It is time we looked at and analysed the interesting consistency and change that are both part of the Nawaz Sharif we see today. As far as consistency is concerned, Nawaz’s open-door policy on electable candidates, his dependence on a select group of people and his rapidly changing decisions on some issues make it seem he is the Nawaz Sharif of 1999.
The change in Nawaz, however, is far more interesting and of more significance to us. The first glimpse of this changed Nawaz is his current stance on national security and foreign policy. He is now considered to be opposed to the past doctrines of foreign policy that are largely responsible for the present failure of the state, and now sees the use of militancy as a tool of foreign policy to be destructive for all. Rather, Nawaz aims to convert Pakistan from a security state into a welfare state – and soon. This is a very promising change indeed. The only way forward for the nation now is to make sure there is no compromise on this new vision and a gradual effort is made to convert it into reality.
The definitive word here is gradual. If this plan is tried to be implemented in haste and without due care, it could result in total failure. This agenda can only be achieved through reconciliation and coordination with the military, not vice versa. National security and foreign policy have been the domain of the military for the last 60 years and a few outdated policies are still religiously followed in certain quarters of the military. Besides, there is a vast difference in the way the military views the world as opposed to the way civilian leaders do. Thus, the only practical way to implement the new doctrines is through dialogue and mutual respect, rather than by coercion. If this is done in a statesman-like fashion, no one would question that Nawaz is now indeed a new leader.
It is no secret that relations between Nawaz and the military have been less-than-perfect over the last 12 years. On October 12, 1999 the military ousted him from power in an operation that was conducted on an institutional level with the knowledge of the corps commanders. The very reason for this civil-military conflict was foreign policy – relations with India and Afghanistan. Even in these last five years, Nawaz’s relations with the military have been far from excellent. He is very sure that the PTI was supported by some quarters of the establishment to prevent his (Sharif’s) rise in popularity. Against all this, the possibility of good working relations – between the military and Nawaz Sharif – has become very weak. However, everything is possible if Nawaz chooses to perform as a new leader.
To this end there are quite a few good signals for Nawaz. Pakistan’s military today is a different institution than it was in 1999. Besides, today’s ground realities are very different from those of 1999. It was Gen Kayani himself who recently declared that the biggest threat the country faces is internal. The military, while grappling to adapt to new and alternate concepts of national security, seems at times to fall back on the same old paths.
The reality, though, is a bit confusing. It seems that whatever our military did in the past was with the high aims of supremacy in the region, while today it is mainly focused on survival and prestige. And to this end the military is working at its best because adopting alternate concepts requires thinking, questioning and social discourse. The military, on the other hand, is built for commanding and obeying. It is, thus, trying to do its best.
It is indeed a failure of the civilian rule that in the last five years we have seen no serious efforts to sensitise the military to these new concepts. However, Gen Kayani visited Nawaz Sharif at his residence and DG ISI Gen Zahirul Islam is also ready to brief Nawaz on security issues. This shows that the military is ready to leave the past behind.
It is now for Nawaz Sharif to reciprocate, which in no way means he should accept the dictates of the military. He should try to make sure Pakistan’s military stays within its constitutional limits. However, it would be illogical to assume Pakistan can be overnight turned into the UK. Perhaps Turkey’s model is more proper to adopt at this point.
Perhaps the best policy for the incoming government right now is to limit the military to its constitutional role through good governance and delivery. Completely surrendering to the military is no doubt shameful but adopting an insulting attitude is also pointless. The correct approach for now is to move cautiously, keeping an eye on the reactions of Afghan, Indian and other stakeholders.
While the military has its due place in a democratic country, we must remember one reality: Pakistan is still a security state. The presence of the military extends beyond border areas – into Fata and Balochistan. In the last five years, the military mostly dealt with the important part of our foreign policy – dealings with India, Afghanistan and the US. A sudden and overnight change is thus neither possible nor positive.
A major problem that could cause serious tensions between the military and Nawaz Sharif is Gen Musharraf. The sooner he leaves the country the better. To my knowledge, a friendly country has already initiated the plan and some progress has been made in this direction. It is hoped that he will have left the country before Nawaz takes oath as prime minister. And even if he gets delayed, Nawaz must let Musharraf go. The humiliation faced by Musharraf these past two months is enough punishment. His presence in Pakistan now is not only a risk to his life but will also hinder Nawaz Sharif from concentrating on concrete issues. At any moment, this issue could become a point of no return between Nawaz and the armed forces.
To sum up, the military leadership has to understand that democracy is a must for both Pakistan and its military. It is the duty of the military leadership to help our civilian leadership. On the other hand, Nawaz has to realise that a strong and professional military will help democracy. It is his duty now to convert our military into a modern, professional and strong force.
The writer works for Geo TV.
Email: saleem.safi@janggroup.com.pk

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