’ scandal.

What clearly has come to the fore is that foreign policy of Pakistan is not only run by the army, but also indirectly by other elements outside parliament who partially control events inside Pakistan, and that ignoring the views of these elements can endanger the lives of our politicians. The world can wait as we sort out this dilemma.

Wreck on the highway

March 29th, 2012

We have all become accustomed to the news of road accidents and the deaths which result from it. Unfortunately, given the frequency of these incidents we barely get shaken up by them anymore. Value for human life seems to be vanishing from our society as is apparent from the growing political and civic unrest in the country. This holds all the more true when the lives lost belong to ordinary people; disempowered persons who have little say and no voice to make heard. It is these people who use public transport most often and are resultantly driven to death due to the reckless driving we see on the part of bus or wagon drivers, almost everywhere in the country.

This is precisely what happened a few kilometres outside Sheikhupura, as a passenger bus headed for the city overturned, spewing its passengers onto the road. At least a dozen are reported dead and over 40 injured. Men, women and children are among the victims. There are varying accounts of what actually happened: some reports say the assistant conductor had been handed over the wheel of the vehicle and he lost control of it; others say the tie rod broke. But consensus amongst survivors seems to be that the bus was being driven far too fast and was overloaded, carrying some 100 passengers — a number that far exceeded the maximum capacity. Of course, the motive behind this illegality, and consequently the tragedy, was greater profit.

We need to take concrete steps to regulate public transport. This is not the first accident of its kind, nor will it be the last. Our elders tell us that a long time ago, in the early decades of the country’s history, the government ran well-maintained buses with trained drivers. Those times are long gone but we must find a way to improve the situation and make road travel safer for all so that we can put an end to the ghastly death toll we hear about on the news. To do this, traffic rules and regulations along with vehicle fitness regulations must be followed in a stringent fashion. We need to protect those who use public transport and guarantee their safety by training drivers who hold the lives of passengers in their hands.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Karachi held hostage

March 30th, 2012

The situation in Karachi is once again playing out with wearing predictability. An activist of one party is killed, setting off a round of violence that brings the metropolis to a complete halt. In retaliation, the other party kills an activist or two and so the vicious cycle continues. At this point, the names of the parties no longer matter and it makes no difference who initially sparked the violence. The blame game played by the political parties is unfair and counterproductive. They are all complicit in turning mourning into senseless rioting and bringing the city to a standstill as they sort out their internal feuds.

At the federal level, the three parties most closely involved in the violence in Karachi are actually coalition partners and the government’s effort to stop their violent activities is dismal. Interior Minister Rehman Malik said a delay in the passage of the Anti-Terrorist Act was to blame for the violence, coupled with the transport of arms from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and the presence of Taliban in Karachi. However, none of these arguments seem to hold up to even the faintest scrutiny. Even if the current iteration of the Anti-Terrorist Act was to be passed, there is no way it will deter the armed gangs that work for political parties.

It is true that Karachi became awash in arms in the aftermath of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, but that holds little relevance more than 30 years later. All parties and ethnicities are now armed to the teeth. Blaming the violence on the Taliban makes no sense, especially since all the political parties have more than enough reason to continue killing one another.

The situation in Karachi is a purely local one, spurred by the complicated politics of the city. Those at the centre can help with negotiations but their role must necessarily be a secondary one. It is up to the political players in the city to realise that violence is not the best option. They need to reach a lasting truce instead, to restore life in the city back to some semblance of normalcy.

Where are Pak-US ties headed?

March 30th, 2012

The contours of the Pakistan-US alliance have always been crafted in the shadows, away from public debate and scrutiny. For this reason, the visit by two top US generals after the initiation of the parliamentary debate on the future of relations between the two countries was interesting. For two consecutive days, parliament started its debate on this vital matter only to swiftly move on to other matters like the power crisis and violence in Karachi. Meanwhile, the Chief of Army Staff, Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, was changing the ground realities of the alliance in his meetings with Centcom Chief General James Mattis and Isaf Commander General John Allen.

This was the first meeting between the generals from the two countries after the Salala incident that severely strained ties. Since then, the Pakistan military has been publicly critical of the US, demanding an unconditional apology for the Salala attack. Although few details have been released about these meetings, one can read between the lines and look at it as the start of a détente. The Pakistan military realises that the US holds the advantage in this face-off. The army is almost entirely reliant on American aid to provide it weaponry and technical assistance. As such, breaking off ties with the US, no matter how wounded the military’s feelings are, is not an option. Recall, after all, that it was the military that first granted permission to the US to conduct drone strikes in the tribal areas. This meeting should, thus, be seen as the first step to a reset in relations between Pakistan and the US.

Some argue that foreign relations, as with everything else, should be the domain of the civilians not those in uniform. But the fact of the matter is that the government for its part has been discussing this issue in parliament, although its progress has been detracted because of the ongoing violence in Karachi. However, some tangible proposals have been made and one hopes that a balanced foreign policy — which addresses Pakistan’s concerns over sovereignty and America’s concerns of national security — will soon be formulated.

Our sectarian monster

March 30th, 2012

Five more people, including a woman were killed in a drive-by shooting in Quetta on March 29, in what the provincial government described as “an incident of sectarian targeted killing” while two NGO workers were shot dead the same day by unknown assailants in Mastung. There has been a manifold increase in sectarian attacks in Balochistan recently, and it seems as though the Hazara community is specifically being targeted. In addition to yesterday’s attack, there have been numerous other incidents of violence against the Hazara community. Last September, a bus full of Shias were murdered near Quetta, while a few weeks before that there was an Eid massacre of Shias in Balochistan. Amidst the military’s offensive against separatists, we tend to forget that there is another war being fought targeting the most vulnerable community in the province.

The roots of the sectarian violence, like most discrimination against minority communities, can be traced back to the military dictatorship of Ziaul Haq. In his eagerness to impose a hardline Sunni interpretation of Islam in the country, Zia created and strengthened militant groups that initially fought in Afghanistan and Kashmir, but later turned their guns on the Shia community at home. Unfortunately, successive governments in the 1990s did nothing to throttle these militant groups and the situation kept getting worse over time.

Even before that, however, the Hazara community has been singled out by those who condemn them as imposters and infidels. The Taliban regime in Afghanistan was vicious against them. In Pakistan, it was the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi that first started issuing edicts against the Hazaras. For a community that is over half a million strong, it is most tragic that the Hazaras are now being made to feel like strangers in their own land. Although efforts are being made by the government to beef up security in the city as Frontier Corps and the police have jointly launched a search operation in different areas of Quetta and arrested suspects, more needs to be done to ensure that no more lives are lost.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Rental power — SC verdict

March 31st, 2012

The rental power projects so eagerly pursued by the PPP government have not proved to be the solution to our power crisis as they were anticipated to be. The benefits of the projects were only short-term and transient; the projects were marred by corruption and ended up doing absolutely nothing to address our power crisis. Both on legal and practical grounds, the Supreme Court’s decision to cancel all rental power projects should be welcomed. Rental power plants typically take five to six months to set up and are only useful in meeting the immediate emergency energy needs of the country. The need for them to be instituted were sold to the public on those grounds but, of the 19 rental power projects that the government committed to, only one became fully operational. Even back in 2010, after a commission formed by the Asian Development Bank explored the feasibility of rental power projects, the government was told that the project was not cost-efficient at all, and that if it was insistent on going through with it, then the project should be significantly scaled down. The following year, the auditor general recommended cancelling most contracts since power companies had not followed through on their promises to make the plants operational.

As the Supreme Court has found out, the government was lax in overseeing the rental power projects, simply because the kickbacks being received were so lucrative. Companies bidding for the projects were assessed not on their capabilities or track records, but on their ability to influence government officials.

Instead of getting more heavily involved in this quagmire, the government should have been trying to keep a check on the massive circular debt — now over Rs400 billion — that has exacerbated the power crisis. Any permanent solutions have to plan for the long-term, since makeshift fixes tend to have no lasting value. This means pursuing alternatives, such as pipelines that would allow for the cheap import of gas, building up generation capacity at home and keeping a check on the theft of electricity. Solar and wind power, although too expensive to be implemented on a national level, can be harnessed to provide power to areas that are now deprived of it.

Protests in white

March 31st, 2012

As protesting nurses in Karachi made their way towards the Governor’s House on March 28, they were most tragically met by police wielding batons, water cannons and tear-gas canisters. Several nurses have been injured while some were reportedly beaten by the police even after they were held in custody. The denial to voice their demands has angered the nurses even more.

Most of the nurses belonged to the Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Complex and the Civil Hospital, but they were also joined by staff from other government medical institutes. Nursing and paramedical staff, essential, of course, to the running of any hospital have been demanding a raise in salaries and better perks. Nurses in Sindh say their pays are below those given to staff doing similar work in other provinces. But there have been protests by nurses supporting the Young Nurses Association in Lahore as well, and members of the profession clearly feel that they are not given their due rights. This claim has some truth to it as the situation of nurses is grim, with staff too often made to work extremely long hours against low pays. Top officials in charge of nursing in Sindh agree with this, but it is yet to be seen what will happen on the ground, given the resources that governments have and the growing tensions which now exist between the nurses and the administration.

It is also true that while the nurses are justified in their demands of conducting strikes and boycotting work, reports say at least three children have died at the National Institute of Child Health in Karachi because the designated staff was unavailable to care for them. However, the spokespersons for the nurses said that statistically an average of five children die at the institute as it is. The crux of the matter, however, is that something needs to be done. The sight of police clashing with the women in white is pathetic and should have been avoided at all costs. The government needs to do the needful to ensure that there is no discrimination in privileges across provinces.

Injustice in Multan

March 31st, 2012

In August 2010, when two teenaged brothers were brutally clubbed to death by a frenzied mob in Sialkot, as the police played the role of disinterested observers, a debate was sparked in the country about vigilante justice, ineffectual law-enforcement and the irrationality of mobs. Two years later, that debate seems to have got us nowhere. A rerun of that same incident played out on March 25 in Multan, as two suspected robbers were beaten to death after being repeatedly stoned by a mob. The police, once again, found reasons to stay studiously neutral, with cops from different localities arguing over who had jurisdiction over the area. The incident cannot be justified by saying that vigilante justice has become increasingly common, since citizens have no faith in the abilities of law-enforcement officials.

Low-paid policemen have abdicated their duty simply because they don’t consider it worth their while to put their own lives at risk to catch criminals. The justice system is as lethargic as ever and investigation methods are so shoddy that criminals have a very good chance to walk away unpunished. Until the police have an incentive to do their jobs — with the carrot being better pay for an often thankless job, and the stick being immediate dismissal if they stand by idly — such examples of mob justice will continue to plague our society.

There may be some who argue that the victims were robbers and that the people, sick of being denied justice, decided to mete it out themselves. This is no excuse for subverting the law and taking pleasure in attacking the defenceless — no matter what crime they had been accused of committing. We love castigating our politicians for having no respect for the law, but how can we take the moral high ground when we show such blatant disregard for the tenets of justice ourselves? A society that runs on the power of mobs to punish criminals is one that will soon start targeting the innocent in its blood lust. How we react to the Multan incident as a country will tell us a lot about the kind of nation we hope to become.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Unending violence

April 1st, 2012

In what has become an unfortunate pattern, the city of Karachi suffered through its third strike in six days with an average of about a dozen people being killed each day. On March 31, it was the MQM that called the strike, bringing the city to a standstill with all schools and businesses shut. A lot has been written about the political dimensions of this constant state of violence and fear but it also has an immeasurable impact on the psychology of the city. Brave and hardy though the citizens of Karachi may be, knowing that death could just be a stray bullet away if they dare to venture out of their homes, takes a toll on the entire city. It can be hard, if not impossible, for a city to just go back to normal once the political parties decide that they have had enough.

Then there is the economic impact. For the last week, the economic hub of the country has essentially been shut down. Our economic standing is simply not strong enough to allow such closures. Citizens have to live without electricity as KESC maintenance workers are not allowed to carry out their jobs; since shops are shut people have to stock up on food and water. Ultimately, the rivalry of the political parties, apart from the tremendous loss of life, will likely end up costing the city billions of rupees in lost productivity and revenue. Periodic halts in the life of the city undermine Karachi’s claim to be a centre of commerce. None of this is conducive to the long-term health of an already struggling economy.

Partisans on all sides easily point to their opponents and blame them for the violence. But everyone is equally culpable. What started with the murder of one political worker, quickly spiralled out of control because the political parties decided that is the way they want to operate in Karachi. It is time we realised that the politics of revenge dominates in the city and we should deny our vote to all the political parties that have contributed to it. The only pain we can make them feel is electoral. Until they lay down their guns, disband their armies and decide that the best way to sort out their issues is through negotiations, the political parties do not deserve our support. It is the only chance we have to make Karachi a functional city.

Civil-military relations in India

April 1st, 2012

The current Army Chief of India General VK Singh wrote a secret letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh complaining that over 90 per cent of the Indian Air Force was dysfunctional and the tanks India deployed were useless too, because there were no shells for them to fire. His contention in the letter was that the Indian Army was unfit to fight the enemy at the present time. The letter was leaked to the media as a result of which the government has entered yet another period of distress since the corruption scandals broke on the shocked nation last year.

General Singh had not earned himself kudos earlier for asking his date of birth to be changed so that he could be army chief for some more time. After the Supreme Court refused to hear this strange request, he must have been miffed and, given an unusually vindictive personality, he apparently fired off the letter to the prime minister, perhaps, bypassing the defence minister who, unlike his Pakistani counterpart, calls all the shots when it comes to the Indian armed forces. General Singh has reacted to the leak — as he was expected to — but when all is said and done, it could be another ploy.

What was the Indian Army’s reaction to this act of defiance? So far the Chief was fighting his own war without any support from within his institution. Surprisingly, however, the reaction received from the head of its Northern Command came out with qualified support: “There must be some substance behind the Army chief’s observations made in the letter to the Prime minister on defence preparedness; but there is nothing to worry about the Northern Command which is fully prepared to take on any challenge. Our troops are effectively guarding the borders with Pakistan and China”.

Defence Minister AK Antony, who should have hit back at the army chief, has surprisingly toned down his reaction, probably to lessen the intense media assault from the opposition BJP, saying: “There were rogue elements trying to create a rift between the government and the army. There was no battle between the armed forces and the Government of India, and the army and the chief were very much a part of it”. The other reason could be that General Singh had also waved the red flag earlier over some military purchases — charges of corruption that the Congress Party is particularly sensitised to, and which could precipitate Mr Antony’s resignation. Unfortunately, the charges made by him have led to a further scandal: that of the accused senior officers lashing out at their chief.

The Indian Army is strictly subservient to the civilian elected government. It is not usual for the senior officers to go public with grievances, but there have been instances in the past — though rare — when a temperamental general has spoken out and, quite understandably, was shown the door with premature retirement. Every time this happens, it looks bad and the Indian media runs away with the story. But the Indian Army, since the clash with the Chinese Army in 1961, has given a good account of itself, fighting successful wars with Pakistan. It won a decisive victory in 1971 and took Pakistani prisoners of war and in 1999 blunted Pakistan’s Kargil Operation.

General Singh’s plaint is not very serious when you look closely at it. What is happening is just delay. India’s successful economy has allowed the government to set aside $12 billion to buy new aircraft for the air force while other arms are expected to be revamped too, keeping the military budget down to 2.5 per cent of the GDP. The only problem is that of delay and, of course, corruption. Given that the state of civil-military relations in India usually do not deteriorate to this level, this episode could, at the very least, affect the Indian public’s perception of the Indian army. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is embarked on a positive path of normalisation through trade with Pakistan, while the latter is too busy with its internal trouble and too tangled with the Americans to take advantage of the Indian ‘weakness’. With China too, India has followed a wise policy of normal relations despite outstanding border disputes.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga