Friday, January 03, 2014
Security: mere words
THE National Security Council will be strengthened, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif declared on Wednesday — a statement that raises more questions than it answers. Perhaps the prime minister misspoke in referring to the NSC, for when the Defence Committee of the Cabinet was restructured in August, the NSC terminology was specifically avoided and what was birthed instead was the Cabinet Committee on National Security. The difference, presumably, was because of the civilians’ long-standing reluctance to institutionalise the security establishment’s role in the crafting of security and foreign policies, at least in a body like the NSC, which would operate alongside rather than under the cabinet. Since the CCNS is viewed as a compromise NSC, the prime minister’s misstatement could be seen as merely a slip of the tongue. Except, it does raise questions about the seriousness with which the government is working on a new security architecture and policy of the country. For if even the name of the body tasked with overseeing national security policy is misspoken, what does that say about the quality of the discussions within it?
More importantly, how, exactly, does this government intend to go about reorienting national security? Mr Sharif has repeatedly stated that the central planks of his security and foreign policies are better ties with neighbouring countries and an emphasis on trade. That means a focus on resetting ties with Afghanistan and India, while ending the domestic militancy and terrorism threat. But when it comes to taking meaningful steps towards those goals, the PML-N has had little to offer so far. Even the latest step it has taken on the dialogue front with the TTP is more bewildering than reassuring, with few able to understand how Samiul Haq’s induction as an interlocutor between the government and the TTP will work alongside the other channels the government had shown interest in following.
To expect some major overhaul in six months of policy problems that are as complicated as they are old would be unrealistic. But it is the lack of initiative and ideas on the government’s part that is truly worrying. On Wednesday, Mr Sharif touted his government’s attempts to facilitate talks between the Afghan Taliban and the Karzai government — but then in late November Mr Sharif had to stand next to Mr Karzai in Kabul and pledge to allow Afghan officials to meet Mullah Baradar months after he had been allegedly released by the Pakistani state. Everything the government claims to be pursuing on the security- and foreign-policy fronts seems to be rehashed versions of previous attempts that no government was really able to follow through on. Where there is originality — as with Mr Sharif’s unquestioned desire to rapidly normalise ties with India — there are just words and meetings. Change will only come if the prime minister is willing to back up words with actions.
Acquitted, but still in jail
BASHIR Bhatti, a 70-year-old inmate at Adiala Jail, could have been out four years ago if the Lahore High Court bench which acquitted him on July 30, 2009 had enough time to write down the ruling. The order was never written and while the following day has been hailed as a defining moment in the country’s history, it had grave repercussions for the accused in this instance. On July 31, 2009, the Supreme Court ordered the judiciary purged of those who had taken oath under the Provisional Constitution Order of November 2007. The two judges who had acquitted Mr Bhatti in a murder case, unfortunately, carried the ‘PCO’ stigma and made their exit. Their unfinished business included the drafting of the judgement that would have set Mr Bhatti free. His lawyer says the appeal will now have to be heard afresh, meaning an extension in the uncertain period for the accused.
This is a glaring example of justice denied, even at a time when the drums were beating in celebration of Pakistan’s advance towards an independent judiciary and rule of law. The accused here has been punished for events he had no control over. He was an appellant looking for relief, regardless of the reputation of the judges. He did not have the freedom to choose a bench of his liking. He moved court, as the court then existed. If anything, the much-maligned PCO judges would appear to him to be the providers of justice as opposed to the judiciary revived or born of the July 31 order, which has paid him no attention since. There may be others like him affected by the sudden change in judges, overlooked by the charged reformists under the leadership of then chief justice Iftikhar Chaudhry. Bashir Bhatti has been in jail for more than a decade, which is a long period for a case to be decided. Meanwhile, the grand title of an independent judiciary will ring hollow if it does not entail efficiency by adjudicators at all tiers. Someone has to take the blame for this serious oversight. More importantly, someone has to look into it and see if there are any more like Bashir Bhatti and ensure justice for them without further delay.
Bloody beginning
WHILE most of the world welcomed 2014 with celebrations, Pakistan rang in the New Year with a deadly suicide bombing in Quetta on Wednesday. A vehicle loaded with explosives rammed into a bus in the outskirts of the Balochistan capital carrying Shia pilgrims returning from Iran. As per reports on Thursday, three of the victims had died while several more were injured. The atrocity illustrates that while dates may change and there may be highs and lows in violence, in Pakistan very little changes where the ongoing wave of religious and sectarian terrorism is concerned and the threat it poses to society. It shows that militants are as unrepentant as ever and willing to shed innocent blood to carry forward their agenda — fuelling sectarian hatred in this case. Authorities from the president and prime minister on down have expressed shock over the incident. But much more than outrage and sympathy is required to neutralise the killers that have drenched this country in blood.
For the last couple of years, Balochistan’s roads and highways have become open hunting grounds for terrorists; pilgrims were also targeted in 2011’s bus ambush in Mastung. While the new government in Balochistan has taken steps to increase security, such as providing escorts to buses, clearly more needs to be done. After all, when IEDs or suicide bombers are involved, there is little that escort vehicles can do; a vehicle was tagging the ill-fated bus on Wednesday but obviously could not prevent the bombing. The apparent remedy is to strike at the root of the problem. The security establishment has a fair idea about the whereabouts and bases of sectarian and religious militants in Balochistan, especially considering the thick security blanket over the province. The infrastructure of terror needs to be dismantled while better intelligence is required to prevent future atrocities. Balochistan’s terrorism problem will not be solved overnight; however, if the authorities continue to look the other way while the killers go about their business with impunity, more tragedies can be expected.