Time to act
September 14th, 2012
Several inquiry teams have been set up, suo motu notice has been taken and glib promises made about the payment of compensation. At the provincial and federal levels, officialdom has loudly reiterated that those found responsible will face that favourite of governmental red herrings, ‘stern action’. More than 250 people died when a garment manufacturing unit in Karachi’s SITE area turned into a raging inferno; the horror faced by most of the workers in their last moments does not bear thinking of. Can we nurse hopes that their lives were not lost entirely in vain? Could future researchers on labour reform in Pakistan look back at this tragedy as the turning point that caused the sluggish administration to wake up to its responsibilities towards enforcing labour and safety standard laws?
Sadly, if the past is taken as an indicator, the chances are slim. It is in the manner of things in Pakistan that each new tragedy, each preventable accident — even those as heartbreaking as this one — is met with promises of good intentions to fix the system, only to be forgotten within days and weeks as the lethargy returns. Whether it is a road accident that could have been prevented by more stringent tests for road-worthiness, a CNG cylinder explosion that could have been averted had installation and manufacturing taken place under honest governmental oversight, or a building that collapsed because the construction codes were not enforced, the administration’s response is to wait it out until some new outrage forces it to the back of society’s memory.
In cases involving the industrial lobby, groups that have a vested interest in maintaining the status quo — and these are comprised of individuals for whom such tragedies have a monetary, not human, dimension — find the state to be quite compliant and unwilling to improve working conditions for the voiceless labour force. The state’s predilection towards capitulating is quite clear: since the late 1990s, different administrations in Punjab and Sindh bowed before the industrialist lobby and barred inspectors from entering the factory premises to check if safety and other standards mandated by the law were being met. And while Punjab overturned the ban early this year, the dysfunction of the labour inspection system is evident from the similar tragedy that befell workers of a Lahore unit on the same day. The labour inspection system is an essential first step from where workers’ rights issues can be addressed. Will the government ever find the will to stand up in support of the rights and safety of the millions that are its raison d’être?
Fixing accountability
September 14th, 2012
NAB’s appointment of a new adviser to the chairman is a reminder that the agency is often in the news for developments that have little to do with its mandate. Viewed as a body on its way out pending the creation of a new watchdog under a new accountability law, and at the same time considered vulnerable to government influence, the so-called National Accountability Bureau appears to have become largely toothless. Its now-overturned appointment by the attorney general to take the lead in the Arsalan Iftikhar-Malik Riaz case, for example — a matter arguably beyond its jurisdiction — has reinforced the impression that the administration views it as a tool to be used strategically. Restrained from pursuing high-profile cases against those close to the ruling party or against important opposition figures — witness the obstacles it has faced in pur-suing corruption cases against the Sharifs — it has only been able to tackle smaller cases even after the long-awaited appointment of the current chief in October, when the body had been without a chairman for several months. NAB is also dogged by rumours of nepotism, with the chairman having been charged by the body’s own officers — although the petition was later withdrawn — of appointing his favourites in key positions in violation of procedure. From frequent personnel changes to allegations of bias and questions about its relevance, NAB needs an overhaul if it is to be taken seriously as an anti-corruption organisation.
But will the new accountability law being circulated between the ruling party and the opposition do much to change this? Leaks to the media suggest the draft bill goes some way towards creating a more autonomous body; its head would be appointed by a parliamentary commission consisting of both treasury and opposition members. But apparently there are still loopholes such as a bar on investigating foreign assets, a time limit on pursuing cases, no jurisdiction over cases already in process when the law is enacted and protection for acts committed “in good faith”. NAB has already gone from a body seen as aggressively pursuing politically motivated cases to one that isn’t doing much about high-level corruption. Will its replacement be even more ineffectual?
A common platform
September 14th, 2012
A few months after it was reactivated at the national level, the Milli Yakjehti Council held the first major meeting of its Sindh chapter in Karachi on Wednesday. With Qazi Hussain Ahmed heading the grouping of religious parties, participants of the meeting made all the right noises, pledging to combat communal divisions and sectarian terrorism in Pakistan. It is a positive move by religious leaders, especially considering the current noxious atmosphere in the country. Qazi Sahib also clarified that the MYC is not an election alliance. The former Jamaat-i-Islami chief has long been trying to bring together different Muslim factions; the MYC is an interesting mix of Shia and Sunni parties, including representatives of various sub-groups. It was symbolic to hold the moot in Karachi, bearing in mind the city’s recent history of sectarian strife. Perhaps the council should also meet in other hot spots across Pakistan where communal violence is threatening the social fabric. The MYC also passed a resolution condemning sectarian killings in Karachi, Quetta and Gilgit-Baltistan.
But beyond condemnations, the men of the cloth need to take practical steps to help stem the seemingly unstoppable tide of hatred and bigotry that is sweeping this country. The council must address the root causes of sectarian violence: the spread of hate material and the existence of sectarian militias. The ulema must devise a code of conduct that comes down hard on preachers who use the pulpit or the media to fan the flames of hatred, especially when it comes to declaring others kafirs or non-believers. Also, the mainstream clergy needs to rein in sectarian militants; while some ulema indeed have no control over these elements, there are certain figures within the MYC whom the militants look up to. The MYC’s efficacy will only be proved if it can make progress on these two critical fronts.