31-07-2013
History & controversy: Presidential election
IT was, in the end, a result that the numbers had suggested was inevitable in the wake of May 11: the PML-N candidate cantered to victory in the presidential election yesterday. President-elect Mamnoon Hussain is now the final piece in what has, despite waves of controversy and occasional uncertainty, been a relatively smooth, and certainly significant, transition of power. May democracy live long and prosper. Before turning to the controversial nature of yesterday`s election, it is worth reflecting on who the candidate put forward by the PML-N is and what signal it was meant to send. The N-League government has rightly been criticised for the overwhelmingly Punjabi, and within that Lahori, roots of the individuals it has assigned high-profile jobs to and the presidential election was an opportunity to improve its record. Among the less-populous provinces, Balochistan had already seen a significant concession by the PML-N when it offered the chief ministership to another party, while in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the PML-N resisted the urge, and pleadings of potential allies, to try and form its own coalition in the province. Sindh, where the PML-N`s presence is negligible, was the province to which no significant gesture had been made ― until Mr Hussain`s candidacy for president was announced. At least at the outset of the presidential election, then, the PML-N`s choices deserved credit.
Then came the wholly unnecessary and still quite puzzling controversy. It is not clear, even now, why the PML-N was so opposed to the original election schedule announced by the ECP nor why the Supreme Court was so keen to weigh in on this issue and swiftly announce a court order that has attracted significant criticism. No one has emerged unscathed from this most peculiar of kerfuffles: not the ECP, not the PML-N, not the PPP or the PTI, and certainly not the court. Once again it appears that a miscalculation or miscue by one side triggered a cascade effect that no side foresaw or perhaps wanted.
Still, the controversy cannot eclipse an overall gain for the democratic project. A president-elect is now among us, waiting to be sworn in to an office whose lack of powers has rendered it politically acceptable and non-controversial. Some complaints from the periphery notwithstanding, there is immense support for a parliamentary form of democracy in which the president is purely a figurehead. That choice may be theoretically imperfect, but the practice of democracy wholly endorses it here. President-elect Hussain must turn now to serving the country with dignity and grace.

Numbing paralysis ― again: Raid on DI Khan jail
IT was along the lines of shock and awe: residents of Dera Ismail Khan were jolted awake around 11pm on Monday night by a massive explosion followed by a series of blasts and gunfire. The area surrounding the Central Jail― located in a peopled area adjacent to a hospital and a school― was plunged into darkness as members of the TTP took out electricity transformers, set ambushes and fought their way in, firing rocket-propelled grenades and machine guns. Inside, they called out over loudspeakers the names of those they were there for. How many escaped is being disputed: KP chief minister Pervez Khattak has said that the figure is around 175, including 35 hard-core militants; the TTP claim 300, and other intelligence reports put the figure at over 230. Meanwhile, the raiders` organised brutality is evident in that, notwithstanding the chaos, some Shia prisoners were identified and killed.
If the audacity of the attack is breathtaking, so is the fact that despite a similar assault on Bannu jail last year, the authorities were so easily caught out again ― even though, this time, provincial security and administrative authorities had intelligence that a raid on the internment facility was imminent. Increasingly, the militant network appears an organised, emboldened and well-armed force running rings around a sluggish, even inept, security network. The PTI-led provincial government has, like the centre, failed to formulate any sort of policy towards countering militancy. The KP administration has not even gone as far as owning the war. This head-in-the-sand approach can only boost the confidence of the militants, while demoralising the people that resist them. It may well be that the militants are changing their tactics to springing their men out of jail as opposed to negotiating with the government for their release. This necessitates an urgent fortification of detention centres, not just in KP but across the country. Perhaps even more importantly, it necessitates the recognition that it is the state of Pakistan itself that is under assault.

Perception and reality: MQM and the media
AS far as Pakistani media is concerned, the discourse about the MQM has changed significantly over the past few years. Today, both print and electronic media outlets seem to be pushing the envelope ― as far as local standards are concerned ― by carrying stories related to allegations of political violence and strong-arm tactics that have long swirled around the Muttahida. Perhaps even a few short years ago, such discussions would not have been possible. A lot of this has to do with changing global media trends; now, it is perfectly normal for international media outlets to pick up issues related to local politics and discuss them threadbare, as the British media has done with allegations linking Altaf Hussain with money laundering and incitement to violence. However, the party`s response has not evolved with the times; the allegations have been dismissed by the MQM machinery as `baseless` and `fake propaganda`.
Instead of addressing theissues squarely in a more measured tone, such reactions come across as evasive. The Muttahida, and all other political parties in Pakistan, must realise that today, everything is under the microscope and instead of simply brushing accusations under the carpet, these must be addressed.
The media focus on the MQM has also sparked a debate on what shape Karachi`s political situation will take should Altaf Hussain no longer remain the party leader. The Muttahida is highly centralised with Mr Hussain calling the shots, and senior leaders have rejected a `minus Altaf` formula. However, it would be legitimate to ask if an empowered secondtier leadership would be ready to steer the party ― and the city of Karachi ― out of choppy waters should the need arise. There is too much at stake to simply let the chips fall where they may ― the MQM needs to meaningfully plan ahead lest crisis suddenly engulf its top leadership.

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LAIS-AL-INSANA ILA MA SA-AA