Parliament rises to the occasion
The lines drawn in times of crises can be self-defeating. Often, the voice that is drowned out amidst the commotion is the one really worth listening to; but unfortunately it is heard only when the crisis has crescendoed to a point where it is perhaps too late. One hopes this is not the case when it comes to Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI)’s dissident president Javed Hashmi, who on September 2, delivered as stern a message to the entire political system of the country. Hashmi’s speech during the joint session of Parliament should serve as an eye-opener for all sides involved in this current crisis. He lashed out at what he termed the ineffectiveness of the Parliament and its members’ preoccupation with personal political battles instead of serving the people who elected and sent them there. The Parliament, he said, is indeed the most supreme and sacred of institutions, but it hasn’t been used to alleviate the troubles of millions of Pakistanis as it should. Instead, it has, for years, been used by those in power to serve political ends — as it is currently being used. “Prime ministers, once elected, wish that Parliament would just disappear,” thundered an emotional Hashmi. No one will disagree with that. Respect for institutions, no matter how sacred, will not simply stem from grand superlatives and lofty ideals, or from repetition of their sanctity, but from efficiency and indeed efficacy in the eyes of the people they are meant to serve. This is particularly so in a country such as Pakistan, which suffers from multiple socio-economic afflictions.
The seasoned politician from Multan lost his place in the PTI because he went public with his disagreement with the party chief’s strategy during this now 19-day protest, but he stepped onto the floor of the Assembly to effectively present Imran Khan’s case — and voiced concerns with the decorum of the current government. He urged caution and reformation — particularly in the way Parliament is run and how the prime minister conducts himself. Some of the speeches that came before him took aim at Imran Khan, who is technically still a member of the National Assembly. Many of the points raised against him were personal and political attacks — particularly by his arch-rival Maulana Fazlur Rehman, who called for Imran to be tried for treason. But Hashmi urged that the Parliament should not attempt to corner and isolate Imran Khan, pointing to his genuine support amongst millions. Defending the PTI chief, he said that the one that should be put on trial should not be Imran Khan, but Parliament itself. One may disagree with Imran Khan’s methods and words, but the answer to how the current crisis will be resolved will not come from attacking the PTI chief. The Parliament needs to play a bigger role than that.
The support put forward for beleaguered Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif for the sake of democracy and democratic principles — as Aitzaz Ahsan beautifully articulated in his speech — is very welcome. He is, after all, the elected prime minister. But, let it not end at this. Let Parliament step forward as a platform that is not simply used to prop up a government and attack dissident forces at times of crisis. Let Parliament come forward and resolve this and remind the country why it is so sacred and important. Thus far, the army and the Supreme Court have tried to play a role in solving this matter. For one, this is the job of neither, and least of all to offer directions to an elected government. The army has too long had a political role, and while its current stand supporting democracy (though not, as some would say, in 1958, 1977 and 1999) is commendable, it is perhaps not for them to advise an elected government on political matters — particularly in public statements on policy issues such as time frames for resolution of issues and whether or not force should be used, such as the ones we have seen of late. It will be said that there were failed attempts by political players to resolve this matter. While these efforts are commendable, they have come from the platform of political parties thus far. Parliament as an institution has thus far done little but pass resolutions in favour and against people. Let the rut end at this critical hour.
An even stronger Erdogan
Turkey has a new president. Recep Tayyip Erdogan was sworn in on August 28, becoming the first Turkish president to be elected by popular vote. He had served three terms as prime minister and has said that he will arrogate greater power to the office, which had hitherto been entirely ceremonial. He was voted to the post by a slim majority and today he leads a deeply polarised country. Uniting his countrymen and women will be a formidable challenge, but he is by far the most successful politician in the modern era in Turkey. His many critics say that his extension of presidential powers will only make him more authoritarian — and he already has a well-founded reputation as an authoritarian ruler. Members of the opposition parties walked out of the inauguration in protest, a less-than-promising start to the healing process. As he took the presidential oath he vowed to protect Turkish ‘independence and integrity, to honour the constitution and adhere to the principles of the founder of modern Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.’
It is those secular principles on which Ataturk reshaped the country that many in the Opposition see as being threatened by what they see as Islamist leanings by Erdogan. He is not popular with many of his European neighbours and no Western European country sent a head of state to the Erdogan inauguration, and the US sent a low-ranking representative from its Ankara embassy — seen by some as a snub. As the ceremony concluded, the police were using water cannon to disperse protesters in Istanbul. Polarised Turkey may be politically, but there is no doubt that under Erdogan, the economy has been rejuvenated and Turkey has moved from a ‘hands off’ position in respect of foreign policy to playing an active part in events surrounding the Arab Spring. Mr Erdogan has the solid support of the conservative middle class that are the most obvious beneficiaries of his years as prime minister, but it is the 48 per cent of the Turkish people that did not vote for him that form the mountain he has yet to climb.
Published in The Express Tribune, September 3rd, 2014.