Meeting Baloch grievances
Monday,June 18, 2007
TEN months after Nawab Akbar Bugti’s death in the military operation in Bhambore hills, the militancy in Balochistan shows no signs of abating. The Governor’s warning and the round-up of suspects on Friday are just two indications of the kind of situation prevailing in Balochistan. Evidently, after a brief period of demoralisation following Mr Bugti’s death, the militants have regained confidence and are showing renewed vigour. Speaking to newsmen on Friday, Chief Minister Mir Jam Mohammad Yousuf warned of a crackdown “on elements behind Thursday’s night attack”. He was referring to the death of 10 soldiers in a deadly ambush in the Zarghoon area, for which the Balochistan Liberation Army has claimed responsibility. So far 28 persons have been detained and more are likely to be arrested as three investigation teams get to work to trace out the militants behind the deadly attack. This is part of what the chief minister called “a comprehensive plan” formulated to flush out the extremists. He also claimed that the attack was launched at the behest of those political elements “who have been hurling threats” of this nature. Unfortunately, over the last several years this kind of approach has not helped matters.
Since the full-blown insurgency began in March 2005 in the Bugti area, the government has relied mostly on force to seek a solution to what is basically a political problem stemming from Balochistan’s economic backwardness. Even though mostly a desert, the province is not without its economic assets, foremost being minerals, including gas, copper and gold. Besides, there are fisheries resources and a tourism potential that has so far remained unexploited. Agriculture remains primitive, there are hardly any industries, the rate of literacy is low and the middle class is small. Besides, no government has made any serious efforts to break the hold of sardars, who have a vested interest in the continuation of the socio-economic status quo characterised by a monopolisation of economic and political power by feudals, who keep their own people in serfdom. Mr Bhutto abolished the sardari system, but the Zia government restored it. The result is that Balochistan’s cause is championed by sardars, who often compromise with the government for personal gains or fight among themselves to settle scores. Balochistan has a string of small fishing ports — Sonmiani, Ormara, Jivani and Gwadar — but it has taken successive governments nearly 60 years to finally think of turning Gwadar into a major harbour. However, the Baloch fear that they may be denied their share of jobs in Gwadar’s development, adding to their sense of grievance at a time when the presence of hundreds of thousands of Afghan refugees in their midst has created demographic pressures on Baloch society.
A relevant question here is the quantum of provincial autonomy as enshrined in the Constitution. The Baloch want a revision of the relevant clauses to give the province greater autonomy. Besides, they allege that even the existing quantum of provincial autonomy is denied to them. Some time back, two parliamentary committees met a cross-section of Baloch politicians and made some useful recommendations. However, nothing has been heard about the proposals for a long time, and progress seems to have come to a halt, confirming some Baloch leaders in their view that all political options have been denied to them and they have no choice but to take up arms.