Water disputes

It has become something of a truism to say that the next war between Pakistan and India will be fought not over land but water. As the ravages of global warming and the increased energy needs of both countries take their toll, the need for water from our shared rivers will heighten tensions. While we aren’t yet at the stage where the desire for water will be fought out on the battlefield, the disputes over the Indus Waters Treaty have become more heated. A visit by an Indian delegation to discuss the issue has shown just how contentious the issue may become. We are objecting to India’s building of dams which, in our view, denies us of the use of rivers that rightfully belong to us and are now threatening to take the matter to the International Court of Justice. Of particular consternation is the Kishangana Dam. This hydro-electric project would reduce the flow of the Kishangana-Neelum River to 9 cubic metres per second of water from the 100 cubic metres we claim to need. It is undeniable that the flow of water to Pakistan will be severely reduced by this and other hydro-electric projects but we are unlikely to get a favourable verdict from international bodies.

The problem is that the Indus Waters Treaty, while a diplomatic and practical triumph when it was signed in 1960, has now become an anachronism. In the intervening five and a half decades, the rivers have dried up considerably. The original terms of the treaty allowed India to divert water from rivers that were otherwise allocated to us for its hydroelectric needs. So, going by the letter of the law, we cannot claim injustice even though India’s projects are leaving us with insufficient water. With the Kishangana Dam we have little case since we had an opportunity to submit data to the International Court of Arbitration laying out our case for needing water from the river. We had planned the Neelum project long before India constructed the Kishangana Dam and had we started work on it India would have been forced to provide us water for it. The inefficiency of our governments prevented us from doing that and thus the International Court of Arbitration ruled in India’s favour. What is needed now is to renegotiate the Indus Water Treaty on a more equitable basis taking into account changed water needs and supply. That, unfortunately, cannot happen until relations between the two countries improve considerably.

Hockey’s sickbed

When a group of disgruntled ex-stalwarts decided to bury the hatchet with the country’s hockey chiefs and joined the Pakistan Hockey Federation earlier this year, hopes were rekindled about the national sport’s possible revival. But several months later, Pakistan hockey remains on the sickbed. Following what seemed like a game-changing patch-up between PHF bosses and a group of former Olympians, Shehnaz Sheikh took over as Pakistan’s head coach while Islahuddin Siddiqui became the chief selector. The duo and other support staff are yet to make their presence felt as Pakistan hasn’t featured in any international event since their arrival at the helm. The Green-shirts missed out on the opportunity of featuring in this summer’s Commonwealth Games in Glasgow because of infighting within the Pakistan Olympic Association. They will, however, take part in the Asian Games to be held in the South Korean city of Incheon from September 19 to October 4.

Pakistan is the defending champion and needs to retain the gold medal to win a direct berth to Olympic Games 2016 in Rio de Janeiro. But it appears to be an uphill task as the Pakistanis have so far failed to do the required homework. There have been a series of preparatory camps and the players continue to train for the Incheon assignment. But coaches and other officials have been bemoaning a lack of match practice for the players in the lead up to the Asiad. The PHF has been trying to line up a tour of Europe but has so far failed to confirm it due to lack of funds. The federation sought a government grant of Rs500 million but it hasn’t been released yet. The crisis is, however, of the PHF’s own making. In recent years, it has consumed hundreds of millions of taxpayers’ money with precious little to show for it. Pakistan has suffered some of its worst setbacks in hockey history even as the PHF spent huge funds on various training and development projects. The government’s reluctance to release more funds is therefore understandable. Due to its past track record, there are little or no guarantees that the PHF will be able justify any more grants. It has in the past consumed big chunks of the funds on foreign tours especially to expensive destinations. Its future plans include more such tours. That is unacceptable. Hockey cannot be allowed this island of privilege at a time when other sports, except cricket, are experiencing tough times in the face of financial crises. The PHF will need to show progress if it wants big funds to keep coming. It will have to first deserve and then desire.

Published in The News, Wednesday, August 27, 2014

Ground to stand on

The symbolism of Nawaz Sharif appearing before the National Assembly and pledging his commitment to the constitution should not be lost on anyone. He noted the ephemeral nature of leaders and governments but said our values should never be compromised. It was a stirring speech from a prime minister who has struggled with public speaking in the past. The speech should have ended any speculation that the prime minister is about to step down but the vultures are still circling. Beyond the symbolism and the drama lie more solid realities. Chief among them is the law and the absolute need to uphold it in a country where it has been flouted too often with disastrous consequences. In its talks with the PAT and the PTI the government has made every effort to avoid an unpleasant replay. Sharif has also held marathon meetings with both allied groups and opposition parties, winning support for the need to stick within the lines of law. The tactics seem to have brought dividends, even though it is unfortunate that games of politics have been played over the Model Town deaths which have assumed central space in this drama.

The issue of the law was also taken up by the Supreme Court, which while hearing the petition regarding the clearing of Constitution Avenue, said that more important than any road was the constitution itself. This point has united parties across ideological lines, and this has been a welcome trend. It is one that Imran Khan has failed to recognise. Right now he appears to run the risk of becoming increasingly isolated. While he and Dr Qadri have tentatively stood together, both have seemed most focused on projecting themselves. Imran’s one point demand that the PM resign has left him nowhere at all. The ‘withdrawal’ of his letter in the contempt case, written to Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry has brought more snarky smiles – even laymen know such a step is not legal, it is a mere charade – and where Imran’s political standing will go from this point on is to be seen. It may have become near-impossible for Imran Khan to back down even an inch now. He has declared a complete end to negotiations with the government and reiterated the call for Nawaz’s resignation so many times that anything less will be perceived as a defeat for him. He keeps sounding the same discordant notes – comparing Nawaz to Hosni Mubarak, naming the same people over and over again as conspirators in the election rigging – but offers no hope for a solution. No matter what else unfolds, those Imran seeks to target stand on firmer moral and legal ground vis a vis him.

Gain some, lose some?

In trying to bring down the government Imran Khan may end up badly harming his party. His decision to ask all PTI MNAs to resign from the National Assembly and Sindh and Punjab assemblies has been forced into the background by the Inquilab march and dharna and the deadline(s) given to Nawaz Sharif to resign but it might come back to hurt the PTI chief. The speaker of the National Assembly has opened the resignation letters given to him by 31 out of the PTI’s 34 MNAs and declared 26 of them valid. But, at the urging of the government and other opposition parties, he has refrained from accepting them as long as there is a chance that negotiations can end the standoff. The MNAs will soon be asked personally if they want to resign and there is a chance many will take back their resignations. The MNAs from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, in particular, seem hesitant to resign with Nasir Khan Khattak going on the record as saying 21 MNAs will refuse to do so. Should that happen a majority of the PTI’s representatives will have gone against the wishes of its leaders.

Of particular concern seems to be the prominence given by Imran to Shah Mehmood Qureshi and Jehangir Tareen. Most of the PTI MNAs from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have their own local power bases and so are hesitant to take direction from those they consider outsiders. The seeming hypocrisy of resigning everywhere but from the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly, where the PTI is in power, may also have played a part in this impending revolt. The resignation tactic never made much sense to begin with since the PTI would be giving up representation in the National Assembly without any guarantee that its protest would be successful. There is only so long the speaker can wait before confirming the resignation letters so the future of the party may become clearer in the next day or two. Right now things are not looking good for Imran and there are rumours that even senior members of the party are asking him to back down. Whatever the PTI gains doing what it is doing in Islamabad, it may also find that it has lost much by squandering its political gains of the last two years.

Published in The News, Thursday, August 28, 2014

__________________
"I am still learning."

A weakened democracy

The truth is before us. We have learned nothing from history. Nothing at all, repeating once more the follies that plunged us into so much trouble in the first place. The Pakistan Army, watching and waiting at the sidelines for weeks has been asked by the government to play a part in resolving the crisis. The step taken at a meeting on Thursday between the army chief and the prime minister pushes democracy a little deeper into the quicksand where it had been trapped for many days. Whether it can pull itself out remains an open question. Even if it does so, it will emerge weakened, with space given away to the military, which once again moves into the driving seat. Unsurprisingly, the role of the military as mediator has been quickly, indeed instantly, accepted by both Tahirul Qadri and Imran Khan. This indeed seems to have been the moment they were waiting for, with cryptic references to ‘umpires raising fingers’ or proclamations that the ‘awaited’ moment was approaching. Both the PAT and the PTI have agreed to give the army 24 hours as it begins its role as ‘mediator’. What terms it will mediate and what direction it will adopt is to be seen. Dr Qadri has also made it clear he wishes the military to act as ‘guarantor’ of any deal. The fervent attempts of the government to reach an agreement with the two parties had run aground essentially because of their refusal to back away from the demand that the PM resign, despite the lack of legal ground for this. From the PAT camp, the goal-posts too continued to change constantly. It is to be seen where they will be placed now.

The announcement that the army had been asked to play a ‘positive’ role, made by Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan is also not insignificant. Nisar, known to be close to the military and also Imran Khan, is expected to play a more significant role from this point on. Matters like Imran’s election rigging allegations, Qadri’s demands in the matter of the FIR lodged in Lahore against those named in the Model Town killings case, and of course the PM’s fate still need to be sorted out. With army boots now heard within offices occupied by the executive it is to be seen how these matters are settled. But despite the efforts of most parties in parliament, a few have walked down that dangerous road we have followed before. We wait to see where it takes us.

The brain eater

The death toll from Naegleria fowleri – the brain-eating amoeba virus that has spread through Karachi and Hyderabad – reached eight last week but the authorities don’t even seem to recognise it as a problem. The virus is waterborne and thrives in water that hasn’t been sufficiently chlorinated or boiled. Around the world the most common way of contracting the virus is by swimming but most of the victims in Sindh, including a baby less than a year old, are not believed to be swimmers. This means the fault lies entirely with the Karachi Water and Sewerage Board, which is unable to provide clean water to its residents. What is truly alarming is that the KWSB doesn’t even seem to have taken notice of it. That is probably because the solution, while readily apparent, requires the kind of work, dedication and resources that the authorities are simply not willing to expend. The right to clean drinking water should in theory be sacrosanct but it is not a right the government has ever taken seriously. Our water supply is contaminated by industrial waste, sewage and other contaminants and is not treated before being delivered to residents.

The problem is particularly acute in low-income areas. People often don’t have a working water supply and so have to rely on polluted standing water – which attracts all kinds of bacteria and viruses apart from the brain-eating amoeba – for daily use. The water that is supplied does not conform to any recognised standards and pipes are often rusted and damaged. The Ministry of National Health Services, Regulations and Coordination did write a letter to the provincial health departments in July asking them to take preventive measures such as educating people to avoid swimming in stagnant water, submerging their heads in water while bathing and not taking water up their nostrils while performing ablution. No such action has been taken. The massive infrastructure overhaul it would require to replace pipelines that are too close to industrial plants and repair dysfunctional lines will take time but the process has not even begun. Ensuring the optimal level of chlorination in the water supply should be a simpler task but there too the authorities have been neglectful. Most of the deaths attributed to the brain-eating amoeba have shown low levels of chlorination in the water. These deaths were unnecessary and preventable. The responsibility for them lies with uncaring authorities.

Published in The News, August 29th, 2014.

__________________
"I am still learning."

Moves and mishaps

So, has the move made by the PML-N government in getting the army to talk to Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri led to confusion in those parties’ ranks? Shah Mehmood Qureshi’s speech late last night to the PAT crowd – requesting patience for a few more days to avoid the violence he alleged was being planned by the government – seemed to make little sense to them. Qadri for his part agreed with Shah Mehmood but a decision on the request was not made. The tone in the PTI speeches too seems to have changed with the talk of deadlines taking a backseat. What has caused this sudden awakening of responsibility in those who have been preparing their followers for violence and for how long this change will hold cannot be said. For the story of the two dharnas has seen quite a few ups and downs and highs and lows so far. What can be said though is that there should not be much of a surprise in politicians needing army ‘facilitation’ – keeping in mind our history and failures of the political class to sort out the mess they create or make worse if some other force has created it for them. This is a sad truth, which has been on display again in this crisis too.

The only good in the prime minister asking for army ‘facilitation’ might have been that a way out of the present chaos could be found with the army apparently not playing an aggressive or coercive role but working with a civilian government and with suggestions and arrangements made not being unconstitutional and undemocratic. But such hopes seemed to have suffered a setback yesterday with uncertainty growing and no one appearing to speak the truth. It seems Nawaz talked to the army having been left with no option in a potentially explosive situation where lives may be lost. And then, fearing reaction from parliament, adopted a stance that left his credibility badly dependent on a word from the army. Consequently, what looked like a clever move from Nawaz to turn the table on those who had been inviting army intervention by getting the army to talk to them turned into embarrassment. One problem this government has constantly suffered from is its delayed responses to challenges and move from others, which give an impression that there is little coordination either among itself or with others in parliament even in a matter as important as this. From the very beginning, it has been late in taking steps and clarifying things. This certainly does nothing to build confidence in the party.

The political class as a whole has been able to do little in finding or suggesting a way out of the crisis. The major players among them have obviously been playing a vague, if not double, game. Emotional speeches in the assembly for gallery consumption notwithstanding, the different tiers of the PPP leadership have been playing a dual game with vague, contradictory messages on almost every aspect of the matter including the demand for the PM’s resignation. Is this duality meant to leave some space for possible deals in new arrangements of power should things go so bad that the present setup is changed? The MQM has once again been up to its old ways. The ANP stands reduced to not doing much except crying over our political fate. The Jamaat-e-Islami too is trying to keep its cake and eat it too. The need was and is for much greater clarity, more concrete suggestions and unconditional political unity in a situation where an elected government has been held hostage by the ludicrous demands of those who want to see bloodshed to create a situation which brings down the entire order.

Imran and Qadri – having done everything to discredit all the civilian institutions including the judiciary – have certainly been working on an agenda to invite the army. No matter how the army was contacted for facilitation, the only ones in love with the prospect of army intervention – coercive or otherwise – have been these two. Imran’s true ‘political’ ambition and stature were reflected in the impressive speed with which he leapt into his bulletproof vehicle, grinning from ear to ear, to meet General Raheel Sharif as soon as he and Qadri were invited to the Army House. In such a situation our politicians should not forget what dangers civilian ineptness may bring. It is unfortunate, may even be tragic, when the army moves away, or has to move away, from its professional duties into the realm of politics. A more deft handling by the government may have enabled the military to assist constructively, without coercion or so much controversy. We did not see from our civilian leadership the sagacity that was required. However, after this mishap, the political class will serve the cause of stability better by not making much of this episode and by concentrating on either helping to keep the ‘facilitation’ process going or making clear suggestions and meaningful steps on what can and should be done.

Published in The News, August 30th, 2014.

__________________
"I am still learning."

Foolish frenzy

Imran Khan’s megalomania has rendered him incapable of conceiving a world where people may genuinely disagree with him. Anyone who dare voice opposition to him is immediately labelled a corrupt sell-out. The latest targets of Imran’s wrath are journalists and lawyers, both of whom have had the temerity not to buy into the PTI narrative wholesale. In Imran’s increasingly fevered imagination, talk-show hosts and anchors have been paid off by the government to turn against him. It is certainly true that quite a few in different segments of society may not be as pro-PTI now as they once were but, rather than pointing to bribes that don’t exist, Imran may consider looking inwards for the reasons behind that. As his protest has continued without seeming end, it is only natural that Imran’s aims and motivations will come under scrutiny. That does not mean the Intelligence Bureau has, as Imran claimed, bribed the journalistic community on behalf of the PML-N. The head of the IB has already denied doing so and, keeping in mind an earlier Supreme Court ruling banning the use of secret funds, it seems outside the realm of possibility that there is any truth to Imran’s burst of invective against journalists.

The same goes for his irresponsible allegations against the legal community. What started as unsubstantiated attacks on members of the Supreme Court now encompasses all the bar associations that protested against Imran’s rally. The president of the Lahore High Court Bar Association, Shafqat Mehmood Chohan, has been singled out as a recipient of PML-N money. Once again, as with all of Imran’s many accusations, there is not a shred of proof to back up his claims. Bar associations from Lahore to Peshawar have protested Imran’s actions and with his defamatory words there will be more counter-protests in the days ahead. The total amount Imran claims has been distributed by the government amounts to Rs250 million but, obviously, he does not explain the source of this charge and nor does he explain how he can prove it to anyone’s satisfaction. After Imran’s rally is over he may find that a lot of other individuals have joined Iftikhar Chaudhry in suing him for defamation. He tosses around the charge of bribery and corruption so freely without seeming to care that his words have real-life effects on the lives of those who have been accused. In seeking to build his crowd into a frenzy, Imran has hurt many innocents and should pay the price for it.

The Afghan crisis

Hamid Karzai has promised that his successor will take over in Afghanistan next week but the candidates in the disputed election seem to have other ideas. A second agreement between Ashraf Ghani and Abdullah Abdullah has fallen apart after the latter refused to accede to a UN audit of the votes. By now it seems clear that even with a recount Ghani will win the run-off but Abdullah is not willing to concede defeat. Abdullah believes that many of the votes cast were fraudulent and is unhappy that the UN is accepting many ballots he thinks should be invalidated. The election saga has been going on for many months now and the instability is hurting Afghanistan. The Taliban, already poised to make territorial gains after the US begins withdrawing its troops at the end of the year, have become stronger with the Haqqani Network moving into the country to escape Pakistan’s military operation in North Waziristan. The Afghan army and police cannot be counted upon to tackle the insurgency since their low-paid forces often don’t do their job or cross over to the other side. The country has been mired in a civil war for many years and all signs are pointing to it intensifying amid the political uncertainty.

The most vexing aspect of the election saga is that both candidates largely agree on the future direction of the country. Ghani and Abdullah are both technocrats who want to reform the economy, take on the Taliban and sign a security agreement with the US to keep some troops around indefinitely after the withdrawal. The lame duck Karzai wanted to avoid making any commitments to the unpopular occupying force and left the decision to his successor. The fighting over the results of the election has led to an economic crisis with foreign investment drying up and the treasury running low on cash. Economic growth is actually predicted to be in the negative this year. With civil service and security forces’ salaries unable to be met there may be more defections to the Taliban and the warlords fighting it out for power in the country. For the sake of Afghanistan both candidates need to accept UN mediation and abide by its election audit. The identity of the next president isn’t as important as the urgent need for someone to take over from Karzai. Abdullah needs to understand this and stop his needless protest.

Return home

Professor Dr Ajmal Khan has finally returned home after what must have been a hellish four years in Taliban captivity. Dr Ajmal Khan, the vice chancellor of Islamia University in Peshawar was whisked away from the University Town area in 2010 with no signs of him appearing for years. Some 24 months after he had been taken away, the elderly academician, widely respected in the field had appeared in hazy video footage appealing for efforts to secure his release as quickly as possible given his deteriorating health and the conditions in which he was being held. Dr Khan was eventually rescued by security forces currently conducting an operation in North Waziristan. He has said that after being dragged into a vehicle, he was intoxicated and quickly taken away to a mountainous area. In exchange for his release, the Taliban had sought the freeing of four prisoners. This never happened and an ISPR statement confirms the professor has now been released by troops and brought back to Pakistan. We welcome Dr Khan home and can only be thankful that, according to his own account, he was not tortured and escaped death which has been inflicted on others held by militant outfits.

There is however a broader message to be learned. Dr Ajmal Khan was taken away from one of the most secure areas of Peshawar. His close family ties with the family of Asfandyar Wali Khan, could not help retrieve him, despite the fact that the ANP government was in power in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa at the time. All this just goes to show how hopeless we essentially are in the face of militancy and how easily groups like the Taliban can strike. The abduction of persons such as Dr Ajmal Khan of course presents a grave dilemma for authorities. While there is obvious pressure to secure their freedom, giving in to the demands of abductors would set an extremely dangerous precedent putting others at risk. Right now, we have other people who remain in captivity somewhere on our territory. They include the son of the late Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer, Shahbaz, the son of former prime minister Yusuf Raza Gilani, Ali Haider and US citizen Warren Weinstein. Almost nothing has been heard of these persons for several years now. Their disappearance makes it clear that safe hideouts used by the Taliban exist in our tribal areas and possibly other places. It is thought the militants may have links with groups that kidnap powerful individuals and then sell them to the militants in the hope they can be used in deals. The situation reflects the lawlessness that exists in our country. Right now, we can only hope the military operation underway in the north will help achieve an end to it and that other people will, like Dr Ajmal Khan, reunite with their families.

Published in The News, Sunday, August 31, 2014

__________________
"I am still learning."

Naked ambitions

Pakistan faces its biggest political catastrophe in well over a decade. Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri started their marches with high-flying talk of democracy and freedom. They are looking to end it with bloodshed. The decision to storm the PM House does not count as legitimate protest. Imran has constantly evoked the ideals of democratic protest in the west but anyone who tried to break into the White House or 10 Downing Street armed with sticks and forklifts would be detained immediately or shot at if resisting arrest. So far three people have been killed as Islamabad descended into anarchy. The scenes that we saw as the marchers clashed with police were horrible. Women carrying infants and fleeing the clouds of teargas or evading batons is a sight we would never wish to see. The chief responsibility for that lies with Imran and Qadri who, safely hiding in their containers, charged up their supporters with openly violent rhetoric and hypocritical talk of peace, and sent them to the frontlines. With Imran stating there would be further action, for which his ‘tigers’ are well prepared, things seem rather ominous. His lack of responsibility is shocking. There was a lot of uncertainty surrounding a corps commander meeting yesterday. The statement released by the ISPR may temporarily soothe frayed nerves. It reaffirmed the army’s commitment to democracy – stressing a political approach to the crisis and warning against the harm that violence may bring. Earlier in the day, PM Sharif too had expressed a similar approach with his directions to protect state buildings without loss of lives and calling for more talks with the PTI and PAT. The army also says it is tasked with protecting sensitive buildings in the capital. The imposition of Article 245 by the government does increase the army’s authority. How that authority may be used since both Imran and Qadri are still baying for blood is unclear.

Imran’s sudden decision to take the protest to the PM House shows him to be a rash, unstable figure not cut out for democratic politics. The only question that remains is if he is acting on his own. Disgruntled PTI president Javed Hashmi, who has now been expelled from the party for speaking his conscience and spilling a few beans, says the party had decided not to move from D-Chowk but Imran unilaterally overruled everyone after he found himself ‘compelled’ on receiving a message from somewhere. This happened at a time when it was clear that negotiations with the government could lead to a breakthrough and PTI leader Shah Mehmood Qureshi had announced that a deal had almost been reached. Many now are wondering more openly if Imran and Qadri are the sole screenwriters of this drama or if there other unaccredited authors. The Javed Hashmi episode further exposes the true state of democracy within the PTI itself. That Imran has chosen to be influenced by the whispers of Sheikh Rasheed over the words of Javed Hashmi says a lot about the direction his politics has taken.

That a motley crew flanked by a few thousand supporters may throw us back by decades says a lot about how fragile the state of our civilian affairs is. The political forces have failed badly in preventing the disarray that has broken out with democracy teetering once more on the brink. The government has been mostly missing in action. Let alone being pro-active. The PML-N has not even been able to react effectively to unfolding events, giving the impression of a deer frozen in the headlights. The other political parties have mostly been opportunistically waiting to see how events play out and what may be in it for them. They, too, should be blamed for bringing us to a situation where the fate of the democratic system hangs in the balance. Figures like Aitzaz Ahsan and Asma Jahangir in their comments have shown the rare but much needed clarity that, if pursued uncompromisingly by our body politic, can make Qadri and Imran see the unreason in their ambitions instead of thriving on the present lack of a united and unambiguous front. If for nothing else but the sake of its own survival, the PML-N has to take the nation into confidence, truthfully explain what is going on and reveal what it will do next. After weeks of silence and half-truths from every side we now need to demand more from our political class.

Violence on media

When the PTI and PAT decided to storm the President’s House it was inevitable there would be a police response. What was not expected – and should not be tolerated – was that some journalists were also targeted by the police. As the situation rapidly spiralled out of control, the police must have realised that their actions would be beamed on live television. Instead of explaining their actions, they in some cases attacked the messenger. They, at times, seemed to be operating independent of government control and instruction. The chain of command seems to have either broken down or didn’t exist in the first place and the SSP Islamabad left his post without explaining where the instructions for the use of violence came from. His replacement Asmatullah Junejo apologised for the attacks and said the guilty parties would be held accountable but whether he follows through on this remains to be seen. Saad Rafique let loose his fury on the police and apologised for the attacks on the media but this may not be enough. No matter who may actually be in charge, it is the government that needs to take control of the situation.

The PTI, as always, is trying to claim the high moral ground by blaming the police for all the violence. It has no standing to do so. As it unleashed its ‘tigers and leopards’, they attacked the offices of the Jang Group and threatened its employees. Geo reporter Iffat Rizvi also faced a PTI mob and had to be rescued by army personnel. Earlier in the week, PTI protesters had gone after Geo reporters in separate incidents and menacingly surrounded an Aaj TV DSNG van. Its activists were seen brutally beating a helpless newsman from another channel. The blame for this violence lies solely with Imran Khan. He has repeatedly lashed out at Geo, absurdly holding it responsible for alleged rigging. His proof? That Geo ran a victory speech given by Nawaz Sharif. Imran seems to believe that covering the news is the same as creating the news and his invective has made everyone associated with the Jang Group the target of mob violence. He has feverishly accused the government of buying off journalists and even entire media groups. Imran loves affixing responsibility to others for all the ills of the world. For inciting violence against Geo and others, Imran should finally hold himself to account.

Published in The News, Monday, September 01, 2014.

__________________
"I am still learning."

Truth or dare

The entire crisis we find ourselves embroiled in began with a quest to seek out the truth – going by the claims made by Imran Khan about election rigging. But along the way we have run into a labyrinth of deception and conspiracy, where it is hard to believe the PTI chairman’s repeated claim that he never lies. His party’s president, Javed Hashmi, in a startling set of revelations and allegations has said that he most certainly does and, beyond this, has been working on a devious plan allegedly involving, or seeking to involve, both the army and the judiciary and aiming to bring down the present government and pave the way for a new election in late August or September. Hashmi, whose differences with Imran have been deepening, expressed his ire over actions against institutions such as parliament. He took no names in his fiery media talk on Monday – but the insinuations were clear, stating Imran had told the party core committee about the plan and expected cooperation from the army and the chief justice of Pakistan. He also suggested the PAT-PTI partnership had been engineered. Hashmi’s accusations strengthen the already strong belief that a script is being followed. He is no ordinary politician but the PTI president and he is recognised as a man of immense integrity and credibility. Very few will doubt that this is what Imran said to his core team. How much of it is actually the case will long remain a matter of dispute.

The antics of both Imran and Qadri from atop their containers have made it more than obvious that they have been desperately seeking army intervention. Through their speeches, allegations and actions, they have done everything they could to bring all the institutions of civilian power including parliament, the judiciary and the Election Commission into disrepute. The manner in which all our key institutions have been dragged into the stew which boils away is unfortunate and Monday was a busy day of denials for the ISPR. It has categorically denied any army or intelligence involvement with the PTI and PAT. A meeting between PM Nawaz Sharif and COAS Raheel Sharif set some ‘media’ tongues wagging, with contradictory reports emerging about the fate of both. Both the ISPR and the government had to deny that there were plans of action against any one. Nawaz Sharif finally settled matters by announcing that he would neither resign nor take leave. With a joint session of parliament now called for the remainder of the week, all these issues will now be discussed by the only body tasked with handling political matters. That an atmosphere has been created where rumour-mongering can thrive owes much to the government’s response – or lack thereof – to the crisis. The prime minister has been an aloof figure and his underlings have been no better. The megaphone has been left to Imran and Qadri with the government left in a defensive position. Now, with the help of parliament, it is time to retake the initiative. A last-ditch effort has been made by the government to send a “political jirga” to the PTI to negotiate a solution. But Imran is in such a violent mood that hopes of success should not be raised. Only a united political front by our elected representatives can salvage this mess of a situation

Revolution comes to PTV

As if storming the PM House and assaulting journalists was not bad enough, the ‘leopards and tigers’ of the two dharnas attacked the headquarters of PTV on Monday. Armed with clubs they destroyed equipment, vandalised the building and left staffers traumatised. That they had the technical ability to take PTV off the air would hint at the attack being planned in advance rather than a random outbreak of anger. It took the deployment of Rangers and then the army to clear the building and get the station running again. This is an unprecedented event which appeared to have been staged mainly by supporters of Tahirul Qadri, who had praised the hooliganism before he started lying. Some reports suggest PTI activists also followed the hoard in. Since then both the leaders have denied, in somewhat contradictory terms, that their people were involved. Qadri has said the ‘Awam’, in other words ordinary people, broke in. Why they should do so he did not explain. Imran first insisted that none of his workers was a part of the attack and then said anyone who was would be dismissed from the party. It is clear that Imran and Qadri’s words incited these people to action. What we see is sheer thuggery unleashed by frustrated, angry people whose leaders lack clarity and wisdom.

Imran’s denial of responsibility is similar to his claim that the assault on the PM House was not his fault since he and his people were in the background while others led the attack. It is certainly true that Imran has kept a safe distance but that can be attributed to his self-preservation instincts. Everyone heard his calls for the rally to move there and he purposely sent his young “cornered tigers”, armed with sticks and stones, to the frontlines. Now he has called for the Kohsar police station to be stormed if his activists -detained for rioting – are not released. He has taken full and deliberate advantage of an absent government. The police seemed too fearful to take the necessary action to disperse the criminal crowd. The FIRs filed against Imran and Qadri for their role in the attack on parliament may be an attempt to regain the initiative but it is more likely to be a case of too little too late. Still, the assault on the PTV headquarters should be added to the charge sheet.

Published in The News, Tuesday, September 02, 2014

__________________
"I am still learning."

We have a goal to meet

September 2 may go down as a historic day in the evolution of our democracy when the often bickering politicians put their egos and ambitions aside to stand for something greater than themselves. In the midst of a crisis designed to threaten stability, the political class has, at last, shown a kind of unity we have seen rarely. This is a distinct break from the opportunist politics of the past. The politicians of the country’s opposition parties deserve particular credit for refusing to waver despite their many disagreements with the government. Two individuals need to be singled out for articulating a vision that should be taken as a mission statement for any political party. Aitzaz Ahsan was masterful in drawing a distinction between standing behind the government for the sake of the constitution and supporting that same government’s policies. The PTI’s Javed Hashmi may have delivered one of the most moving speeches in the history of the chamber. His passion for the country and the need to build democratic institutions shone through.

It is significant that the joint session has followed a corps commanders meeting which had asked for things to be resolved quickly and through political means without the use of force. This happened in an environment rife with fear and speculation. Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri have caused untold damage to our politics, our economy, even our national psyche. From the very start of events there was suspicion, fanned mostly by Imran and Qadri themselves, that the PTI and PAT were following a script drafted to involve the army. All civilian institutions were methodically undermined – the authenticity of a parliament formed through alleged rigging challenged and the judiciary attacked. Both Imran and Qadri kept speaking ominously of what was about to happen, and of the ‘umpire’ raising his finger. The stubborn refusal of the two to accept offers made by government, even after their genuine and some-not-so-genuine demands had been accepted, only added to the impression that strings were being pulled from somewhere else and that the two men in their containers were waiting for some final act; for a thunderbolt to be shot down from the skies.

It is regrettable that the army’s name and fame were dragged into this situation at a time when it is engaged on multiple fronts against terrorism. It has suffered the brunt of the war against militancy and continues to make daily sacrifices. That cross is already a heavy one to bear without having to referee political disputes. COAS Raheel Sharif enjoys the reputation of being a professional. As an institution too the army is a force respected and loved by the people and also by those who spoke in the joint session yesterday. The fact that it is crucial to the welfare of our state and its defence is not lost on anyone. The resistance of the army to being dragged into politics over the past years has in fact strengthened its standing in the eyes of people. The army has not fallen in line with political opportunists and has shown tremendous restraint. Yet, there is also the dark legacy of our history where short periods of democratic rule were interrupted by dictatorships. The trauma of living through those periods has imprinted itself on us and shaped our psyche as a nation with a constant sense of fear. Since Musharraf’s departure, there has been a gradual realisation of the boundaries the institutions of the state should work within. The army too has been clearly eager to redraw the lines. There were many occasions during the tenure of the previous government where there was a fear that the bounds may be overstepped. But matters were resolved with the order intact and functioning. This process of institutional rebuilding must go on, with each institution of state remaining within its constitutional boundaries. This will build greater respect for the army and greater harmony within the nation. It is important for us to shake off the remnants of the sordid aspects of our past ridden with fear.

But it is obvious that the ‘politicians’ who marched to Islamabad sought to damage this process and exploit just that sordid aspect of our history. They used psychological and political means to send out their message, leaving people worried and scared. By doing so, they inflicted deep wounds on a society which still suffers unhealed scars. It has become crystal clear that neither man has a plan. Their numbers are too small to force the overthrow of an elected government but their refusal to accept victory when the government agreed to all their demands except the resignation of the prime minister showed that they still expected to prevail. To add to the whole cauldron of trouble, we have the charges made by Javed Hashmi. What he has said is not something that can be ignored. He has not accused the army as an institution of being involved in any conspiracy but made clear that Imran himself told party leaders that it was behind the PTI venture. Certainly, the manner in which the marches were conducted indicates this is what the PTI and PAT may have been basing their actions on.

This is why it is imperative that the notion of army involvement be debunked thoroughly and transparently. The possibility arises that some rogue elements, either within the army or now retired from it but still prominent, may have been guiding Imran and Qadri. Hashmi has even named some names during his interview with Geo. Only a full internal investigation that ascertains who has been in contact with the two leaders will suffice. The army’s reputation must be safeguarded. The respect it commands must grow. As a service to the people who hold so much faith in it, the army needs to investigate the matter.

We also need clarity on how the civilian authorities and the military can best work together to deal with the matter at hand. There has been a proper and constitutional role for the army to play during this crisis. The invocation of Article 245 allows the army to protect the capital. But there has been a lack of clarity over its use. When the PM House, parliament and PTV offices were stormed by the protesters no one knew who was in charge and what the terms of engagement were. Even now, neither the government nor the army has spoken about the use of Article 245. Meanwhile, the police have suffered a loss of credibility and morale. For everyone – the police, the people and the protesters – this confusion will have to be cleared up.Things must come back into focus once more. The joint session of parliament has helped restore sanity and an element of stability. We must continue to move towards both. We have a goal to meet.

Published in The News, Wednesday, September 03, 2014

__________________
"I am still learning."

PTI’s men of honour

In walked Shah Mehmood Qureshi to the very institution his party has denounced as illegitimate and corrupt and which his leader Imran Khan has been abusing from atop his container. As the PM and the interior minister walked away, Qureshi delivered a speech so laden with hypocrisy that it made many cringe. Remarkably, he insisted his party had never attempted to harm parliament and was in fact out to defend it, denying there was any other agenda, any script written by hidden hands and handed to the PTI and PAT. It must have taken a considerable degree of shamelessness on Qureshi’s part to do so, but he had to run this errand. He spoke of the sanctity of parliament, its lawns, its land and his respect for these. He only exposed himself and Imran Khan further by giving away the real ‘code of honour’ the PTI leadership lives by: that whatever is said outside parliament is just words and verbosity. We wonder how this should be taken by those PTI supporters – men, women and children – who have been misled, exploited and endangered by the words and verbosity of the proponents of ‘Naya’ Pakistan. In a stunning display of hypocrisy and double-talk, Qureshi claimed that he could only advise the crowds, not command them, and then in the next breath said PTI marchers had nothing to do with the violence that had occurred. He blamed the PTV headquarters attack on the PAT, ostensibly throwing Tahirul Qadri under the bus.

Shah Mehmood Qureshi and the other PTI MNAs who had submitted their resignations, were, according to Imran Khan, supposed to appear at the joint sitting of parliament for the last time to lay out their case. It did not quite work out that way. In the manner of Mark Antony coming to bury Caesar rather than praise him, Qureshi hoped to win over lost PTI support, made his speech and walked out before any of the PTI members could have their resignations accepted. This tactic should not work. Walking out of parliament before anyone could confront them, he and his fellow MNAs managed to avoid Mehmood Khan Achakzai’s proposal to pass a resolution condemning the attacks on parliament and PTV and getting the PTI MNAs to sign it. Avoiding responsibility has been a hallmark of the PTI since day one of the march and Qureshi and the rest of the MNAs merely played to type. It is highly telling that the only PTI MNA to have really and openly followed the original instructions to resign so far is Javed Hashmi – the one who dared defy Imran and expose his real intentions.

Even as the ‘political jigra’ tries to hash out a political settlement – something Qureshi claimed to support in his speech – Imran is still insisting on Nawaz’s resignation. What now remains to be seen is if the PTI and PAT drift apart as talks continue with Imran’s men or if a more comprehensive solution can be found. We have already seen enough to know that both Qureshi and his leader cannot be trusted. He may have, in what can be seen as an admission of defeat, said that the PTI wants a negotiated solution. But Qureshi and his fellow men’s real standing in Imran Khan’s eyes, and how they can so easily be overruled and used by Imran Khan’s megalomania is now sufficiently known. Until such an agreement is in place and adhered to, Islamabad should continue to be alarmed. Still, the triumphant cries from just days ago to march towards the PM’s house seem to have been forgotten. An agreement there has to be, but there will be little now that the PTI can hold up as a sign of success – even for face-saving. The feeble cries that ‘awareness’ has been raised leaves us incredulous. Awareness about what? How not to lead a party? How to lie? How to incite a mob and worship chaos? How to invite the army to make order out of chaos? Yet, for all the humiliation they have suffered, the PTI may be marginally better off than Tahirul Qadri. Though he made some attempts to soldier on his body language gives him away. His cape droops, his shoulders sag and no one pays him much heed at all. He has already asked supporters who wish to leave to go home. We hope the attention should soon shift to clearing up the debris left behind by the marchers in Islamabad.

Bad cricket

If the abysmal tour of Sri Lanka cannot wake the Pakistanis from their slumber nothing else can. With World Cup 2015 set to roll into action on Valentine’s Day in Australia, the poor results produced by the national team in Sri Lanka should come as a deafening wakeup call. Responding to recent defeats, new Pakistan Cricket Board chairman Shaharyar Khan has set himself a fact-finding mission. The ex-diplomat has a tough job to do as the Pakistan cricket team is experiencing a lean patch. The visiting team was unimpressive during the best part of the trip but it turned out that Pakistan was saving its worst for the last. In the ODI series finale in Dambulla, Pakistan pressed the self-destruct button as its entire batting line-up crashed for just 102 – its ninth-lowest ODI total – in front of what was hardly the world’s best bowling attack. Such abject surrender will force Pakistan’s cricket think-tank to go back to the drawing board even in normal circumstances. The fact that it has happened less than six months before the World Cup calls for an extraordinary response.

Pakistan was put to the test by the Sri Lankans and was found lacking in almost every department of the game. In Australia and New Zealand, the co-hosts of next year’s World Cup, the conditions will be far more challenging and many of the opponents much stronger. Pakistan is facing numerous problems and needs to find many answers. The clock, meanwhile, is ticking. The first question the country’s cricket chiefs need to ask themselves is whether the coaching staff spearheaded by Waqar Younis is capable of delivering the goods. Waqar’s team includes Zimbabwean Grant Flower and Mushtaq Ahmed. All three of them are vastly experienced but the question is whether they can lift the national team and put it on the winning path. That didn’t happen in Sri Lanka. The leadership of Misbah-ul-Haq has also come under the magnifying glass. Misbah flopped as the team’s senior batsman and didn’t impress much as its skipper either. But they say that a general is just as good or just as bad as the troops under his command. Barring a few exceptions, Misbah’s troops didn’t play like winners. Running out of time, Pakistan will have to find the right mix in the coming months. Otherwise, our team is bound to fail in next year’s World Cup.

Published in The News, Thursday, September 04, 2014

__________________
"I am still learning."

Avoidable deaths

In the latest spell of rains to pour down over Punjab and Azad Kashmir at least 27 persons have been killed. This is something we go through virtually every year. Generally we tend to ignore it, holding on to the myth that such deaths cannot be avoided – that they are an act of nature, which humans are too weak to combat. That, however, is not accurate. Most of the deaths which took place occurred when roofs collapsed in Lahore, Sialkot and other places. Unsurprisingly, it happened to those who live in inadequate, often dilapidated shelters because the state has failed to provide safe housing to its people. In Punjab buildings identified almost a decade ago as hazardous continue to stand. These structures are often inhabited by tenants, with the owners of the buildings reluctant to carry out repairs since they themselves do not live in them. It is the duty of the government to look into these issues and ensure that people are safe one way or the other. As in so many other things, rains do not kill at random. They target the poorest, the weakest and those least able to defend themselves. The rich in their solid homes are usually oblivious to the suffering of others. And so it is that for many, rain is something to be enjoyed but for most it brings the threat of death.

In Azad Kashmir, we hear of three members of the security forces dying as a result of a landslide. Slipping mud may seem like something we have no power to stop. In some cases, that would be true. But we must remember that indiscriminate deforestation and the failure to construct our infrastructure safely in terms of road building and other development often plays a part in such hazards. When there are no trees on mountainsides, landslides occur more often and each year takes a toll on human life. This reflects at a wider level on our lack of planning and our failure to think into the future. The result is loss of lives that could have been saved. We need to examine the issue of civic planning far more closely given that our cities are the areas where increasingly more people live. We also know the kinds of hazards we face each year. Right now, amidst this latest spell of rain, we should be on the guard against flash floods and hill torrents. That is easy to say. The reality however is it does not happen and the results are there before all of us, with electrocution also contributing to the death toll simply because the networks that supply power to us are not set up in a safe manner and there is a huge amount of negligence involved in maintaining them. This is nothing short of a disaster.

Caught in the turmoil

The anti-polio campaign appears to have become somewhat caught up in matters of administration and national political events. At a time when there is a desperate need to vaccinate children across the country in a situation where 117 cases have already been reported this year – making Pakistan the country with the highest number of cases in the world – it is imperative that we act to prevent the disease from spreading. Because of our failure to check polio, we are already seen as a danger to the world with travel restrictions in place and every Pakistani required to receive polio drops before travelling overseas. But it seems the matter is not being taken seriously enough. The health officer for Unicef Sindh has reported that insufficient vaccines are available to begin a campaign that was scheduled to begin in Sindh from September 1, targeting 4.5 million children. He has said vaccines had not been received from Islamabad for the purpose. The sit-ins and the general turmoil they have created is being blamed for this.

This is obviously a disaster. The national EPI manager has denied a problem but it seems obvious that for whatever reasons there are not enough vaccines at centres in Karachi and Hyderabad and also at locations in Balochistan. Other administrative problems are involved too. The Ministry of National Health Services says it lacks sufficient funds to carry out the required drives, since the Economic Coordination Council has not approved the release of the required money. Again, the prevailing political situation is being blamed for the state of paralysis. This is not a matter we can take lightly. Militancy issues have frequently been blamed for our failures to deliver polio drops to a sufficient number of children. Now, it seems major administrative failures are also a culprit. The end result will mean more disaster. When we are unable to vaccinate children for whatever reason, the virus can only spread. Despite the crisis declared in the country, we seem unable or unwilling to get past the road blocks and make polio vaccination a priority. We must act with greater vigour and understand that saving children from a potentially crippling disease is far more important than all the other theatrics we see on our television screens. These problems have to be overcome. If we fail to do so, not only will our children suffer but also Pakistan as a nation which is seen by the world already as a kind of pariah state to be shunned and kept well clear of.

Published in The News, Friday, September 05, 2014

__________________
"I am still learning."