Balochistan after Akbar Bugti
By Akhtar Payami
ILL the killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti, immediately after the much-publicised jirga, weaken the deeply entrenched and centuries-old tribal structure of society in most of Balochistan? The so-called ‘Bugti Qaumi Jirga’ held at the Jinnah Stadium in Dera Bugti had proudly announced an end of the sardari system in the Bugti tribe. It also expressed its gratitude to the government for “freeing the people from the atrocities” of the former tribal chief.
A resolution adopted by the pro-government Jirga also said that henceforth the laws of the Pakistan government would be followed in the Bugti tribal areas. Another harshly worded resolution asked the Marri and other tribes to hand over Nawab Akbar Bugti and his associates to the Bugti tribe which would deal with them in accordance with the laws of Pakistan. The Jirga also proposed a number of measures for doing away with several abominable practices that have plagued the tribal society.
Akbar Bugti‘s departure from the political scene raises many questions which may continue to haunt the aware citizens in the country for a long time to come. Bugti indeed was a mixed bag. He was dreaded and, at the same time, loved by his tribesmen. The establishment claims that members of the Bugti tribe are rejoicing at his passing away. In the massive military operation against his men, many sophisticated weapons including gunship helicopters were freely used.
The facts, however, tell a different story. Bugtis are mourning his death. In fact, the whole province is in a state of shock over the way the veteran Baloch leader has met his end. There has been protest shutdowns both in the country and Balochistan to register anger over the killing. For a few days since the gruesome incident, life in major towns of the province remained paralysed.
Akbar Bugti’s killing, though the information minister claims he was not the target of the operation, shows that the government has finally decided to ensure that its writ is established in Balochistan’s troubled tribal areas, whatever the cost. It is also evident from the tone of President Musharraf’s August 29 speech in Murree in which he said that he would not allow anyone to harm the country. “Whoever wants to harm Pakistan nationally or internationally would have to fight with me first”, he had warned.
However, the mainstream politicians of all shades of opinion, excluding the PML-Q leaders, have strongly reacted to the tragedy and criticized the manner in which the Balochistan problem was being handled by the incumbent regime. They have refused to buy the official version of the incident. How far-reaching could be the impact of the tragic death of Akbar Bugti on the political life of Balochistan as well as Pakistan can only be felt after some time once the state of shock and anger is over.
One may recall that immediately after the Bugti jirga several tribal elders had not only dissociated themselves from the congregation but also condemned the resolutions passed there, maintaining that the Jirga could not take such momentous decisions.
The people of Balochistan have a litany of grievances — most of them real. The vast landscape in the province is full of many promises and potentials. But it never received the attention it deserved from the successive governments over the decades. All avenues of development were closed to the inhabitants of this province. They remained an isolated lot with no hope of progress and prosperity. Why has it been so and why had the British who ruled India for several centuries never cared to bring this northern tip of the country on par with other parts of the country ? This anomaly may be explained in many ways.
India was never a united country. Before the advent of the British Raj, it was divided and subdivided into several units, some of them being princely states — all headed and managed by independent rulers who had their own armies and ruled without a popular mandate. They were rajas and nawabs and commanded this position through by virtue of inheritance.
The north-western part of the subcontinent did not attract much attention of the alien rulers. They consolidated their position in the rest of the country and made their strongholds in Kolkata and Mumbai. During their stay in this land of opportunities, they introduced a number of social reforms. But they did not take any measure to eradicate the Sardari or the jagirdari system. Instead, they strengthened the system by distributing agricultural and non-agricultural lands among their favourites.
This is how a new class with vested interests came into being . This is how big landlords flourished in Punjab and Sindh. Feudal lords commanded position and authority like divine rulers.
Immediately after independence, East Pakistan got rid of the ‘zamindari’ system. There remained no feudals to rule the common mortals. Some analysts suggest that since land in East Pakistan mostly belonged to the Hindus, the new government hastily ended their ownership. This may have been one of the reasons but was not the prime reason.
Unfortunately a divisive trend had appeared in the social structure of the country from very outset. The unhelpful attitude of the successive governments further widened the gap. The rulers sitting in Islamabad could hardly feel the pulse of the people inhabiting a part of the same country but separated from each other by over a thousand miles of hostile territory.
It may be of some relevance to note that India got rid of this menace of sardari, jagirdari and feudal structures from its society in its initial years of independence. Indeed the first thing that the government of India did was to start working on drafting a constitution of free India and the second was to abolish the princely states and contain landlordism.
On the contrary, instead of demolishing the structure of a backward society, we expanded its area of influence. As a result, most legislators came from the feudal class and the situation remains unchanged. Moreover, many of them had relatives in the army and higher bureaucracy. In effect, they controlled the administration of the country and were the absolute rulers.
The stark truth is that no effort was made at any stage to establish a just social order in the country. Dr Mahbubul Haq‘s famous revelation that 22 families were ruling the country has taken a new form now. Many more families have joined the exclusive club of the rich.
Against this backdrop of total lack of accountability, who would have cared to look at the problems of the common people who were at the beck and call of the sardars. It is amazing to note that while some of the leading sardars are highly educated persons with a fairly wide knowledge of world affairs, they would make no effort to improve the condition of their people. A few of them are also known as having been influenced by Marxism. Their children are receiving education in the prestigious institutions of the West.
But they would not allow any school to be opened in their areas. They would oppose the construction of roads and setting up of industries within their territories. Sitting in their highly protected forts with armed guards holding sophisticated weapons in their hands and watching the hapless pedestrians from their rooftops, they merrily rule the roost.
For a long time, their callous ways of interacting with their tribesmen remained hidden from the public. Thanks to the human rights activists, the stories of their private jails have now come to the surface.
Knowing the limitations of common people and the unbridled ambitions of the feudals, it is not difficult to surmise what would be the fate of the Jirga resolutions. Mr Zulkfikar Ali Bhutto, during his hey day, had announced the abolition of the sardari system. People had heaved a sigh of relief. But in the ultimate analysis it proved to be a false hope. The system not only remained intact; it prospered increasing its viciousness. That Bhutto, being a progressive and popularly elected prime minister, failed to abolish the sardari system defies one’s common sense.
The military government fails to understand the complexity of the problem. Batons do not transform a society which has been nourished on falsehood. If the government is sincere in its effort, it will have to act with a sense of realism. The system in whatever deceptive form it is must be eliminated throughout the country. Any half-way measures cannot bring about any real change. Resolutions alone cannot solve this problem. Every government in Pakistan has tried to pamper the ‘maliks‘ who have been instruments of torture to the people. In the assemblies they always sided with the government. Their support was assured. This assurance had a negative impact on the people.
As things have moved in the wrong direction culminating in the death of Akbar Bugti, the future of Balochistan hangs in the balance.
Reference: Encounter, DAWN. 1st week of Sept 2006.