Balochistan blues

August 16th, 2012

Some three days ahead of the rest of the country, the people of Balochistan marked what they said was their independence day. According to some reports, the flag of Pakistan was burnt at some places on this occasion and calls were made hailing an independent Balochistan. August 11 marked the day the state of Kalat announced its independence from British India with its parliament stating that it would be acceding neither to Pakistan nor to India. This was accepted by the British rulers of the colony. Kalat makes up 23 per cent of the population of the territory of Balochistan. The state joined the federation of Pakistan on March 27, 1948 as a result of what the Baloch say was severe military pressure. The Khan of Kalat had acknowledged this.

Since then, dissatisfaction with the federal government’s treatment of the province has resulted in major fallouts, with the insurgency in the early 1970s for greater autonomy readily coming to mind — which was put down ruthlessly through military force. This time, too, arrests were made during the August 11 celebrations, which have been severely criticised by some forces. The problem is that there appears to be no solution in sight. Naveed Qamar, the head of the government’s Balochistan committee, has said that not all Balochs are insurgents and many are patriots. He does not, however, state what has been done to offer development and a sense of belonging to the Baloch people, who have been angered to a considerable extent due to the lack of progress in the province and the failure to share resources equally with them. It is only when these issues will be tackled that we can hope to make any dent in the nationalist uprising in Balochistan.

It is also a fact that the majority of Baloch and Pashtun people living in Balochistan favour far greater provincial autonomy than they enjoy right now, according to a recent survey organised by the British aid agency Department for International Development. The fact that many do not favour a complete breakaway from Pakistan is encouraging and should be used by the centre to bridge the existing trust deficit. This is something to build on. But the process must take place quickly. Too much time has already been lost which is why we face the dire situation that confronts us today.

Caretaker conditions

August 16th, 2012

It is always good to see democracy working smoothly and systematically. The ongoing steps between the government and the opposition to set up a caretaker government, ahead of the general elections, marks such a step forward. For the sake of a smooth electoral process without too many accusations of unfair play being hurled about, it is important that major parties agree on the interim set-up that conducts the election and have complete faith in its neutrality. This can also save people from a great deal of confusion and chaos.

In this sense, the phone call made by Prime Minister Raja Pervaiz Ashraf to Opposition leader Chaudhry Nisar Ali, suggesting a meeting to decide on the caretaker set-up is important. The PPP and the PML-N have already agreed at previous meetings on the matter that the interim government will go into place early November and conduct polls within two and a half months. The constitutionally mandated period is of course 90 days. The terms of the agreement will, as they stand now, take us to a poll sometime in January. Given weather conditions in the north at that time of the year, let us hope the logistics will be sensibly worked out.

Undoubtedly, there will be some bickering during the meetings ahead, on issues like the precise composition of the caretaker set-up. We must hope this can be amicably worked out. It is important that an agreement is reached and caretakers, who are genuinely regarded as neutral by all stakeholders, are put in place so that the election process is a harmonious one without any large obstacles springing up. The expressions of cooperation coming from both sides are encouraging. Let us hope this spirit can continue into the crucial caretaker period, that men and women of integrity and honour can be selected for posts on this panel and that the election itself is conducted in a manner that allows peace and goodwill to prevail so that the positive steps taken now, can continue into the future and our still-unstable democracy strengthened through this crucial process.

Honouring Saadat Hasan Manto

August 16th, 2012

The government’s decision to posthumously award the Nishan-e-Imtiaz to Saadat Hasan Manto — a literary giant whose short stories transcended the genre — gives off a whiff of opportunism. However, both the government and the people should not use the award to gloss over the fact that Manto’s Pakistan and today’s Pakistan bear a lot of resemblances. Manto was put on trial three times by the government for spreading obscenity through his short story “Thanda Gosht” and was penalised for writing something that may have been violent and explicit but served a valuable function by holding up a mirror to the brutal and senseless violence during partition.

Lest we think that Pakistan is different and more enlightened now, keep in mind that just a few days ago, the Supreme Court hauled the Pemra chairman and asked him why there was so much vulgarity on television. The government, too, has been involved in moral policing and has been trying to dictate to citizens what they can or cannot surf on the web. Such censorship would have been anathema to Manto and would most likely have led him to reject any award from the government. It is commendable that the PPP is trying to show its softer and more progressive side by honouring Manto; now it needs to live up to his ideals of freedom and liberty.

There is also a danger that government recognition of Manto’s achievements will end up diluting their impact. This has already happened to some extent in the case of Faiz Ahmed Faiz. A radical poet who existed on the margins of political thought and found much in Pakistan to be angry about has now been turned into a safe, ultra-patriotic figure, who can be loved by a country that often shunned him when he was imprisoned. The same should not happen with Manto, who documented the insanity of the time and place in which he lived. His patriotism was not one of mindless devotion to the country. Rather, he was harshly and brutally critical. Let that not be forgotten.