Saturday, January 04, 2014
Justice and generals
The irony of Pervez Musharraf now being the one to cut a deal to avoid jail time would be delicious were it not so tragic. There will invariably be many who draw comparisons between Musharraf’s current situation and that of Nawaz Sharif, who came to an agreement with Musharraf to be exiled in Saudi Arabia. But there is one crucial difference which should never be forgotten. Nawaz was a democratically-elected leader who had to face the ‘justice’ of a dictator; Musharraf is now in the dock for legitimate reasons. Make no mistake about it: Musharraf seems likely to evade justice. From his conveniently timed heart issues to his admission in a military hospital and the opportune timing of a visit by the Saudi foreign minister, all the pieces are in place for Musharraf to get off scot-free. Expect his lawyer to show up in court on Monday waving a medical report advising that he be sent abroad for treatment. And then expect him to never return to the country again. It seems as if Musharraf was at least partly right when he said he had the entire army behind him. The events of the last few days have the fingerprints of the military all over them. The ISPR could have rubbished Musharraf’s comments but it chose to remain conspicuously silent and it is noteworthy that Musharraf fled immediately to a military hospital. It was always said that the military would never let ‘one of their own’ face civilian justice. The conventional wisdom appears to have been correct.
The last hope for those who want Musharraf to face the consequences of his ruinous dictatorial rule is that the Islamabad High Court judge will refuse to take Musharraf off the Exit Control List and that the interior ministry will not defy the court’s orders. It is an increasingly forlorn hope. No military dictator has ever faced accountability for his blatant violation of the constitution and now Musharraf probably will not be the first. It says much about the power of the military that a man who has no friends in government or the judiciary and is so obviously guilty of the treason case instituted against him can still evade justice. The one scant consolation we can take is that at least Musharraf returned to the country and got to experience first-hand just how irrelevant and unpopular he had become. For a man of his considerable ego that had to be at least a little chastening. Now we as a nation will have to move past Musharraf and hope that even if prison isn’t in his future at least he won’t darken our doors again.
Altaf’s demand
The tone of MQM chief Altaf Hussain has become bitter and harder over the last few months as he and his party leaders face Scotland Yard investigations of possible money laundering in London. With signs of some desperation creeping in, Altaf Hussain has been talking of the post-Altaf scenario. On Friday he seemed to have lost all patience and restraint and spoke on issues for which his party has been severely criticised in the past – the division of Sindh on ethnic lines. Speaking to his supporters via telephone in Hyderabad, the MQM chief raised the spectre of a new province in Sindh, a Mohajir province, without mincing any words. He even warned that if his demands were not met the matter could go even further – to a break up of Pakistan and an independent Mohajir state. Altaf’s tone was threatening and he talked of the ultimate Mohajir card that MQM can use if its demands were not met. He talked of a 50-50 share in Sindh, a demand that has been raised for the first time as Altaf Hussain now claims that Urdu-speaking people are almost equal in numbers or even more than Sindhis and have been denied their rights. He also took up the Musharraf case forcefully and strongly defended the former military dictator, saying that Musharraf was being targeted because he was an Urdu-speaking person. These issues are critical indeed, but coming from the leader of a political party which has been in power in the centre and in Sindh under almost every government – civilian or military – raises some key questions about the motives behind Altaf’s talk of dividing the province, and possibly the country, at this particular juncture.
It is true that the government in Sindh has denied the MQM its right to run local governments by not holding the local bodies polls for many years. Yet, the MQM remained a coalition partner of the PPP all that while and only separated a few months ago. LB polls have not been held in other provinces as well and the matter is a hot political potato, which is being handled by provincial governments in manners that suit their political and vested interests. In Sindh the price is being paid by the MQM to some extent, but that does not mean the MQM should become so desperate that it starts talking of dividing a province and the country. Altaf Hussain should realise that by doing so he will only lend credence to the fears and allegations of all those who have been accusing the MQM of dreaming of separating Karachi from the province and even the country. In a democratic setup, which has now been in place since 2008 elections, going this far and in such a manner is not good politics. The immediate reaction from Sindh and other political forces has been one of shock and condemnation. The MQM should show some restraint and like others try to work within the system so that the entire political applecart is not overturned. Altaf Hussain has already said he will not return, but his supporters may be the biggest losers, besides Pakistan.